[Thatcher Introduction]: ROME, with the end of the third Punic war, 146 B. C., had
completely conquered the last of the civilized world. The best authority for this period
of her history is Polybius. He was born in Arcadia, in 204 B. C., and died in 122 B. C.
Polybius was an officer of the Achaean League, which sought by federating the Peloponnesus
to make it strong enough to keep its independence against the Romans, but Rome was already
too strong to be resisted, and arresting a thousand of the most influential members, sent
them to Italy to await trial for conspiracy. Polybius had the good fortune, during
seventeen years exile, to be allowed to live with the Scipios. He was present at the
destructions of Carthage and Corinth, in 146 B. C., and did more than anyone else to get
the Greeks to accept the inevitable Roman rule. Polybius is the most reliable, but not the
most brilliant, of ancient historians.
An Analysis of the Roman
Government:
THE THREE kinds of government, monarchy, aristocracy and democracy, were all found
united in the commonwealth of Rome. And so even was the balance between them all, and so
regular the administration that resulted from their union, that it was no easy thing to
determine with assurance, whether the entire state was to be estimated an aristocracy, a
democracy, or a monarchy. For if they turned their view upon the power of the consuls, the
government appeared to be purely monarchical and regal. If, again, the authority of the
senate was considered, it then seemed to wear the form of aristocracy. And, lastly, if
regard was to be had to the share which the people possessed in the administration of
affairs, it could then scarcely fail to be denominated a popular state. The several powers
that were appropriated to each of these distinct branches of the constitution at the time
of which we are speaking, and which, with very little variation, are even still preserved,
are these which follow.
The consuls, when they remain in Rome, before they lead out the armies into the field,
are the masters of all public affairs. For all other magistrates, the tribunes alone
excepted, are subject to them, and bound to obey their commands. They introduce
ambassadors into the senate. They propose also to the senate the subjects of debates; and
direct all forms that are observed in making the decrees. Nor is it less a part of their
office likewise, to attend to those affairs that are transacted by the people; to call
together general assemblies; to report to them the resolutions of the senate; and to
ratify whatever is determined by the greater number. In all the preparations that are made
for war, as well as in the whole administration in the field, they possess an almost
absolute authority. For to them it belongs to impose upon the allies whatever services
they judge expedient; to appoint the military tribunes; to enroll the legions, and make
the necessary levies, and to inflict punishments in the field, upon all that are subject
to their command. Add to this, that they have the power likewise to expend whatever sums
of money they may think convenient from the public treasury; being attended for that
purpose by a quaestor; who is always ready to receive and execute their orders. When any
one therefore, directs his view to this part of the constitution, it is very reasonable
for him to conclude that this government is no other than a simple royalty. Let me only
observe, that if in some of these particular points, or in those that will hereafter be
mentioned, any change should be either now remarked, or should happen at some future time,
such an alteration will not destroy the general principles of this discourse.
To the senate belongs, in the first place, the sole care and management of the public
money. For all returns that are brought into the treasury, as well as all the payments
that are issued from it, are directed by their orders. Nor is it allowed to the quaestors
to apply any part of the revenue to particular occasions as they arise, without a decree
of the senate; those sums alone excepted. which are expended in the service of the
consuls. And even those more general, as well as greatest disbursements, which are
employed at the return every five years, in building and repairing the public edifices,
are assigned to the censors for that purpose, by the express permission of the senate. To
the senate also is referred the cognizance of all the crimes, committed in any part of
Italy, that demand a public examination and inquiry: such as treasons, conspiracies,
poisonings, and assassinations. Add to this, that when any controversies arise, either
between private men, or any of the cities of Italy, it is the part of the senate to adjust
all disputes; to censure those that are deserving of blame: and to yield assistance to
those who stand in need of protection and defense. When any embassies are sent out of
Italy; either to reconcile contending states; to offer exhortations and advice; or even,
as it sometimes happens, to impose commands; to propose conditions of a treaty; or to make
a denunciation of war; the care and conduct of all these transactions is entrusted wholly
to the senate. When any ambassadors also arrive in Rome, it is the senate likewise that
determines how they shall be received and treated, and what answer shall be given to their
demands.
In all these things that have now been mentioned, the people has no share. To those,
therefore, who come to reside in Rome during the absence of the consuls, the government
appears to be purely aristocratic. Many of the Greeks, especially, and of the foreign
princes, are easily led into this persuasion: when they perceive that almost all the
affairs, which they are forced to negotiate with the Romans, are determined by the senate.
And now it may well be asked, what part is left to the people in this government: since
the senate, on the one hand, is vested with the sovereign power, in the several instances
that have been enumerated, and more especially in all things that concern the management
and disposal of the public treasure; and since the consuls, on the other hand, are
entrusted with the absolute direction of the preparations that are made for war, and
exercise an uncontrolled authority on the field. There is, however, a part still allotted
to the people; and, indeed, the most important part. For, first, the people are the sole
dispensers of rewards and punishments; which are the only bands by which states and
kingdoms, and, in a word, all human societies, are held together. For when the difference
between these is overlooked, or when they are distributed without due distinction, nothing
but disorder can ensue. Nor is it possible, indeed, that the government should be
maintained if the wicked stand in equal estimation with the good. The people, then, when
any such offences demand such punishment, frequently condemn citizens to the payment of a
fine: those especially who have been invested with the dignities of the state. To the
people alone belongs the right to sentence any one to die. Upon this occasion they have a
custom which deserves to be mentioned with applause. The person accused is allowed to
withdraw himself in open view, and embrace a voluntary banishment, if only a single tribe
remains that has not yet given judgment; and is suffered to retire in safety to Praeneste,
Tibur, Naples, or any other of the confederate cities. The public magistrates are allotted
also by the people to those who are esteemed worthy of them: and these are the noblest
rewards that any government can bestow on virtue. To the people belongs the power of
approving or rejecting laws and, which is still of greater importance, peace and war are
likewise fixed by their deliberations. When any alliance is concluded, any war ended, or
treaty made; to them the conditions are referred, and by them either annulled or ratified.
And thus again, from a view of all these circumstances, it might with reason be imagined,
that the people had engrossed the largest portion of the government, and that the state
was plainly a democracy.
Such are the parts of the administration, which are distinctly assigned to each of the
three forms of government, that are united in the commonwealth of Rome. It now remains to
be considered, in what manner each several form is enabled to counteract the others, or to
cooperate with them.
