Xenophon the Athenian was born 431 B.C. He was a pupil of Socrates. He marched with
the Spartans, and was exiled from Athens. Sparta gave him land and property in Scillus,
where he lived for many years before having to move once more, to settle in Corinth. He
died in 354 B.C.
The Anabasis is his story of the march to Persia to aid Cyrus, who enlisted Greek
help to try and take the throne from Artaxerxes, and the ensuing return of the Greeks, in
which Xenophon played a leading role. This occurred between 401 B.C. and March 399 B.C.
Contents
Xenophon
Anabasis
BOOK I
Darius and Parysatis had two sons: the elder was named Artaxerxes, and the
younger Cyrus. Now, as Darius lay sick and felt that the end of life drew near, he wished
both his sons to be with him. The elder, as it chanced, was already there, but Cyrus he
must needs send for from the province over which he had made him satrap, having appointed
him general moreover of all the forces that muster in the plain of the Castolus. Thus
Cyrus went up, taking with him Tissaphernes as his friend, and accompanied also by a body
of Hellenes, three hundred heavy armed men, under the command of Xenias the Parrhasian[1].
[1] Parrhasia, a district and town in the south-west of Arcadia.
Now when Darius was dead, and Artaxerxes was established in the kingdom, Tissaphernes
brought slanderous accusations against Cyrus before his brother, the king, of harbouring
designs against him. And Artaxerxes, listening to the words of Tissaphernes, laid hands
upon Cyrus, desiring to put him to death; but his mother made intercession for him, and
sent him back again in safety to his province. He then, having so escaped through peril
and dishonour, fell to considering, not only how he might avoid ever again being in his
brother's power, but how, if possible, he might become king in his stead. Parysatis, his
mother, was his first resource; for she had more love for Cyrus than for Artaxerxes upon
his throne. Moreover Cyrus's behaviour towards all who came to him from the king's court
was such that, when he sent them away again, they were better friends to himself than to 5
the king his brother. Nor did he neglect the barbarians in his own service; but trained
them, at once to be capable as warriors and devoted adherents of himself. Lastly, he began
collecting his Hellenic armament, but with the utmost secrecy, so that he might take the
king as far as might be at unawares.
The manner in which he contrived the levying of the troops was as follows: First, he
sent orders to the commandants of garrisons in the cities (so held by him), bidding them
to get together as large a body of picked Peloponnesian troops as they severally were
able, on the plea that Tissaphernes was plotting against their cities; and truly these
cities of Ionia had originally belonged to Tissaphernes, being given to him by the king;
but at this time, with the exception of Miletus, they had all revolted to Cyrus. In
Miletus, Tissaphernes, having become aware of similar designs, had forestalled the
conspirators by putting some to death and banishing the remainder. Cyrus, on his side,
welcomed these fugitives, and having collected an army, laid siege to Miletus by sea and
land, endeavouring to reinstate the exiles; and this gave him another pretext for
collecting an armament. At the same time he sent to the king, and claimed, as being the
king's brother, that these cities should be given to himself rather than that Tissaphernes
should continue to govern them; and in furtherance of this end, the queen, his mother,
co-operated with him, so that the king not only failed to see the design against himself,
but concluded that Cyrus was spending his money on armaments in order to make war on
Tissaphernes. Nor did it pain him greatly to see the two at war together, and the less so
because Cyrus was careful to remit the tribute due to the king from the cities which
belonged to Tissaphernes.
A third army was being collected for him in the Chersonese, over against Abydos, the
origin of which was as follows: There was a Lacedaemonian exile, named Clearchus, with
whom Cyrus had become associated. Cyrus admired the man, and made him a present of ten
thousand darics[2]. Clearchus took the gold, and with the money raised 9 an army, and
using the Chersonese as his base of operations, set to work to fight the Thracians north
of the Hellespont, in the interests of the Hellenes, and with such happy result that the
Hellespontine cities, of their own accord, were eager to contribute funds for the support
of his troops. In this way, again, an armament was being secretly maintained for Cyrus.
[2] A Persian gold coin = 125.55 grains of gold.
Then there was the Thessalian Aristippus, Cyrus's friend[3], who, under pressure of the
rival political party at home, had come to Cyrus and asked him for pay for two thousand
mercenaries, to be continued for three months, which would enable him, he said, to gain
the upper hand of his antagonists. Cyrus replied by presenting him with six months' pay
for four thousand mercenaries--only stipulating that Aristippus should not come to terms
with his antagonists without final consultation with himself. In this way he secured to
himself the secret maintenance of a fourth armament.
[3] Lit. "guest-friend." Aristippus was, as we learn from the
"Meno" of Plato, a native of Larisa, of the family of the Aleuadae, and a pupil
of Gorgias. He was also a lover of Menon, whom he appears to have sent on this expedition
instead of himself.
Further, he bade Proxenus, a Boeotian, who was another friend, get together as many men
as possible, and join him in an expedition which he meditated against the Pisidians[4],
who were causing annoyance to his territory. Similarly two other friends, Sophaenetus the
Stymphalian[5], and Socrates the Achaean, had orders to get together as many men as
possible and come to him, since he was on the point of opening a campaign, along with
Milesian exiles, against Tissaphernes. These orders were duly carried out by the officers
in question.
[4] Lit. "into the country of the Pisidians."
[5] Of Stymphalus in Arcadia.
II
But when the right moment seemed to him to have come, at which he 1 should begin his
march into the interior, the pretext which he put forward was his desire to expel the
Pisidians utterly out of the country; and he began collecting both his Asiatic and his
Hellenic armaments, avowedly against that people. From Sardis in each direction his orders
sped: to Clearchus, to join him there with the whole of his army; to Aristippus, to come
to terms with those at home, and to despatch to him the troops in his employ; to Xenias
the Arcadian, who was acting as general-in-chief of the foreign troops in the cities, to
present himself with all the men available, excepting only those who were actually needed
to garrison the citadels. He next summoned the troops at present engaged in the siege of
Miletus, and called upon the exiles to follow him on his intended expedition, promising
them that if he were successful in his object, he would not pause until he had reinstated
them in their native city. To this invitation they hearkened gladly; they believed in him;
and with their arms they presented themselves at Sardis. So, too, Xenias arrived at Sardis
with the contingent from the cities, four thousand hoplites; Proxenus, also, with fifteen
hundred hoplites and five hundred light-armed troops; Sophaenetus the Stymphalian, with
one thousand hoplites; Socrates the Achaean, with five hundred hoplites; while the
Megarion Pasion came with three hundred hoplites and three hundred peltasts[1]. This
latter officer, as well as Socrates, belonged to the force engaged against Miletus. These
all joined him at Sardis.