When the consuls, invested with the power that has been mentioned, lead the armies into
the field, though they seem, indeed, to hold such absolute authority as is sufficient for
all purposes, yet are they in truth so dependent both on the senate and the people, that
without their assistance they are by no means able to accomplish any design. It is well
known that armies demand a continual supply of necessities. But neither corn, nor habits,
nor even the military stipends, can at any time be transmitted to the legions unless by an
express order of the senate. Any opposition, therefore, or delay, on the part of this
assembly, is sufficient always to defeat the enterprises of the generals. It is the
senate, likewise, that either compels the consuls to leave their designs imperfect, or
enables them to complete the projects which they have formed, by sending a successor into
each of their several provinces, upon the expiration of the annual term, or by continuing
them in the same command. The senate also has the power to aggrandize and amplify the
victories that are gained, or, on the contrary, to depreciate and debase them. For that
which is called among the Romans a triumph, in which a sensible representation of the
actions of the generals is exposed in solemn procession to the view of all the citizens,
can neither be exhibited with due pomp and splendor, nor, indeed, be in any other manner
celebrated, unless the consent of the senate be first obtained, together with the sums
that are requisite for the expense. Nor is it less necessary, on the other hand, that the
consuls, how soever far they may happen to be removed from Rome, should be careful to
preserve the good affections of the people. For the people, as we have already mentioned,
annuls or ratifies all treaties. But that which is of greatest moment is that the consuls,
at the time of laying down their office are bound to submit their past administration to
the judgment of the people. And thus these magistrates can at no time think themselves
secure, if they neglect to gain the approbation both of the senate and the people.
In the same manner the senate also, though invested with so great authority, is bound
to yield a certain attention to the people, and to act in concert with them in all affairs
that are of great importance. With regard especially to those offences that are committed
against the state, and which demand a capital punishment, no inquiry can be perfected, nor
any judgment carried into execution, unless the people confirm what the senate has before
decreed. Nor are the things which more immediately regard the senate itself less subject
than the same control. For if a law should at any time be proposed to lessen the received
authority of the senators, to detract from their honors and pre-eminence, or even deprive
them of a part of their possessions, it belongs wholly to the people to establish or
reject it. And even still more, the interposition of a single tribune is sufficient, not
only to suspend the deliberations of the senate, but to prevent them also from holding any
meeting or assembly. Now the peculiar office of the tribunes is to declare those
sentiments that are most pleasing to the people: and principally to promote their
interests and designs. And thus the senate, on account of all these reasons, is forced to
cultivate the favor and gratify the inclinations of the people.
The people again, on their part, are held in dependence on the senate, both to the
particular members, and to the general body. In every part of Italy there are works of
various kinds, which are let to farm by the censors, such are the building or repairing of
the public edifices, which are almost innumerable; the care of rivers, harbors, mines and
lands; every thing, in a word, that falls beneath the dominion of the Romans. In all these
things the people are the undertakers: inasmuch as there are scarcely any to be found that
are not in some way involved, either in the contracts, or in the management of the works.
For some take the farms of the censors at a certain price; others become partners with the
first. Some, again, engage themselves as sureties for the farmers; and others, in support
also of these sureties, pledge their own fortunes to the state. Now, the supreme direction
of all these affairs is placed wholly in the senate. The senate has the power to allot a
longer time, to lighten the conditions of the agreement, in case that any accident has
intervened, or even to release the contractors from their bargain, if the terms should be
found impracticable. There are also many other circumstances in which those that are
engaged in any of the public works may be either greatly injured or greatly benefited by
the senate; since to this body, as we have already observed, all things that belong to
these transactions are constantly referred. But there is still another advantage of much
greater moment. For from this order, likewise, judges are selected, in almost every
accusation of considerable weight, whether it be of a public or private nature. The
people, therefore, being by these means held under due subjection and restraint, and
doubtful of obtaining that protection, which they foresee that they may at some time want,
are always cautious of exciting any opposition to the measures of the senate. Nor are
they, on the other hand, less ready to pay obedience to the orders of the consuls; through
the dread of that supreme authority, to which the citizens in general, as well as each
particular man, are obnoxious in the field.
Thus, while each of these separate parts is enabled either to assist or obstruct the
rest, the government, by the apt contexture of them all in the general frame, is so well
secured against every accident, that it seems scarcely possible to invent a more perfect
system. For when the dread of any common danger, that threatens from abroad, constrains
all the orders of the state to unite together, and co-operate with joint assistance; such
is the strength of the republic that as, on the one hand, no measures that are necessary
are neglected, while all men fix their thoughts upon the present exigency; so neither is
it possible, on the other hand, that their designs should at any time be frustrated
through the want of due celerity, because all in general, as well as every citizen in
particular, employ their utmost efforts to carry what has been determined into execution.
Thus the government, by the very form and peculiar nature of its constitution, is equally
enabled to resist all attacks, and to accomplish every purpose. And when again all
apprehensions of foreign enemies are past, and the Romans being now settled in
tranquility, and enjoying at their leisure all the fruits of victory, begin to yield to
the seduction of ease and plenty, and, as it happens usually in such conjunctures, become
haughty and ungovernable; then chiefly may we observe in what manner the same constitution
likewise finds in itself a remedy against the impending danger. For whenever either of the
separate parts of the republic attempts to exceed its proper limits, excites contention
and dispute, and struggles to obtain a greater share of power, than that which is assigned
to it by the laws, it is manifest, that since no one single part, as we have shown in this
discourse, is in itself supreme or absolute, but that on the contrary, the powers which
are assigned to each are still subject to reciprocal control, the part, which thus
aspires, must soon be reduced again within its own just bounds, and not be suffered to
insult or depress the rest. And thus the several orders, of which the state is framed, are
forced always to maintain their due position: being partly counter-worked in their
designs; and partly also restrained from making any attempt, by the dread of falling under
that authority to which they are exposed.
***
The Military Institutions of the Romans: As soon as the consuls are declared, the
military tribunes are next appointed. Of these, fourteen are taken from the citizens who
have carried arms in five campaigns; and ten more from those who completed ten. For every
citizen, before he arrives at the age of forty-six, is obliged to serve either ten years
in the cavalry, or sixteen in the infantry: those alone excepted who are placed by the
censors below the rate of four hundred drachmae; and who are all reserved for the
service of the sea. In the case of any pressing danger the time of continuing in the
infantry is extended to twenty years. No citizen is permitted by the laws to sue for any
magistracy before he has completed the serving of ten campaigns.
When the enrollments are to be made the consuls give notice before to the people of a
certain day, upon which all the Romans that are of sufficient age are required to attend.
This is done every year. And when the day arrives, and the men all appear at Rome, and are
assembled afterwards in the Capitol, the tribunes of the youngest order divide themselves,
as they are appointed either by the consuls or the people, into four separate bodies. For
this division corresponds with the first and general distribution of all the forces into
four separate legions. Of these tribunes, therefore, the four first named are assigned to
the first legion; the three next to the second; the following four to the third; and the
last three appointed to the fourth. Of the tribunes of the oldest order the two that are
first named are placed in the first legion; the three second in the second; the two that
follow in the third; and the remaining three in the fourth. By this distribution and
division an equal number of commanders is allotted to each legion.
When this is done, the tribunes of each legion, having taken their seats apart, draw
out the tribes one by one by lot; and calling to them that upon which the lot first falls,
they select from it four young men, as nearly equal as is possible in age and stature. And
when these are brought forward from the rest, the tribunes of the first legion first
choose one; then those of the second a second; those of the third take the third; and
those of the fourth the last. After these four more are made to approach. And now the
tribunes of the second legion first make their choice; then those of the rest in order;
and last of all the tribunes of the first. In the same manner again, from the next four
that follow, the tribunes of the third legion choose the first; and those of the second
the last. And thus, by observing the same method of rotation to the end, it happens that
the legions, with respect to the men of which they are composed are all alike and equal.
The number allotted to each legion is four thousand and two hundred; and sometimes five
thousand, when any great and unusual danger is foreseen. After these had been thus
selected it was anciently the custom to choose the cavalry; and to add two hundred
horsemen to each four thousand of the infantry But in the present times, the citizens, of
whom the cavalry is composed, are first enrolled; having been before appointed by the
censors, according to the rate of their revenue; and three hundred are assigned to every
legion.
When the enrollments are in this manner finished, the tribunes having assembled
together in separate bodies the soldiers of their respective legions, choose out a man
that seems most proper for the purpose, and make him swear in the following words:
"that he will be obedient to his commanders, and execute all the orders that he shall
receive from them to the utmost of his power." The rest of the soldiers of the
legion, advancing one by one, swear also that they will perform what the first has sworn.
About the same time, likewise, the consuls send notice to the magistrates of the allied
cities of Italy, from which they design to draw any forces, what number of troops are
wanted, and at what time and place they are required to join the Roman army. The cities,
having raised their levies in the same manner that has now been mentioned, and
administered to them the same oath, send them away attended by a paymaster and a general.
At Rome the tribunes, after the ceremony of the oath is finished, command all the
legions to return without arms upon a certain day, and then dismiss them. And when they
are met together again at the appointed time, those that are youngest, and of the lowest
condition, are set apart for the light-armed troops. From the next above these in age are
selected the hastati; from those that are in full strength and vigor, the principes;
and the oldest of all that are enrolled are the triarii. For every legion is
composed of all these different bodies; different in name, in age, and in the manner in
which they are armed. This division is so adjusted that the triarii amount to six hundred
men; the principes are twelve hundred; the hastati an equal number; and all the rest
light-armed. If a legion consist of more than four thousand men, the several bodies are
increased in due proportion; except only that the number of the triarii always remains the
same.
The youngest of these troops are armed with a sword, light javelins, and a buckler. The
buckler is both strongly made, and of a size sufficient for security. For it is of a
circular form, and has three feet in the diameter. They wear likewise upon their heads
some simple sort of covering; such as the skin of a wolf, or something of a similar kind;
which serves both for their defense, and to point out also to the commanders those
particular soldiers that are distinguished either by their bravery or want of courage in
the time of action. The wood of the javelins is of the length of two cubits, and of the
thickness of a finger. The iron part is a span in length, and is drawn out to such a
slender fineness towards the point, that it never fails to be bent in the very first
discharge, so that the enemy cannot throw it back again. Otherwise it would be a common
javelin.
The next in age, who are called the hastati, are ordered to furnish themselves with a
complete suit of armor. This among the Romans consists in the first place of a shield of a
convex surface; the breadth of which is two feet and a half; and the length four feet, or
four feet and a palm of those of the largest size. It is composed of two planks, glued
together, and covered first with linen, and afterwards with calves' skin. The extreme
edges of it, both above and below, are guarded with plates of iron; as well to secure it
against the strokes of swords, as that it may be rested also upon the ground without
receiving any injury. To the surface is fitted likewise a shell of iron; which serves to
turn aside the more violent strokes of stones, or spears, or any other ponderous weapon.
After the shield comes the sword, which is carried upon the right thigh, and is called the
Spanish sword. It is formed not only to push with at the point; but to make a falling
stroke with either edge, and with singular effect; for the blade is remarkably strong and
firm. To these arms are added two piles or javelins; a helmet made of brass; and boots for
the legs. The piles are of two sorts; the one large, the other slender.
Of the former those that are round have the breadth of a palm in their diameter; and
those that are square the breadth of a palm likewise is a side. The more slender, which
are carried with the other, resemble a common javelin of a moderate size. In both sorts,
the wooden part is of the same length likewise, and turned outwards at the point, in the
form of a double hook, is fastened to the wood with so great care and foresight, being
carried upwards to the very middle of it, and transfixed with many close-set rivets, that
it is sooner broken in use than loosened; though in the part in which it is joined to the
wood, it is not less than a finger and a half in thickness. Upon the helmet is worn an
ornament of three upright feathers, either red or black, of about a cubit in height; which
being fixed upon the very top of the head, and added to their other arms, make the troops
seem to be of double size, and gives them an appearance which is both beautiful and
terrible. Beside these arms, the soldiers in general place also upon their breasts a
square plate of brass, of the measure of a span on either side, which is called the guard
of the heart. But all those who are rated at more than ten thousand drachmae cover their
breasts with a coat of mail. The principes and the triarii are armed in the same manner
likewise as the hastati; except only that the triarii carry pikes instead of javelins.
From each of these several sorts of soldiers, the youngest alone excepted, ten men of
distinguished merit are first selected; and after these, ten more. These are all called
commanders of companies; and he that is first chosen has a seat in the military council.
After these, twenty more are appointed to conduct the rear; and are chosen by the former
twenty. The soldiers of each different order, the light troops excepted, are then divided
into ten separate parts; to each of which are assigned four officers, of those who have
been thus selected: two to lead the van, and two to take the care of the rear. The
light-armed troops are distributed in just proportion among them all. Each separate part
is called a company, a band, or an ensign; and the leaders, captains of companies or centurions.
Last of all, two of the bravest and most vigorous among the soldiers are appointed by the
captains to carry the standards of the company.
It is not without good reason that two captains are assigned to every company. For as
it always is uncertain, what will be the conduct of an officer, or to what accidents he
may be exposed; and, as in the affairs of war, there is no room for pretext or excuse;
this method is contrived, that the company may not upon any occasion be destitute of a
leader. When the captains therefore both are present, he that was first chosen leads the
right, and the other the left of the company. And when either of them is absent, he that
remains takes the conduct of the whole. In the choice of these captains not those that are
the boldest and most enterprising are esteemed the best; but those rather, who are steady
and sedate; prudent in conduct, and skillful in command. Nor is it so much required, that
they should be at all times eager to begin the combat, and throw themselves precipitately
into action; as that, when they are pressed, or even conquered by a superior force, they
should still maintain their ground, and rather die than desert their station.