[1] "Targeteers" armed with a light shield instead of the larger one of
the hoplite, or heavy infantry soldier. Iphicrates made great use of this arm at a later
date.
But Tissaphernes did not fail to note these proceedings. An equipment so large pointed
to something more than an invasion of Pisidia: so he argued; and with what speed he might,
he set off to the king, attended by about five hundred horse. The king, on his side, had
no sooner heard from Tissaphernes of Cyrus's great armament, than he began to make
counter-preparations.
Thus Cyrus, with the troops which I have named, set out from Sardis, and marched on and
on through Lydia three stages, making two-and-twenty parasangs[2], to the river Maeander.
That river is two hundred feet[3] broad, and was spanned by a bridge consisting of seven
boats. Crossing it, he marched through Phrygia a single stage, of eight parasangs, to
Colossae, an inhabited city[4], prosperous and 6 large. Here he remained seven days, and
was joined by Menon the Thessalian, who arrived with one thousand hoplites and five
hundred peltasts, Dolopes, Aenianes, and Olynthians. From this place he marched three
stages, twenty parasangs in all, to Celaenae, a populous city of Phrygia, large and
prosperous. Here Cyrus owned a palace and a large park[5] full of wild beasts, which he
used to hunt on horseback, whenever he wished to give himself or his horses exercise.
Through the midst of the park flows the river Maeander, the sources of which are within
the palace buildings, and it flows through the city of Celaenae. The great king also has a
palace in Celaenae, a strong place, on the sources of another river, the Marsyas, at the
foot of the acropolis. This river also flows through the city, discharging itself into the
Maeander, and is five-and-twenty feet broad. Here is the place where Apollo is said to
have flayed Marsyas, when he had conquered him in the contest of skill. He hung up the
skin of the conquered man, in the cavern where the spring wells forth, and hence the name
of the river, Marsyas. It was on this site that Xerxes, as tradition tells, built this
very palace, as well as the citadel of Celaenae itself, on his retreat from Hellas, after
he had lost the famous battle. Here Cyrus remained for thirty days, during which Clearchus
the Lacedaemonian arrived with one thousand hoplites and eight hundred Thracian peltasts
and two hundred Cretan archers. At the same time, also, came Sosis the Syracusian with
three thousand hoplites, and Sophaenetus the Arcadian[6] with one thousand hoplites; and
here Cyrus held a review, and numbered his Hellenes in the park, and found that they
amounted in all to eleven thousand hoplites and about two thousand peltasts.
[2] The Persian "farsang" = 30 stades, nearly 1 league, 3 1/2 statute
miles, though not of uniform value in all parts of Asia.
[3] "Two plethra": the plethron = about 101 English feet.
[4] Lit. "inhabited," many of the cities of Asia being then as now
deserted, but the suggestion is clearly at times "thickly inhabited,"
"populous."
[5] Lit. "paradise," an oriental word = park or pleasure ground.
[6] Perhaps this should be Agias the Arcadian, as Mr. Macmichael suggests.
Sophaenetus has already been named above.
From this place he continued his march two stages--ten parasangs--to 10 the populous
city of Peltae, where he remained three days; while Xenias, the Arcadian, celebrated the
Lycaea[7] with sacrifice, and instituted games. The prizes were headbands of gold; and
Cyrus himself was a spectator of the contest. From this place the march was continued two
stages--twelve parasangs--to Ceramon-agora, a populous city, the last on the confines of
Mysia. Thence a march of three stages--thirty parasangs--brought him to Caystru-pedion[8],
a populous city. Here Cyrus halted five days; and the soldiers, whose pay was now more
than three months in arrear, came several times to the palace gates demanding their dues;
while Cyrus put them off with fine words and expectations, but could not conceal his
vexation, for it was not his fashion to stint payment, when he had the means. At this
point Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis, the king of the Cilicians, arrived on a visit to
Cyrus; and it was said that Cyrus received a large gift of money from the queen. At this
date, at any rate, Cyrus gave the army four months' pay. The queen was accompanied by a
bodyguard of Cilicians and Aspendians; and, if report speaks truly, Cyrus had intimate
relations with the queen.
[7] The Lycaea, an Arcadian festival in honour of Zeus {Arcaios}, akin to the Roman
Lupercalia, which was originally a shepherd festival, the introduction of which the Romans
ascribe to the Arcadian Evander.
[8] Lit. "plain of the Cayster," like Ceramon-agora, "the market of
the Ceramians" above, the name of a town.
From this place he marched two stages--ten parasangs--to Thymbrium, a populous city.
Here, by the side of the road, is the spring of Midas, the king of Phrygia, as it is
called, where Midas, as the story goes, caught the satyr by drugging the spring with wine.
From this place he marched two stages--ten parasangs--to Tyriaeum, a populous city. Here
he halted three days; and the Cilician queen, according to the popular account, begged
Cyrus to exhibit his armament for her amusement. The latter being only too glad to make
such an exhibition, held a review of the Hellenes and barbarians in the plain. He ordered
the Hellenes to draw up their lines and post themselves in their customary battle order,
each general marshalling his own battalion. Accordingly they drew up four-deep. The right
was held by Menon and those with him; the 15 left by Clearchus and his men; the centre by
the remaining generals with theirs. Cyrus first inspected the barbarians, who marched past
in troops of horses and companies of infantry. He then inspected the Hellenes; driving
past them in his chariot, with the queen in her carriage. And they all had brass helmets
and purple tunics, and greaves, and their shields uncovered[9].
[9] I.e. ready for action, c.f. "bayonets fixed".
After he had driven past the whole body, he drew up his chariot in front of the centre
of the battle-line, and sent his interpreter Pigres to the generals of the Hellenes, with
orders to present arms and to advance along the whole line. This order was repeated by the
generals to their men; and at the sound of the bugle, with shields forward and spears in
rest, they advanced to meet the enemy. The pace quickened, and with a shout the soldiers
spontaneously fell into a run, making in the direction of the camp. Great was the panic of
the barbarians. The Cilician queen in her carriage turned and fled; the sutlers in the
marketing place left their wares and took to their heels; and the Hellenes meanwhile came
into camp with a roar of laughter. What astounded the queen was the brilliancy and order
of the armament; but Cyrus was pleased to see the terror inspired by the Hellenes in the
hearts of the Asiatics.
From this place he marched on three stages--twenty parasangs--to Iconium, the last city
of Phrygia, where he remained three days. Thence he marched through Lycaonia five
stages--thirty parasangs. This was hostile country, and he gave it over to the Hellenes to
pillage. At this point Cyrus sent back the Cilician queen to her own country by the
quickest route; and to escort her he sent the soldiers of Menon, and Menon himself. With
the rest of the troops he continued his march through Cappadocia four stages--twenty-five
parasangs--to Dana, a populous city, large and flourishing. Here they halted three days,
within which interval Cyrus put to death, on a charge of conspiracy, a Persian nobleman
named Megaphernes, a wearer of the royal purple; and along with him another high dignitary
among his subordinate commanders.