The cavalry is divided also into ten parts or troops. In each of these, three captains
first are chosen; who afterwards appoint three other officers to conduct the rear. The
first of the captains commands the whole troop. The other two hold the rank and office of
decurions; and all of them are called by that name. In the absence of the first captain,
the next in order takes the entire command. The manner in which these troops are armed is
at this time the same as that of the Greeks. But anciently it was very different. For,
first, they wore no armor upon their bodies; but were covered, in the time of action, with
only an undergarment. In this method, they were able indeed to descend from their horses,
or leap up again upon them, with greater quickness and facility; but, as they were almost
naked, they were too much exposed to danger in all those engagements. The spears also that
were in use among them in former times were, in a double respect, very unfit for service.
First, as they were of a slender make, and always trembled in the hand, it not only was
extremely difficult to direct them with exactness towards the destined mark; but very
frequently, even before their points had reached the enemy, the greatest part of them were
shaken into pieces by the bare motion of the horses. Add to this, that these spears, not
being armed with iron at the lowest end, were formed to strike only with the point, and,
when they were broken by this stroke, were afterwards incapable of any farther use.
Their buckler was made of the hide of an ox, and in form was not unlike to those
globular dishes which are used in sacrifices. But this was also of too infirm a texture
for defense; and, as it was at first not very capable of service, it afterwards became
wholly useless, when the substance of it had been softened and relaxed by rain. The
Romans, therefore, having observed these defects, soon changed their weapons for the armor
of the Greeks. For the Grecian spear, which is firm and stable, not only serves to make
the first stroke with the point in just direction and with sure effect; but, with the help
of the iron at the opposite end, may, when turned, be employed against the enemy with
equal steadiness and force. In the same manner also the Grecian shields, being strong in
texture, and capable of being held in a fixed position, are alike serviceable both for
attack and for defense. These advantages were soon perceived, and the arms adopted by the
cavalry. For the Romans, above all other people, are excellent in admitting foreign
customs that are preferable to their own.
As soon as this partition of the troops is finished, and the necessary orders given by
the tribunes concerning their arms, they are then commanded to return to their respective
habitations, till the day arrives, upon which they are bound by oath to assemble together
in a certain place appointed by the consuls. Each of the consuls usually appoints a
different place for the assembling of his whole army: for to each of them are allotted
separately two Roman legions, together with an equal part of the allies. No pretense of
accident is at any time allowed to those that are enrolled; nor any excuse admitted, in
opposition to their oath, to discharge them from appearing on the day prescribed; unless
some auspices should intervene, or some disaster happen, which renders their attendance
absolutely impracticable. When they are all met together, the distribution of the allies,
who are assembled also with the Romans, is regulated by twelve officers, called prefects,
and appointed by the consuls, in the following manner. They first choose out from all the
allies a body of the bravest and most skillful soldiers, both cavalry and infantry, to
serve near the person, and under the immediate orders, of the consuls. These are called
the extraordinary, or selected troops. The whole infantry of the allies is usually the
same in number with that of the Romans; but the cavalry three times as many. Among these,
about a third part of the cavalry, and a fifth part of the infantry, are set apart as
extra-ordinaries. The rest are then divided by the prefects into two equal bodies; one of
which is called the right, and the other the left wing. When all things are thus prepared,
the tribunes direct both the Romans and the allies to encamp.
As soon as the encampment is completed, the tribunes, having assembled together all the
persons, both free men and slaves, that are in the army, administer to every one of them
apart the following oath: "That they will not steal any thing from the camp; and even
if they find any thing that they will bring it to the tribunes." Two companies are
then selected from the principes and the hastati of each legion; to whose care is assigned
the ground that lies before the tents of the tribunes. For as the Romans usually pass the
whole time of day in this open space, they employ great care to keep it continually
cleansed and sprinkled. Of the remaining eighteen companies three are allotted to every
tribune. For in every legion there are twenty companies of principes and hastati, as we
have already mentioned, and six tribunes. The service which these three companies are
obliged to perform in turn for the tribune to whom they are respectively assigned is to
fix his tent, to make the ground around it plain and level, and to cover his baggage, if
it be necessary, with a fence. It is their duty likewise to place a double guard near him
for his security. This guard consists of four soldiers, two of whom are stationed before
the tent, and two behind it, near to the horses. As three companies are thus allotted to
every tribune, and as each company, without including the triarii and the light-armed
troops, who are both exempted from this duty, contains more than a hundred men, this
service falling to each company in turn upon every fourth day only, becomes very light and
easy; and, while it ministers in all things that are necessary to the convenience of the
tribunes, renders their office likewise more illustrious, and brings respect to their
authority.
The triarii are discharged from bearing any part in this attendance. But each of their
companies is obliged to furnish every day a guard to the troop of cavalry that lies close
behind it. The duty of this guard, among other functions, is principally to observe the
horses; that they may not at any time be rendered unfit for service by being entangled in
the bands that hold them; or by breaking away, and falling in among other horses, create
tumult and disorder in the camp. One company alone, which is selected in turn from the
whole body of these troops, is stationed round the tent of the consul; as well to secure
his person against all surprise, as for the sake of adding splendor also to his dignity.
The entrenchment is made by the allies, on those two sides, near to which their wings
are encamped. The two other sides are left to the Romans; to each legion, one. Each side
is divided into certain portions, according to the number of the companies: and a
centurion assigned, to overlook the work in every portion. The whole side is afterwards
examined and approved by two of the tribunes; whose office it is to attend to every thing
that is done in the camp. For the tribunes, dividing among themselves the time of their
campaign, and presiding, two in turn, during two months of the six, have the supreme
direction of every kind of necessary work and service, that falls within the time of their
command. The same duty is performed, in the same manner likewise, among the allies, by the
officers who are called prefects. As soon as daylight appears, the leaders of the cavalry,
and the centurions, attend all together at the tents of the tribunes; and the tribunes at
that of the consul. The necessary orders are then delivered by the consul to the tribunes;
by the tribunes to the centurions and the leaders of the cavalry; and by these, as the
proper time for each arrives, to the rest of the army.
The delivery of the signal for the night is secured in the following manner. Every
tenth cohort, both of infantry and cavalry, is lodged at the extreme end of those lines
which form the separate streets. From each of these a soldier is selected, who is
discharged from all the duties of the guard. This soldier, every day about the time of the
setting of the sun, goes to the tent of the tribune, and receives from him the signal;
which is a flat tablet of wood, with some word inscribed upon it; and having returned back
again to his own company, he then delivers the tablet with the signal, in the presence of
some witnesses, to the leader of the cohort that is lodged next to his own. From him
again, it passes to the following cohort; and, in the same manner, through all the rest in
order, till it arrives at the first cohorts, which lie nearest to the tents of the
tribunes; and from thence it is carried back again to the tribunes, while it is yet day.
If all the tablets that were delivered are brought back, the tribune then perceives that
the signal has passed through all the camp. But if any one be wanting, he immediately
examines into the fact; and, having discerned by the inscriptions in what quarter the
tablet has been stopped, inflicts a suitable punishment upon those that have been the
cause of that neglect.
The guards for the night are thus disposed. One entire company is always stationed
around the consular tent. The tents of the tribunes, and the cavalry, are guarded by
soldiers taken ,rom each company, in the manner
that has before been mentioned. Each separate company appoints a guard likewise for itself
from its own body. The other guards are disposed as the consul directs. But the usual
custom is, to allot three soldiers to the quaestor; and two to each of the members of the
council. The external sides of the camp are guarded by the light-armed forces; who are
distributed every day along the whole entrenchment. From the same body, ten men are also
stationed before every gate that leads into the camp.
Among those that are appointed for the watch, one soldier from each guard, the same
whose duty it is to take the first watch, is carried in the evening to the tribune, by one
of the conductors of the rear of every company. The tribune, having given to all of them
some small tablets of wood, inscribed with a certain character, and appropriated to each
particular guard, dismisses them to their respective stations.
The care of making the rounds is entrusted to the cavalry. The captain of the first
troop in each of the legions is bound to send his orders in the morning to one of the
conductors of the rear; commanding him to appoint, before the time of dinner, four
soldiers of the troop to go the rounds; and to send notice also afterwards, in the
evening, to the leader of the second troop, that it is his turn to inspect the watch on
the following day. The leader of the second troop gives notice, in like manner, for the
third day; and the same method is observed through all the rest. The four soldiers, who
are thus selected from the first troop by the conductor of the rear, having determined
among themselves each particular watch by lot, go afterwards to the tent of the tribune,
and receive from thence in writing an account of the several posts, and of the number of
guards, which they are required to visit. They then take their station near to the first
company of the triarii. For the leader of this company has the care of marking the time of
every watch by the sound of a trumpet. And when the signal is made, he, to whose
inspection the first watch was allotted, taking with him some of his friends as witnesses,
goes round to all the posts that are recited in his orders, and visits all the guards: not
those alone that are stationed round the entrenchment, and before the gates, but those
also that are placed in every single company and in every troop. If he finds the sentinels
awake and fixed in their several stations, he receives from them the wooden tablets. But
if he discovers that any one is sleeping, or has left his post, he desires those that are
present to bear testimony to the fact, and then retires. The same method is observed in
all the following watches. The care of sounding the trumpet, by which notice is given in
the same moment both to the sentinels and the inspectors of the watch, is left, as we have
said, to the captains of the first company of the triarii, who perform this duty
alternately, day by day.
As soon as the morning appears, those who have made the rounds carry the tablets to the
tribune. If they bring the full number back they are suffered to depart without any
question. But if the number be less than that of the guards, the inscriptions are
immediately examined, in order to discover from what particular guard the tablet has not
been returned. When this is known, the centurion is ordered to attend and to bring with
him the soldiers that were appointed for that guard; that they may be questioned face to
face with him who made the rounds. If the fault be in the guard, he that made the rounds
appeals at once to the testimony of his friends who were present. Such evidence always is
demanded from him; and in case that he is not able to bring this proof, the whole blame
rests upon himself. The council is then assembled; the cause is judged by the tribune, and
the guilty person sentenced to be bastinadoed. This punishment is inflicted in the
following manner.
The tribune, taking a stick into his hand, gently touches the criminal; and immediately
afterwards all the soldiers of the legion attack him with sticks and stones; so that the
greatest part of those that are thus condemned are destroyed immediately in the camp. If
any one escapes, yet he is not saved. For all return into his country is shut against him:
nor would any of his friends or kindred ever dare to receive him into their houses. Those,
therefore, who have once fallen into this misfortune are lost without resource. The
conductor of the rear, and the leader of the troops, if ever they neglect to give the
necessary notice in due time, the first to the inspectors of the watch, and the second to
the leader of the succeeding troop, are subject also to this punishment. From the dread of
a discipline so severe, and which leaves no place for mercy, every thing that belongs to
the guards of the night is performed with the most exact diligence and care.
The soldiers are subject to the control of the tribunes, as these are to that of the
consuls. The tribunes have the power of imposing fines, and demanding sureties, and of
punishing with stripes. The same authority is exercised by the prefects among the allies.
The punishment of the bastinadoe is inflicted also upon those who steal any thing in the
camp; those who bear false testimony; who, in their youth, abuse their bodies; and who
have been three times convicted of one fault. These offenses are punished as crimes. There
are others that are regarded as the effects of cowardice, and disgraceful to the military
character. When a soldier, for example, with a view of obtaining a reward, makes a report
to the tribunes of some brave action which he has not performed. When any one, through
fear, deserts his station, or throws away his arms in the time of engagement. For hence it
happens that many, through the dread of the allotted punishment, when they are attacked by
much greater numbers, will even encounter manifest destruction, rather than desert that
post which they had been ordered to maintain. Others again, when they have lost their
shield, or sword, or any other part of their arms in the time of action, throw themselves
precipitately into the very midst of the enemy; hoping either to recover what they have
lost, or to avoid by death the reproaches of their fellow-soldiers, and the disgrace that
is ready to receive them.
If it happens that many are at one time guilty of the same fault, and that whole
companies retire before the enemy, and desert their station; instead of punishing all of
them by death, an expedient is employed which is both useful and full of terror. The
tribune, assembling together all the soldiers of the legion, commands the criminals to be
brought forward: and, having sharply reproached them with their cowardice, he then draws
out by lot either five, or eight, or twenty men, according to the number of those that
have offended. For the proportion is usually so adjusted, that every tenth man is reserved
for punishment. Those, who are thus separated from the rest by lot, are bastinadoed
without remission in the manner before described. The others are sentenced to be fed with
barley instead of wheat; and are lodged without the entrenchment, exposed to insults from
the enemy. As the danger, therefore, and the dread of death, hangs equally over all the
guilty, because no one can foresee upon whom the lot will fall; and as the shame and
infamy of receiving barley only for their support is extended also alike to all; this
institution is perfectly well contrived, both for impressing present terror, and for the
prevention of future faults.
The method by which the young men are animated to brave all danger is also admirable.
When an action has passed in which any of the soldiers have shown signal proofs of
courage, the consul, assembling the troops together, commands those to approach who have
distinguished themselves by any eminent exploit. And having first bestowed on every one of
them apart the commendation that is due to this particular instance of their valor, and
recounted likewise all their former actions that have ever merited applause, he then
distributes among them the following rewards. To him who has wounded an enemy, a javelin.
To him who has killed an enemy, and stripped him of his armor, if he be a soldier in the
infantry, a goblet; if in the cavalry, furniture for his horse; though, in former times,
this last was presented only with a javelin. These rewards, however, are not bestowed upon
the soldiers who, in a general battle, or in the attack of a city, wound or spoil an
enemy; but upon those alone who, in separate skirmishes, and when any occasion offers, in
which no necessity requires them to engage in single contest, throw themselves voluntarily
into danger, and with design provoke the combat. When a city is taken by storm, those who
mount first upon the walls are honored with a golden crown. Those also who have saved the
lives of any of the citizens, or the allies, by covering them from the enemy in the time
of battle, receive presents from the consul, and are crowned likewise by the persons
themselves who have thus been preserved, and who, if they refuse this office, are
compelled by the judgment of the tribunes to perform it.