From this place they endeavoured to force a passage into Cilicia. Now 21 the entrance
was by an exceedingly steep cart-road, impracticable for an army in face of a resisting
force; and report said that Syennesis was on the summit of the pass guarding the approach.
Accordingly they halted a day in the plain; but next day came a messenger informing them
that Syenesis had left the pass; doubtless, after perceiving that Menon's army was already
in Cilicia on his own side of the mountains; and he had further been informed that ships
of war, belonging to the Lacedaemonians and to Cyrus himself, with Tamos on board as
admiral, were sailing round from Ionia to Cilicia. Whatever the reason might be, Cyrus
made his way up into the hills without let or hindrance, and came in sight of the tents
where the Cilicians were on guard. From that point he descended gradually into a large and
beautiful plain country, well watered, and thickly covered with trees of all sorts and
vines. This plain produces sesame plentifully, as also panic and millet and barley and
wheat; and it is shut in on all sides by a steep and lofty wall of mountains from sea to
sea. Descending through this plain country, he advanced four stages--twenty-five
parasangs--to Tarsus, a large and prosperous city of Cilicia. Here stood the palace of
Syennesis, the king of the country; and through the middle of the city flows a river
called the Cydnus, two hundred feet broad. They found that the city had been deserted by
its inhabitants, who had betaken themselves, with Syennesis, to a strong place on the
hills. All had gone, except the tavern-keepers. The sea-board inhabitants of Soli and Issi
also remained. Now Epyaxa, Syennesis's queen, had reached Tarsus five days in advance of
Cyrus. During their passage over the mountains into the plain, two companies of Menon's
army were lost. Some said they had been cut down by the Cilicians, while engaged on some
pillaging affair; another account was that they had been left behind, and being unable to
overtake the main body, or discover the route, had gone astray and perished. However it
was, they numbered one hundred hoplites; and when the rest arrived, being in a fury at the
destruction of their fellow soldiers, they vented their spleen by pillaging the city of
Tarsus and the palace to boot. Now when Cyrus had marched into the city, he sent for
Syennesis to come to him; but 26 the latter replied that he had never yet put himself into
the hands of any one who was his superior, nor was he willing to accede to the proposal of
Cyrus now; until, in the end, his wife persuaded him, and he accepted pledges of good
faith. After this they met, and Syennesis gave Cyrus large sums in aid of his army; while
Cyrus presented him with the customary royal gifts--to wit, a horse with a gold bit, a
necklace of gold, a gold bracelet, and a gold scimitar, a Persian dress, and lastly, the
exemption of his territory from further pillage, with the privilege of taking back the
slaves that had been seized, wherever they might chance to come upon them.
III
At Tarsus Cyrus and his army halted for twenty days; the soldiers 1 refusing to advance
further, since the suspicion ripened in their minds, that the expedition was in reality
directed against the king; and as they insisted, they had not engaged their services for
that object. Clearchus set the example of trying to force his men to continue their march;
but he had no sooner started at the head of his troops than they began to pelt him and his
baggage train, and Clearchus had a narrow escape of being stoned to death there and then.
Later on, when he perceived that force was useless, he summoned an assembly of his own
men; and for a long while he stood and wept, while the men gazed in silent astonishment.
At last he spoke as follows: "Fellow soldiers, do not marvel that I am sorely
distressed on account of the present troubles. Cyrus has been no ordinary friend to me.
When I was in banishment he honoured me in various ways, and made me also a present of ten
thousand darics. These I accepted, but not to lay them up for myself for private use; not
to squander them in pleasure, but to expend them on yourselves. And, first of all, I went
to war with the Thracians, and with you to aid, I wreaked vengeance on them in behalf of
Hellas; driving them out of the Chersonese, when they wanted to deprive its Hellenic
inhabitants of their lands. But as soon as Cyrus summoned me, I took you with me and set
out, so that, if my benefactor had any need of me, I might requite him for the good
treatment I myself had received at his hands. . . . But since you are not minded to
continue the march with me, one of two things is left to 5 me to do; either I must
renounce you for the sake of my friendship with Cyrus, or I must go with you at the cost
of deceiving him. Whether I am about to do right or not, I cannot say, but I choose
yourselves; and, whatever betide, I mean to share your fate. Never shall it be said of me
by any one that, having led Greek troops against the barbarians[1], I betrayed the
Hellenes, and chose the friendship of the barbarian. No! since you do not choose to obey
and follow me, I will follow after you. Whatever betide, I will share your fate. I look
upon you as my country, my friends, my allies; with you I think I shall be honoured,
wherever I be; without you I do not see how I can help a friend or hurt a foe. My decision
is taken. Wherever you go, I go also."
[1] Lit. "into the country of the barbarian."
Such were his words. But the soldiers, not only his own, but the rest also, when they
heard what he said, and how he had scouted the idea of going up to the great king's
palace[2], expressed their approval; and more than two thousand men deserted Xenias and
Pasion, and took their arms and baggage-train, and came and encamped with Clearchus. But
Cyrus, in despair and vexation at this turn of affairs, sent for Clearchus. He refused to
come; but, without the knowledge of the soldiers, sent a message to Cyrus, bidding him
keep a good heart, for that all would arrange itself in the right way; and bade him keep
on sending for him, whilst he himself refused to go. After that he got together his own
men, with those who had joined him, and of the rest any who chose to come, and spoke as
follows: "Fellow soldiers, it is clear that the relations of Cyrus to us are
identical with ours to him. We are no longer his soldiers, since we have ceased to follow
him; and he, on his side, is no longer our paymaster. He, however, no doubt considers
himself wronged by us; and though he goes on sending for me, I cannot bring myself to go
to him: for two reasons, chiefly from a sense of shame, for I am forced to admit to myself
that I have altogether deceived him; but partly, too, because I am afraid of his seizing
me and inflicting a penalty on the wrongs which he conceives 11 that I have done him. In
my opinion, then, this is no time for us to go to sleep and forget all about ourselves,
rather it is high time to deliberate on our next move; and as long as we do remain here,
we had better bethink us how we are to abide in security; or, if we are resolved to turn
our backs at once, what will be the safest means of retreat; and, further, how we are to
procure supplies, for without supplies there is no profit whatsoever in the general or the
private soldier. The man with whom we have to deal is an excellent friend to his friends,
but a very dangerous enemy to his foes. And he is backed by a force of infantry and
cavalry and ships such as we all alike very well see and know, since we can hardly be said
to have posted ourselves at any great distance from him. If, then, any one has a
suggestion to make, now is the time to speak." With these words he ceased.
[2] Or "how he insisted that he was not going up."
Then various speakers stood up; some of their own motion to propound their views;
others inspired by Clearchus to dilate on the hopeless difficulty of either staying, or
going back without the goodwill of Cyrus. One of these, in particular, with a make-believe
of anxiety to commence the homeward march without further pause, called upon them
instantly to choose other generals, if Clearchus were not himself prepared to lead them
back: "Let them at once purchase supplies" (the market being in the heart of the
Asiatic camp), "let them pack up their baggage: let them," he added, "go to
Cyrus and ask for some ships in order to return by sea: if he refused to give them ships,
let them demand of him a guide to lead them back through a friendly district; and if he
would not so much as give them a guide, they could but put themselves, without more ado,
in marching order, and send on a detachment to occupy the pass--before Cyrus and the
Cilicians, whose property," the speaker added, "we have so plentifully pillaged,
can anticipate us." Such were the remarks of that speaker; he was followed by
Clearchus, who merely said: "As to my acting personally as general at this season,
pray do not propose it: I can see numerous obstacles to my doing so. Obedience, in the
fullest, I can render to the man of 15 your choice, that is another matter: and you shall
see and know that I can play my part, under command, with the best of you."
After Clearchus another spokesman stood up, and proceeded to point out the simplicity
of the speaker, who proposed to ask for vessels, just as if Cyrus were minded to renounce
the expedition and sail back again. "And let me further point out," he said,
"what a simple-minded notion it is to beg a guide of the very man whose designs we
are marring. If we can trust any guide whom Cyrus may vouchsafe to us, why not order Cyrus
at once to occupy the pass on our behoof? For my part, I should think twice before I set
foot on any ships that he might give us, for fear lest he should sink them with his
men-of-war; and I should equally hesitate to follow any guide of his: he might lead us
into some place out of which we should find it impossible to escape. I should much prefer,
if I am to return home against the will of Cyrus at all, to give him the slip, and so
begone: which indeed is impossible. But these schemes are simply nonsensical. My proposal
is that a deputation of fit persons, with Clearchus, should go to Cyrus: let them go to
Cyrus and ask him: what use he proposes to make of us? and if the business is at all
similar to that on which he once before employed a body of foreigners--let us by all means
follow: let us show that we are the equals of those who accompanied him on his much up
formerly. But if the design should turn out to be of larger import than the former
one--involving more toil and more danger--we should ask him, either to give us good
reasons for following his lead, or else consent to send us away into a friendly country.
In this way, whether we follow him, we shall do so as friends, and with heart and soul, or
whether we go back, we shall do so in security. The answer to this shall be reported to us
here, and when we have heard it, we will advise as to our best course."
This resolution was carried, and they chose and sent a deputation with Clearchus, who
put to Cyrus the questions which had been agreed upon by the army. Cyrus replied as
follows: That he had received news that Abrocomas, an enemy of his, was posted on the
Euphrates, twelve stages 20 off; his object was to march against this aforesaid Abrocomas:
and if he were still there, he wished to inflict punishment on him, "or if he be
fled" (so the reply concluded), "we will there deliberate on the best
course." The deputation received the answer and reported it to the soldiers. The
suspicion that he was leading them against the king was not dispelled; but it seemed best
to follow him. They only demanded an increase of pay, and Cyrus promised to give them half
as much again as they had hitherto received--that is to say, a daric and a half a month to
each man, instead of a daric. Was he really leading them to attack the king? Not even at
this moment was any one apprised of the fact, at any rate in any open and public manner.
IV
From this point he marched two stages--ten parasangs--to the river 1 Psarus, which is
two hundred feet broad, and from the Psarus he marched a single stage--five parasangs--to
Issi, the last city in Cilicia. It lies on the seaboard--a prosperous, large and
flourishing town. Here they halted three days, and here Cyrus was joined by his fleet.
There were thirty-five ships from Peloponnesus, with the Lacedaemonian admiral Pythagoras
on board. These had been piloted from Ephesus by Tamos the Egyptian, who himself had
another fleet of twenty-five ships belonging to Cyrus. These had formed Tamos's blockading
squadron at Miletus, when that city sided with Tissaphernes; he had also used them in
other military services rendered to Cyrus in his operations against that satrap. There was
a third officer on board the fleet, the Lacedaemonian Cheirisophus, who had been sent for
by Cyrus, and had brought with him seven hundred hoplites, over whom he was to act as
general in the service of Cyrus. The fleet lay at anchor opposite Cyrus's tent. Here too
another reinforcement presented itself. This was a body of four hundred hoplites, Hellenic
mercenaries in the service of Abrocomas, who 3 deserted him for Cyrus, and joined in the
campaign against the king.
From Issi, he marched a single stage--five parasangs--to the gates of Cilicia and
Syria. This was a double fortress: the inner and nearer one, which protects Cilicia, was
held by Syennesis and a garrison of Cilicians; the outer and further one, protecting
Syria, was reported to be garrisoned by a body of the king's troops. Through the gap
between the two fortresses flows a river named the Carsus, which is a hundred feet broad,
and the whole space between was scarcely more than six hundred yards. To force a passage
here would be impossible, so narrow was the pass itself, with the fortification walls
stretching down to the sea, and precipitous rocks above; while both fortresses were
furnished with gates. It was the existence of this pass which had induced Cyrus to send
for the fleet, so as to enable him to lead a body of hoplites inside and outside the
gates; and so to force a passage through the enemy, if he were guarding the Syrian gate,
as he fully expected to find Abrocomas doing with a large army. This, however, Abrocomas
had not done; but as soon as he learnt that Cyrus was in Cilicia, he had turned round and
made his exit from Phoenicia, to join the king with an army amounting, as report said, to
three hundred thousand men.
From this point Cyrus pursued his march, through Syria a single stage--five
parasangs--to Myriandus, a city inhabited by Phoenicians, on the sea-coast. This was a
commercial port, and numerous merchant vessels were riding at anchor in the harbour. Here
they halted seven days, and here Xenias the Arcadian general, and Pasion the Megarian got
on board a trader, and having stowed away their most valuable effects, set sail for home;
most people explained the act as the outcome of a fit of jealousy, because Cyrus had
allowed Clearchus to retain their men, who had deserted to him, in hopes of returning to
Hellas instead of marching against the king; when the two had so vanished, a rumour spread
that Cyrus was after them with some ships of war, and some hoped the cowards might be
caught, others pitied them, if that should be their fate.