Add to this, that those who are thus saved are bound, during the remainder of their
lives, to reverence their preserver as a father, and to render to him all the duties which
they would pay to him who gave them birth. Nor are the effects of these rewards, in
raising a spirit of emulation and of courage, confined to those alone who are present in
the army, but extended likewise to all the citizens at home. For those who have obtained
those presents, beside the honor which they acquire among their fellow soldiers, and the
reputation which immediately attends them in their country, are distinguished after their
return, by wearing in all solemn processions such ornaments as are permitted only to be
worn by those who have received them from the consuls as the rewards of their valor. They
hang up likewise in the most conspicuous parts of their houses the spoils which they have
taken, as a monument and evidence of their exploits. Since such, therefore, is the
attention and the care with which the Romans distribute rewards and punishments in their
armies, it is not to be thought strange that the wars in which they engage are always
ended with glory and success.
The military stipends are thus regulated. The pay of a soldier in the infantry is two obols
by the day; and double to the centurions. The pay of the cavalry is a drachma. The
allowance of corn to each man in the infantry consists of about two-third parts of an
Attic bushel of wheat by the month. In the cavalry, it is seven bushels of barley, and two
of wheat. To the infantry of the allies the same quantity is distributed as to that of the
Romans: but their cavalry receives only one bushel and a third of wheat, and five of
barley. The whole of this allowance is given without reserve to the allies. But the Roman
soldiers are obliged to purchase their corn and clothes, together with the arms which they
occasionally want, at a certain stated price, which is deducted by the quaestor from their
pay.
In breaking up the camp the following order is observed. When the first signal is made,
the soldiers all take down the tents, and collect the baggage. No tent, however, is at any
time either set up or taken down until those of the consul and the tribunes are first set
up, or first removed. Upon the second signal the baggage is placed upon the beasts of
burden; and at the third, the foremost of the troops begin their march, and the whole camp
is put in motion. In the van are usually placed the extra-ordinaries; and after these the
right wing of the allies, which is followed by the baggage of both these bodies. Next to
these marches the first of the Roman legions, with its baggage also behind it. The second
legion follows; having behind it likewise both its own baggage, and the baggage of the
allies, who are in the rear; for the rear of all the march is closed with the left wing of
the allies. The cavalry marches sometimes in the rear of the respective bodies to which it
belongs; and sometimes on the flanks of the beasts that are loaded with the baggage;
keeping them together in due order, and covering them from insult. When an attack is
expected to be made upon the rear, the extra-ordinaries of the allies, instead of leading
the van, are posted in the rear. In all the other parts the disposition remains the same.
Of the two legions, and the two wings of the allies, those that are on one day foremost
in the march, on the following day are placed behind; that, by thus changing their rank
alternately all the troops may obtain the same advantage in their turn, of arriving first
at water and at forage. There is also another disposition which is used when any immediate
danger threatens, and the march is made through an open country. At such times, the
hastati, the principes, and the triarii, are ranged in three parallel lines, each behind
the other, with the baggage of the hastati in the front. Behind the hastati is placed the
baggage of the principes, who are followed likewise by that of the triarii; so that the
baggage and the several bodies are mingled in alternate order. The march being thus
disposed, the troops, as soon as an attack is made, turning either to the left or to the
right, advance forwards from the baggage towards that side upon which the enemy appears.
And thus, in a moment of time, and by one single movement, the whole army is formed at
once in order of battle; except only that the hastati are perhaps obliged to make an
evolution; and the beasts of burden also, with all those that attend upon the baggage,
being now thrown into the rear of all the troops, are covered by them from all danger.
At the end of a march, when the army arrives near the place of their encampment, a
tribune and some centurions, who are appointed always for this purpose, advance before the
rest. And having surveyed the whole ground upon which the encampment is to be made, they
first determine the place of the consular tent, and on which side of it the legions may
most commodiously be lodged. When this is done, they measure out the space that is
allotted for the consul; and then draw a line for the place of the tents of the tribunes;
and parallel to it another line, below which the legions are to be encamped. In the same
manner also the several portions of the ground, which lies on the other side of the
consular tent, and which we have already particularly described, are ascertained by lines.
And as the distances are fixed, and well known by use, the admeasurement of the whole is
easy, and soon completed. Four ensigns are then planted in the ground, the first in the
place in which the tent of the consul is to be set up; the second, on that side of the
consular ground which has been chosen for the front of the camp; the third in the middle
of the line that is designed for the tents of the tribunes; and the last upon the other
parallel line below which the legions are to be encamped. These ensigns are all of a
purple color; that of the consul excepted, which is white. The portions on the other side
of the consular ground are sometimes marked by simple pikes fixed in the ground, and
sometimes by ensigns of some different color. Last of all, the several streets are drawn
out by measure, and pikes also planted to denote the limits of each particular street.
The necessary effect of this method is, that when the troops upon their march approach
so near as to discover the place of their encampments, they are able to discern at once
all the different parts of the camp; being taught by the ensign of the consul to point out
and distinguish all the rest. And as they all occupy the same place always in the camp, so
that each man knows in what particular street, and in what part also of the street, he is
going to be lodged, their entrance very much resembles that of a body of soldiers into
their own native city. For as these, already knowing, both in general and in particular,
the quarters of the city in which their habitations stand, turn aside immediately from the
gates, and arrive at their several houses without mistake; just so it happens in the Roman
camp. It is to this facility indeed that the Romans chiefly attend upon such occasions;
and, for the sake of obtaining it, pursues contrary a method to that of the Greeks. For
the Greeks, when they encamp, consider principally the natural strength of the place that
is chosen, and accommodate their disposition to it; being partly studious to avoid the
labor of throwing up an entrenchment; and partly persuaded also, that fortifications
raised by art are always less secure than those that are made by nature. In compliance,
therefore, with what the nature of the ground demands, they not only are obliged to give
every kind of figure to their camp, but to vary also the position of the several parts, as
the place for each is favorable or improper. And from hence it happens that the soldier
never knows with certainty either his own place in the camp, or that of the body to which
he belongs. But the Romans willingly submit to the task of making an entrenchment, and to
other painful works, for the sake of the advantage that is found, in employing a method
which is never changed, and which renders all the parts of the camp familiar to the army.
Such then in general are the institutions of the Romans, which belong to the
establishment of their armies, and more especially to the manner of their encampment.