But Cyrus summoned the generals and addressed them: "Xenias and 8 Pasion," he
said, "have taken leave of us; but they need not flatter themselves that in so doing
they have stolen into hiding. I know where they are gone; nor will they owe their escape
to speed; I have men-of-war to capture their craft, if I like. But heaven help me! if I
mean to pursue them: never shall it be said of me, that I turn people to account as long
as they stay with me, but as soon as they are minded to be off, I seize and maltreat them,
and strip them of their wealth. Not so! let them go with the consciousness that our
behaviour to them is better than theirs to us. And yet I have their children and wives
safe under lock and key in Tralles; but they shall not be deprived even of these. They
shall receive them back in return for their former goodness to me." So he spoke, and
the Hellenes, even those who had been out of heart at the thought of marching up the
country, when they heard of the nobleness of Cyrus, were happier and more eager to follow
him on his path.
After this Cyrus marched onwards four stages--twenty parasangs--to the river Chalus.
That river is a hundred feet broad, and is stocked with tame fish which the Syrians regard
as gods, and will not suffer to be injured--and so too the pigeons of the place. The
villages in which they encamped belonged to Parysatis, as part of her girdle money[1].
From this point he marched on five stages--thirty parasangs--to the sources of the river
Dardas, which is a hundred feet broad. Here stood the palace of Belesys, the ruler of
Syria, with its park--which was a very large and beautiful one, and full of the products
of all the seasons in their course. But Cyrus cut down the park and burnt the palace.
Thence he marched on three stages--fifteen parasangs--to the river Euphrates, which is
nearly half a mile broad. A large and 11 flourishing city, named Thapsacus, stands on its
banks. Here they halted five days, and here Cyrus sent for the generals of the Hellenes,
and told them that the advance was now to be upon Babylon, against the great king; he bade
them communicate this information to the soldiers and persuade them to follow. The
generals called an assembly, and announced the news to the soldiers. The latter were
indignant and angry with the generals, accusing them of having kept secret what they had
long known; and refused to go, unless such a bribe of money were given them as had been
given to their predecessors, when they went up with Cyrus to the court of his father, not
as now to fight a battle, but on a peaceful errand--the visit of a son to his father by
invitation. The demand was reported to Cyrus by the generals, and he undertook to give
each man five silver minae as soon as Babylon was reached, and their pay in full, until he
had safely conveyed them back to Ionia again. In this manner the Hellenic force were
persuaded--that is to say, the majority of them. Menon, indeed, before it was clear what
the rest of the soldiers would do--whether, in fact they would follow Cyrus or
not--collected his own troops apart and made them the following speech; "Men,"
he said, "if you will listen to me, there is a method by which, without risk or toil,
you may win the special favour of Cyrus beyond the rest of the soldiers. You ask what it
is I would have you to do? I will tell you. Cyrus at this instant is begging the Hellenes
to follow him to attack the king. I say then: Cross the Euphrates at once, before it is
clear what answer the rest will make; if they vote in favour of following, you will get
the credit of having set the example, and Cyrus will be grateful to you. He will look upon
you as being the heartiest in his cause; he will repay, as of all others he best knows
how; while, if the rest vote against crossing, we shall go back again; but as the sole
adherents, whose fidelity he can altogether trust, it is you whom Cyrus will turn to
account, as commandants of garrisons or captains of companies. You need only ask him for
whatever you want, and you will get it from him, as being the friends of Cyrus.
[1] Cf. Plat. "Alcib." i. 123 B. "Why, I have been informed by a
credible person, who went up to the king (at Susa), that he passed through a large tract
of excellent land, extending for nearly a day's journey, which the people of the country
called the queen's girdle, and another which they called her veil," etc. Olympiodorus
and the Scholiast both think that Plato here refers to Xenophon and this passage of the
"Anabasis." Grote thinks it very probable that Plato had in his mind Xenophon
(either his "Anabasis" or personal communications with him).
The men heard and obeyed, and before the rest had given their answer, they were already
across. But when Cyrus perceived that Menon's troops 16 had crossed, he was well pleased,
and he sent Glus to the division in question, with this message: "Soldiers, accept my
thanks at present; eventually you shall thank me. I will see to that, or my name is not
Cyrus." The soldiers therefore could not but pray heartily for his success; so high
their hopes ran. But to Menon, it was said, he sent gifts with lordly liberality. This
done, Cyrus proceeded to cross; and in his wake followed the rest of the armament to a
man. As they forded, never a man was wetted above the chest: nor ever until this moment,
said the men of Thapascus, had the river been so crossed on foot, boats had always been
required; but these, at the present time, Abrocomas, in his desire to hinder Cyrus from
crossing, had been at pains to burn. Thus the passage was looked upon as a thing
miraculous; the river had manifestly retired before the face of Cyrus, like a courtier
bowing to his future king. From this place he continued his march through Syria nine
stages--fifty parasangs--and they reached the river Araxes. Here were several villages
full of corn and wine; in which they halted three days, and provisioned the army.
V
Thence he marched on through Arabia, keeping the Euphrates on the 1 right, five desert
stages--thirty-five parasangs. In this region the ground was one long level plain,
stretching far and wide like the sea, full of absinth; whilst all the other vegetation,
whether wood or reed, was sweet scented like spice or sweet herb; there were no trees; but
there was wild game of all kinds--wild asses in greatest abundance, with plenty of
ostriches; besides these, there were bustards and antelopes. These creatures were
occasionally chased by the cavalry. The asses, when pursued, would run forward a space,
and then stand still--their pace being much swifter than that of horses; and as soon as
the horses came close, they went through the same performance. The only way to catch them
was for the riders to post themselves at intervals, and to hunt them in relays, as it
were. The flesh of those they captured was not unlike venison, only more tender. No one
was lucky enough to capture an ostrich. Some of the troopers did give chase, but it had
soon to be abandoned; for the bird, in its effort to escape, speedily put a long interval
between itself and its 3 pursuers; plying its legs at full speed, and using its wings the
while like a sail. The bustards were not so hard to catch when started suddenly; for they
only take short flights, like partridges, and are soon tired. Their flesh is delicious.
As the army wended its way through this region, they reached the river Mascas, which is
one hundred feet in breadth. Here stood a big deserted city called Corsote, almost
literally environed by the stream, which flows round it in a circle. Here they halted
three days and provisioned themselves. Thence they continued their march thirteen desert
stages--ninety parasangs--with the Euphrates still on their right, until they reached the
Gates. On these marches several of the baggage animals perished of hunger, for there was
neither grass nor green herb, or tree of any sort; but the country throughout was barren.
The inhabitants make their living by quarrying millstones on the river banks, which they
work up and take to Babylon and sell, purchasing corn in exchange for their goods. Corn
failed the army, and was not to be got for money, except in the Lydian market open in
Cyrus's Asiatic army; where a kapithe of wheat or barley cost four shekels; the shekel
being equal to seven and a half Attic obols, whilst the kapithe is the equivalent of two
Attic choeneces[1], dry measure, so that the soldiers subsisted on meat alone for the
whole period. Some of the stages were very long, whenever they had to push on to find
water or fodder; and once they found themselves involved in a narrow way, where the deep
clay presented an obstacle to the progress of the wagons. Cyrus, with the nobles about
him, halted to superintend the operation, and ordered Glus and Pigres to take a body of
barbarians and to help in extricating the wagons. As they seemed to be slow about the
business, he turned round angrily to the Persian nobles and bade them lend a hand to force
the wagons out. Then, if ever, what goes to constitute one branch of good discipline, was
to be witnessed. Each of those addressed, just where he chanced to be 8 standing, threw
off his purple cloak, and flung himself into the work with as much eagerness as if it had
been a charge for victory. Down a steep hill side they flew, with their costly tunics and
embroidered trousers--some with the circlets round their necks, and bracelets on their
arms--in an instant, they had sprung into the miry clay, and in less time than one could
have conceived, they had landed the wagons safe on terra firma.
[1] The choenix = about 1 quart (or, according to others, 1 1/2 pint). It was the
minimum allowance of corn for a man, say a slave, per diem. The Spartan was allowed at the
public table 2 choenices a day.
Altogether it was plain that Cyrus was bent on pressing on the march, and averse to
stoppages, except where he halted for the sake of provisioning or some other necessary
object; being convinced that the more rapidly he advanced, the less prepared for battle
would he find the king; while the slower his own progress, the larger would be the hostile
army which he would find collected. Indeed, the attentive observer could see, at a glance,
that if the king's empire was strong in its extent of territory and the number of
inhabitants, that strength is compensated by an inherent weakness, dependent upon the
length of roads and the inevitable dispersion of defensive forces, where an invader
insists upon pressing home the war by forced marches.
On the opposite side of the Euphrates to the point reached on one of these desert
stages, was a large and flourishing city named Charmande. From this town the soldiers made
purchases of provisions, crossing the river on rafts, in the following fashion: They took
the skins which they used as tent coverings, and filled them with light grass; they then
compressed and stitched them tightly together by the ends, so that the water might not
touch the hay. On these they crossed and got provisions: wine made from the date-nut, and
millet or panic-corn, the common staple of the country. Some dispute or other here
occurred between the soldiers of Menon and Clearchus, in which Clearchus sentenced one of
Menon's men, as the delinquent, and had him flogged. The man went back to his own division
and told them. Hearing what had been done to their comrade, his fellows fretted and fumed,
and were highly incensed against Clearchus. The same day Clearchus visited the passage of
the river, and after inspecting the market there, was returning with a few followers, on
horseback, to his tent, and had to 12 pass through Menon's quarters. Cyrus had not yet
come up, but was riding up in the same direction. One of Menon's men, who was splitting
wood, caught sight of Clearchus as he rode past, and aimed a blow at him with his axe. The
aim took no effect; when another hurled a stone at him, and a third, and then several,
with shouts and hisses. Clearchus made a rapid retreat to his own troops, and at once
ordered them to get under arms. He bade his hoplites remain in position with their shields
resting against their knees, while he, at the head of his Thracians and horsemen, of which
he had more than forty in his army--Thracians for the most part--advanced against Menon's
soldiers, so that the latter, with Menon himself, were panic-stricken, and ran to seize
their arms; some even stood riveted to the spot, in perplexity at the occurrence. Just
then Proxenus came up from behind, as chance would have it, with his division of hoplites,
and without a moment's hesitation marched into the open space between the rival parties,
and grounded arms; then he fell to begging Clearchus to desist. The latter was not too
well pleased to hear his trouble mildly spoken of, when he had barely escaped being stoned
to death; and he bade Proxenus retire and leave the intervening space open. At this
juncture Cyrus arrived and inquired what was happening. There was no time for hesitation.
With his javelins firmly grasped in his hands he galloped up--escorted by some of his
faithful bodyguard, who were present--and was soon in the midst, exclaiming:
"Clearchus, Proxenus, and you other Hellenes yonder, you know not what you do. As
surely as you come to blows with one another, our fate is sealed--this very day I shall be
cut to pieces, and so will you: your turn will follow close on mine. Let our fortunes once
take an evil turn, and these barbarians whom you see around will be worse foes to us than
those who are at present serving the king." At these words Clearchus came to his
senses. Both parties paused from battle, and retired to their quarters: order reigned.
VI
As they advanced from this point (opposite Charmande), they came upon 1 the hoof-prints
and dung of horses at frequent intervals. It looked like the trail of some two thousand
horses. Keeping ahead of the army, these fellows burnt up the grass and everything else
that was good for use. Now there was a Persian, named Orontas; he was closely related to
the king by birth: and in matters pertaining to war reckoned among the best of Persian
warriors. Having formerly been at war with Cyrus, and afterwards reconciled to him, he now
made a conspiracy to destroy him. he made a proposal to Cyrus: if Cyrus would furnish him
with a thousand horsemen, he would deal with these troopers, who were burning down
everything in front of them; he would lay an ambuscade and cut them down, or he would
capture a host of them alive; in any case, he would put a stop to their agressiveness and
burnings; he would see to it that they did not ever get a chance of setting eyes on
Cyrus's army and reporting its advent to the king. The proposal seemed plausible to Cyrus,
who accordingly authorised Orontas to take a detachment from each of the generals, and be
gone. He, thinking that he had got his horsemen ready to his hand, wrote a letter to the
king, announcing that he would ere long join him with as many troopers as he could bring;
he bade him, at the same time, instruct the royal cavalry to welcome him as a friend. The
letter further contained certain reminders of his former friendship and fidelity. This
despatch he delivered into the hands of one who was a trusty messenger, as he thought; but
the bearer took and gave it to Cyrus. Cyrus read it. Orontas was arrested. Then Cyrus
summoned to his tent seven of the noblest Persians among his personal attendants, and sent
orders to the Hellenic generals to bring up a body of hoplites. These troops were to take
up a position round his tent. This the generals did; bringing up about three thousand
hoplites. Clearchus was also invited inside, to assist at the court-martial; a compliment
due to the position he held among the other generals, in the opinion not only of Cyrus,
but also of the rest of the court. When he came out, he reported the circumstances of the
trial (as to which, indeed, there was no mystery) to his friends. He said that Cyrus
opened the inquiry with these words: "I have invited you hither, my friends, that I
may take advice with you, and carry out whatever, in the sight of God and man, it is right
for me to do, as concerning the man before you, Orontas. The 6 prisoner was, in the first
instance, given to me by my father, to be my faithful subject. In the next place, acting,
to use his own words, under the orders of my brother, and having hold of the acropolis of
Sardis, he went to war with me. I met war with war, and forced him to think it more
prudent to desist from war with me: whereupon we shook hands, exchanging solemn pledges.