Rome and Carthage Compared:
The government of Carthage seems also to have been originally well contrived with
regard to those general forms that have been mentioned. For there were kings in this
government, together with a senate, which was vested with aristocratic authority. The
people likewise enjoy the exercise of certain powers that were appropriated to them. In a
word, the entire frame of the republic very much resembled those of Rome and Sparta. But
at the time of the war of Hannibal the Carthaginian constitution was worse in its
condition than the Roman. For as nature has assigned to every body, every government, and
every action, three successive periods; the first, of growth; the second, of perfection;
and that which follows, of decay; and as the period of perfection is the time in which
they severally display their greatest strength; from hence arose the difference that was
then found between the two republics. For the government of Carthage, having reached the
highest point of vigor and perfection much sooner than that of Rome, had now declined from
it in the same proportion: whereas the Romans, at this very time, had just raised their
constitution to the most flourishing and perfect state. The effect of this difference was,
that among the Carthaginians the people possessed the greatest sway in all deliberations,
but the senate among the Romans. And as, in the one republic, all measures were determined
by the multitude; and, in the other, by the most eminent citizens; of so great force was
this advantage in the conduct of affairs, that the Romans, though brought by repeated
losses into the greatest danger, became, through the wisdom of their counsels, superior to
the Carthaginians in the war.
If we descend to a more particular comparison, we shall find, that with respect to
military science, for example, the Carthaginians, in the management and conduct of a naval
war, are more skillful than the Romans. For the Carthaginians have derived this knowledge
from their ancestors through a long course of ages; and are more exercised in maritime
affairs than any other people. But the Romans, on the other hand, are far superior in all
things that belong to the establishment and discipline of armies. For this discipline,
which is regarded by them as the chief and constant object of their care, is utterly
neglected by the Carthaginians; except only that they bestow some little attention upon
their cavalry. The reason of this difference is, that the Carthaginians employ foreign
mercenaries; and that on the contrary the Roman armies are composed of citizens, and of
the people of the country. Now in this respect the government of Rome is greatly
preferable to that of Carthage. For while the Carthaginians entrust the preservation of
their liberty to the care of venal troops; the Romans place all their confidence in their
own bravery, and in the assistance of their allies. From hence it happens, that the
Romans, though at first defeated, are always able to renew the war; and that the
Carthaginian armies never are repaired without great difficulty. Add to this, that the
Romans, fighting for their country and their children, never suffer their ardor to be
slackened; but persist with the same steady spirit till they become superior to their
enemies. From hence it happens, likewise, that even in actions upon the sea, the Romans,
though inferior to the Carthaginians, as we have already observed, in naval knowledge and
experience, very frequently obtain success through the mere bravery of their forces. For
though in all such contests a skill in maritime affairs must be allowed to be of the
greatest use; yet, on the other hand, the valor of the troops that are engaged is no less
effectual to draw the victory to their side.
Now the people of Italy are by nature superior to the Carthaginians and the Africans,
both in bodily strength, and in courage. Add to this, that they have among them certain
institutions by which the young men are greatly animated to perform acts of bravery. It
will be sufficient to mention one of these, as a proof of the attention that is shown by
the Roman government, to infuse such a spirit into the citizens as shall lead them to
encounter every kind of danger for the sake of obtaining reputation in their country. When
any illustrious person dies, he is carried in procession with the rest of the funeral
pomp, to the rostra in the forum; sometimes placed conspicuous in an upright
posture; and sometimes, though less frequently, reclined. And while the people are all
standing round, his son, if he has left one of sufficient age, and who is then at Rome,
or, if otherwise, some person of his kindred, ascends the rostra, and extols the virtues
of the deceased, and the great deeds that were performed by him in his life. By this
discourse, which recalls his past actions to remembrance, and places them in open view
before all the multitude, not those alone who were sharers in his victories, but even the
rest who bore no part in his exploits, are moved to such sympathy of sorrow, that the
accident seems rather to be a public misfortune, than a private loss. He is then buried
with the usual rites; and afterwards an image, which both in features and complexion
expresses an exact resemblance of his face, is set up in the most conspicuous part of the
house, inclosed in a shrine of wood. Upon solemn festivals, these images are uncovered,
and adorned with the greatest care.
And when any other person of the same family dies, they are carried also in the funeral
procession, with a body added to the bust, that the representation may be just, even with
regard to size. They are dressed likewise in the habits that belong to the ranks which
they severally filled when they were alive. If they were consuls or praetors, in a gown
bordered with purple: if censors, in a purple robe: and if they triumphed, or obtained any
similar honor, in a vest embroidered with gold. Thus appeared, they are drawn along in
chariots preceded by the rods and axes, and other ensigns of their former dignity. And
when they arrive at the forum, they are all seated upon chairs of ivory; and there exhibit
the noblest objects that can be offered to youthful mind, warmed with the love of virtue
and of glory. For who can behold without emotion the forms of so many illustrious men,
thus living, as it were, and breathing together in his presence? Or what spectacle can be
conceived more great and striking? The person also that is appointed to harangue, when he
has exhausted all the praises of the deceased, turns his discourse to the rest, whose
images are before him; and, beginning with the most ancient of them, recounts the fortunes
and the exploits of every one in turn. By this method, which renews continually the
remembrance of men celebrated for their virtue, the fame of every great and noble action
become immortal. And the glory of those, by whose services their country has been
benefited, is rendered familiar to the people, and delivered down to future times. But the
chief advantage is, that by the hope of obtaining this honorable fame, which is reserved
for virtue, the young men are animated to sustain all danger, in the cause of the common
safety. For from hence it has happened, that many among the Romans have voluntarily
engaged in single combat, in order to decide the fortune of an entire war. Many also have
devoted themselves to inevitable death; some of them in battle, to save the lives of other
citizens; and some in time of peace to rescue the whole state from destruction. Others
again, who have been invested with the highest dignities have, in defiance of all law and
customs, condemned their own sons to die; showing greater regard to the advantage of their
country, than to the bonds of nature, and the closest ties of kindred.
Very frequent are the examples of this kind, that are recorded in the Roman story. I
shall here mention one, as a signal instance, and proof of the truth of all that I have
affirmed. Horatius, surnamed Cocles, being engaged in combat with two enemies, at the
farthest extremity of the bridge that led into Rome across the Tiber, and perceiving that
many others were advancing fast to their assistance, was apprehensive that they would
force their way together into the city. turning himself, therefore, to his companions that
were behind him, he called to them aloud, that should immediately retire and break the
bridge. While they were employed in this work, Horatius, covered over with wounds, still
maintained the post, and stopped the progress of the enemy; who were struck with his
firmness and intrepid courage, even more than with the strength of his resistance. And
when the bridge was broken, and the city secured from insult, he threw himself into the
river with his armor, and there lost his life as he had designed: having preferred the
safety of his country, and the future fame that was sure to follow such an action, to his
own present existence, and to the time that remained for him to live. Such is the spirit,
and such the emulation of achieving glorious action, which the Roman institutions are
fitted to infuse into the minds of youth.