After that," and at this point Cyrus turned to Orontas, and addressed him
personally--"after that, did I do you any wrong?" Answer, "Never."
Again another question: "Then later on, having received, as you admit, no injury from
me, did you revolt to the Mysians and injure my territory, as far as in you
lay?"--"I did," was the reply. "Then, once more having discovered the
limits of your power, did you flee to the altar of Artemis, crying out that you repented?
and did you thus work upon my feelings, that we a second time shook hands and made
interchange of solemn pledges? Are these things so?" Orontas again assented.
"Then what injury have you received from me," Cyrus asked, "that now for
the third time, you have been detected in a treasonous plot against me?"--"I
must needs do so," he answered. Then Cyrus put one more question: "But the day
may come, may it not, when you will once again be hostile to my brother, and a faithful
friend to myself?" The other answered: "Even if I were, you could never be
brought to believe it, Cyrus."
At this point Cyrus turned to those who were present and said: "Such has been the
conduct of the prisoner in the past: such is his language now. I now call upon you, and
you first, Clearchus, to declare your opinion--what think you?" And Clearchus
answered: "My advice to you is to put this man out of the way as soon as may be, so
that we may be saved the necessity of watching him, and have more leisure, as far as he is
concerned, to requite the services of those whose friendship is sincere."--"To
this opinion," he told us, "the rest of the court adhered." After that, at
the bidding of Cyrus, each of those present, 10 in turn, including the kinsmen of Orontas,
took him by the girdle; which is as much as to say, "Let him die the death," and
then those appointed led him out; and they who in old days were wont to do obeisance to
him, could not refrain, even at that moment, from bowing down before him, albeit they knew
he was being led forth to death.
After they had conducted him to the tent of Artapates, the trustiest of Cyrus's
wand-bearers, none set eyes upon him ever again, alive or dead. No one, of his own
knowledge, could declare the manner of his death; though some conjectured one thing and
some another. No tomb to mark his resting-place, either then or since, was ever seen.
VII
From this place Cyrus marched through Babylonia three stages--twelve 1 parasangs. Now,
on the third stage, about midnight, Cyrus held a review of the Hellenes and Asiatics in
the plain, expecting that the king would arrive the following day with his army to offer
battle. He gave orders to Clearchus to take command of the right wing, and to Menon the
Thessalian of the left, while he himself undertook to the disposition of his own forces in
person. After the review, with the first approach of day, deserters from the great king
arrived, bringing Cyrus information about the royal army. Then Cyrus summoned the generals
and captains of the Hellenes, and held a council of war to arrange the plan of battle. He
took this opportunity also to address the following words of compliment and encouragement
to the meeting: "Men of Hellas," he said, "it is certainly not from dearth
of barbarians to fight my battles that I put myself at your head as my allies; but because
I hold you to be better and stronger than many barbarians. That is why I took you. See
then that you prove yourselves to be men worthy of the liberty which you possess, and
which I envy you. Liberty--it is a thing which, be well assured, I would choose in
preference to all my other possessions, multiplied many times. But I would like you to
know into what sort of struggle you are going: learn its nature from one who knows. Their
numbers are great, and they come on with much noise; but if you can hold out against these
two things, I confess I am ashamed to think, what a sorry set of folk you will 4 find the
inhabitants of this land to be. But you are men, and brave you must be, being men: it is
agreed; then if you wish to return home, any of you, I undertake to send you back, in such
sort that your friends at home shall envy you; but I flatter myself I shall persuade many
of you to accept what I will offer you here, in lieu of what you left at home."
Here Gaulites, a Samian exile, and a trusty friend of Cyrus, being present, exclaimed:
"Ay, Cyrus, but some say you can afford to make large promises now, because you are
in the crisis of impending danger; but let matters go well with you, will you recollect?
They shake their heads. Indeed, some add that, even if you did recollect, and were ever so
willing, you would not be able to make good all your promises, and repay." When Cyrus
heard that, he answered: "You forget, sirs, my father's empire stretches southwards
to a region where men cannot dwell by reason of the heat, and northwards to a region
uninhabitable through cold; but all the intervening space is mapped out in satrapies
belonging to my brother's friends: so that if the victory be ours, it will be ours also to
put our friends in possession in their room. On the whole my fear is, not that I may not
have enough to give to each of my friends, but lest I may not have friends enough on whom
to bestow what I have to give, and to each of you Hellenes I will give a crown of
gold."
So they, when they heard these words, were once more elated than ever themselves, and
spread the good news among the rest outside. And there came into his presence both the
generals and some of the other Hellenes also, claiming to know what they should have in
the event of victory; and Cyrus satisfied the expectations of each and all, and so
dismissed them. Now the advice and admonition of all who came into conversation with him
was, not to enter the battle himself, but to post himself in rear of themselves; and at
this season Clearchus put a question to him: "But do you think that your brother will
give battle 9 to you, Cyrus?" and Cyrus answered: "Not without a battle, be
assured, shall the prize be won; if he be the son of Darius and Parysatis, and a brother
of mine."
In the final arming for battle at this juncture, the numbers were as follows: Of
Hellenes there were ten thousand four hundred heavy infantry with two thousand five
hundred targeteers, while the barbarians with Cyrus reached a total of one hundred
thousand. He had too about twenty scythe-chariots. The enemy's forces were reported to
number one million two hundred thousand, with two hundred scythe-chariots, besides which
he had six thousand cavalry under Artagerses. These formed the immediate vanguard of the
king himself. The royal army was marshalled by four generals or field-marshals, each in
command of three hundred thousand men. Their names were Abrocomas, Tissaphernes, Gobryas,
and Arbaces. (But of this total not more than nine hundred thousand were engaged in the
battle, with one hundred and fifty scythe-chariots; since Abrocomas, on his march from
Phoenicia, arrived five days too late for the battle.) Such was the information brought to
Cyrus by deserters who came in from the king's army before the battle, and it was
corroborated after the battle by those of the enemy who were taken prisoners.
From this place Cyrus advanced one stage--three parasangs--with the whole body of his
troops, Hellenic and barbarian alike in order of battle. He expected the king to give
battle the same day, for in the middle of this day's march a deep sunk trench was reached,
thirty feet broad, and eighteen feet deep. The trench was carried inland through the
plain, twelve parasang's distance, to the wall of Media[1]. [Here are canals, flowing from
the river Tigris; they are four in number, each a hundred feet broad, and very deep, with
corn ships plying upon 15 them; they empty themselves into the Euphrates, and are at
intervals of one parasang apart, and are spanned by bridges.]