In things that regard the acquisition of wealth, the manners also, and the customs of
the Romans, are greatly preferable to those of the Carthaginians. Among the latter,
nothing is reputed infamous, that is joined with gain. But among the former, nothing is
held more base than to be corrupted by gifts, or to covet an increase of wealth by means
that are unjust. For as much as they esteem the possession of honest riches to be fair and
honorable, so much, on the other hand, all those that are amassed by unlawful arts, are
viewed by them with horror and reproach. The truth of this fact is clearly seen in the
following instance. Among the Carthaginians, money is openly employed to obtain the
dignities of the state: but all such proceeding is a capital crime in Rome. As the
rewards, therefore, that are proposed to virtue in the two republics are so different, it
cannot but happen, that the attention of the citizens to form their minds to virtuous
actions must be also different.
But among all the useful institutions, that demonstrate the superior excellence of the
Roman government, the most considerable perhaps is the opinion which the people are taught
to hold concerning the gods: and that, which other men regard as an object of disgrace,
appears in my judgment to be the very thing by which this republic chiefly is sustained. I
mean, superstition: which is impressed with all it terrors; and influences both the
private actions of the citizens, and the public administration also of the state, in a
degree that can scarcely be exceeded. This may appear astonishing to many. To me it is
evident, that this contrivance was at first adopted for the sake of the multitude. For if
it were possible that a state could be composed of wise men only, there would be no need,
perhaps, of any such invention. But as the people universally are fickle and inconstant,
filled with irregular desires, too precipitate in their passions, and prone to violence;
there is no way left to restrain them, but by the dread of things unseen, and by the
pageantry of terrifying fiction. The ancients, therefore, acted not absurdedly, nor
without good reason, when they inculcated the notions concerning the gods, and the belief
of infernal punishments; but much more those of the present age are to be charged with
rashness and absurdity, in endeavoring to extirpate these opinions. For, not to mention
effects that flow from such an institution, if, among the Greeks, for example, a single
talent only be entrusted to those who have the management of any of the public money;
though they give ten written sureties, with as many seals and twice as many witnesses,
they are unable to discharge the trusts reposed in them with integrity. But the Romans, on
the other hand, who in the course of their magistracies, and in embassies, disperse the
greatest sums, are prevailed on by the single obligation of an oath to perform their
duties with inviolable honesty. And as, in other states, a man is rarely found whose hands
are pure from public robbery; so, among the Romans, it is no less rare to discover one
that is tainted with this crime. But all things are subject to decay and change. This is a
truth so evident, and so demonstrated by the perpetual and the necessary force of nature,
that it needs no other proof.
Now there are two ways by which every kind of government is destroyed; either by some
accident that happens from without, or some evil that arises within itself. What the first
will be is not always easy to foresee: but the latter is certain and determinate. We have
already shown what are the original and what: the secondary forms of government; and in
what manner also they are reciprocally converted each into the other. Whoever, therefore,
is able to connect the beginning with the end in this enquiry, will be able also to
declare with some assurance what will be the future fortune of the Roman government. At
least in my judgment nothing is more easy. For when a state, after having passed with
safety through many and great dangers, arrives at the highest degree of power, and
possesses an entire and undisputed sovereignty; it is manifest that the long continuance
of prosperity must give birth to costly and luxurious manners, and that the minds of men
will be heated with ambitious contest, and become too eager and aspiring in the pursuit of
dignities. And as these evils are continually increased, the desire of power and rule, and
the imagined ignominy of remaining in a subject state, will first begin to work the ruin
of the republic; arrogance and luxury will afterwards advance it: and in the end the
change will be completed by the people; as the avarice of some is found to injure and
oppress them, and the ambition of others swells their vanity and poisons them with
flattering hopes. For then, being with rage, and following only the dictates of their
passions, they no longer will submit to any control, or be contented with an equal share
of the administration, in conjunction with their rulers; but will draw to themselves the
entire sovereignty and supreme direction of all affairs. When this is done, the government
will assume indeed the fairest of all names, that of a free and popular state; but will,
in truth, be the greatest of all evils, the government of the multitude.
As we have thus sufficiently explained the constitution and the growth of the Roman
government; have marked the causes of that greatness in which it now subsists; and shown
by comparison, in what view it may be judged inferior, and in what superior, to other
states; we shall here close this discourse. But as every skillful artist offers some piece
of work to public view, as a proof of his abilities: in the same manner we also, taking
some part of history that is connected with the times from which we were led into this
digression and making a short recital of one single action, shall endeavor to demonstrate
by fact as well as words what was the strength, and how great the vigor, which at that
time were displayed by this republic.
When Hannibal, after the battle of Cannae, had taken prisoners eight thousand of the
Romans, who were left to guard the camp; he permitted them to send a deputation to Rome,
to treat of their ransom and redemption. Ten persons, the most illustrious that were among
them, were appointed for this purpose: and the general, having first commanded them to
swear that they would return to him again, suffered them to depart. But one of the number,
as soon as they had passed the entrenchment, having said that he had forgotten something,
went back into camp, took what he had left, and then continued his journey with the rest;
persuading himself that by his return he had discharged his promise, and satisfied the
obligation of the oath. When they arrived at Rome, they earnestly entreated the senate not
to envy them the safety that was offered, but to suffer them to be restored to their
families, at the price of three minae for each prisoner, which was the sum that
Hannibal demanded; that they were not unworthy of this favor; that they neither had
through cowardice deserted their post in battle, nor done anything that had brought
dishonor upon the Roman name; but that having been left to guard the camp, they had been
thrown by unavoidable necessity, after the destruction of the rest of the army, into the
power of the enemy.
The Romans were at this time weakened by repeated losses; were deserted by almost every
one of their allies; and seemed even to expect that Rome itself would instantly be
attacked; yet when they had heard the deputies, they neither were deterred by adverse
fortune from attending to what was fit and right, nor neglected any of those measures that
were necessary to the public safety. But perceiving that the design of Hannibal in this
proceeding was both to acquire a large supply of money and at the same time to check the
ardor of his enemies in battle, by opening to their view the means of safety, even though
they should be conquered, they were so far from yielding to this request, that they showed
no regard either to the distressed condition of their fellow citizens, or to the services
that might be expected from the prisoners: but resolved to disappoint the hopes and
frustrate the intentions of this general, by rejecting all terms of ransom. They made a
law also, by which it was declared that the soldiers that were left must either conquer or
must die; and that no other hope of safety was reserved for them, in case that they were
conquered. After this determination they dismissed the nine deputies, who, on account of
their oath were, willing to return, and taking the other, who had endeavored to elude by
sophistry what he had sworn, they sent him bound back to the enemy; so that Hannibal was
much less filled with joy from having vanquished the Romans in the field, than he was
struck with terror and astonishment at the firmness and magnanimity what appeared in their
deliberations.