[1] For "the wall of Media" see Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol.
ix. p. 87 and foll. note 1 (1st ed.), and various authorities there quoted or referred to.
The next passage enclosed in [] may possibly be a commentator's or editor's note, but, on
the whole, I have thought it best to keep the words in the text instead of relegating
them, as heretofore, to a note. Perhaps some future traveller may clear up all
difficulties.
Between the Euphrates and the trench was a narrow passage, twenty feet only in breadth.
The trench itself had been constructed by the great king upon hearing of Cyrus's approach,
to serve as a line of defence. Through this narrow passage then Cyrus and his army passed,
and found themselves safe inside the trench. So there was no battle to be fought with the
king that day; only there were numerous unmistakable traces of horse and infantry in
retreat. Here Cyrus summoned Silanus, his Ambraciot soothsayer, and presented him with
three thousand darics; because eleven days back, when sacrificing, he had told him that
the king would not fight within ten days, and Cyrus had answered: "Well, then, if he
does not fight within that time, he will not fight at all; and if your prophecy comes
true, I promise you ten talents." So now, that the ten days were passed, he presented
him with the above sum.
But as the king had failed to hinder the passage of Cyrus's army at the trench, Cyrus
himself and the rest concluded that he must have abandoned the idea of offering battle, so
that next day Cyrus advanced with less than his former caution. On the third day he was
conducting the march, seated in his carriage, with only a small body of troops drawn up in
front of him. The mass of the army was moving on in no kind of order: the soldiers having
consigned their heavy arms to be carried in the wagons or on the backs of beasts.
VIII
It was already about full market time[1] and the halting-place at 1 which the army was
to take up quarters was nearly reached, when Pategyas, a Persian, a trusty member of
Cyrus's personal staff, came galloping up at full speed on his horse, which was bathed in
sweat, and to every one he met he shouted in Greek and Persian, as fast as he could
ejaculate the words: "The king is advancing with a large army ready for battle."
Then ensued a scene of wild confusion. The Hellenes and all alike were expecting to be
attacked on the instant, and before they could form their lines. Cyrus sprang from his
carriage and donned his corselet; then leaping on to his charger's back, with the javelins
firmly clutched, he passed the order to the rest, to arm themselves and fall into their
several ranks.
[1] I.e. between 9 and 10 A.M.
The orders were carried out with alacrity; the ranks shaped themselves. Clearchus held
the right wing resting on the Euphrates, Proxenus was next, and after him the rest, while
Menon with his troops held the Hellenic left. Of the Asiatics, a body of Paphlagonian
cavalry, one thousand strong, were posted beside Clearchus on the right, and with them
stood the Hellenic peltasts. On the left was Ariaeus, Cyrus's second in command, and the
rest of the barbarian host. Cyrus was with his bodyguard of cavalry about six hundred
strong, all armed with corselets like Cyrus, and cuirasses and helmets; but not so Cyrus:
he went into battle with head unhelmeted[2]. So too all the horses with Cyrus wore
forehead-pieces and breast-pieces, and the troopers carried short Hellenic swords.
[2] The MSS. add, "to expose oneself to the risks of war bareheaded is, it is
said, a practice common to the Persians," which I regard as a commentator's note, if
not an original marginal note of some early editor, possibly of the author himself. The
"Cyropaedeia" is full of such comments, "pieces justificatives"
inserted into the text.
It was now mid-day, and the enemy was not yet in sight; but with the approach of
afternoon was seen dust like a white cloud, and after a considerable interval a black pall
as it were spread far and high above the plain. As they came nearer, very soon was seen
here and there a glint of bronze and spear-points; and the ranks could plainly be
distinguished. On the left were troopers wearing white cuirasses. That is Tissaphernes in
command, they said, and next to these a body of men bearing wicker-shields, and next again
heavy-armed infantry, with long wooden shields reaching to the feet. These were the
Egyptians, they said, and then other cavalry, other bowmen; all were in national
divisions, each nation marching in densely-crowded 10 squares. And all along their front
was a line of chariots at considerable intervals from one another--the famous
scythe-chariots, as they were named--having their scythes fitted to the axle-trees and
stretching out slantwise, while others protruded under the chariot-seats, facing the
ground, so as to cut through all they encountered. The design was to let them dash full
speed into the ranks of the Hellenes and cut them through.
Curiously enough the anticipation of Cyrus, when at the council of war he admonished
the Hellenes not to mind the shouting of the Asiatics, was not justified. Instead of
shouting, they came on in deep silence, softly and slowly, with even tread. At this
instant, Cyrus, riding past in person, accompanied by Pigres, his interpreter, and three
or four others, called aloud to Clearchus to advance against the enemy's centre, for there
the king was to be found: "And if we strike home at this point," he added,
"our work is finished." Clearchus, though he could see the compact body at the
centre, and had been told by Cyrus that the king lay outside the Hellenic left (for, owing
to numerical superiority, the king, while holding his own centre, could well overlap
Cyrus's extreme left), still hesitated to draw off his right wing from the river, for fear
of being turned on both flanks; and he simply replied, assuring Cyrus that he would take
care all went well.
At this time the barbarian army was evenly advancing, and the Hellenic division was
still riveted to the spot, completing its formation as the various contingents came up.
Cyrus, riding past at some distance from the lines, glanced his eye first in one direction
and then in the other, so as to take a complete survey of friends and foes; when Xenophon
the Athenian, seeing him, rode up from the Hellenic quarter to meet him, asking him
whether he had any orders to give. Cyrus, pulling up his horse, begged him to make the
announcement generally known that the omens from the victims, internal and external alike,
were good[3]. While he was still speaking, he heard a confused murmur 16 passing through
the ranks, and asked what it meant. The other replied that it was the watchword being
passed down for the second time. Cyrus wondered who had given the order, and asked what
the watchword was. On being told it was "Zeus our Saviour and Victory," he
replied, "I accept it; so let it be," and with that remark rode away to his own
position. And now the two battle lines were no more than three or four furlongs apart,
when the Hellenes began chanting the paean, and at the same time advanced against the
enemy.
[3] I.e. the omens from inspecting the innards of the victims, and the omens from
the acts and movements of the victims.
But with the forward movement a certain portion of the line curved onwards in advance,
with wave-like sinuosity, and the portion left behind quickened to a run; and
simultaneously a thrilling cry burst from all lips, like that in honour of the
war-god--eleleu! eleleu! and the running became general. Some say they clashed their
shields and spears, thereby causing terror to the horses[4]; and before they had got
within arrowshot the barbarians swerved and took to flight. And now the Hellenes gave
chase with might and main, checked only by shouts to one another not to race, but to keep
their ranks. The enemy's chariots, reft of their charioteers, swept onwards, some through
the enemy themselves, others past the Hellenes. They, as they saw them coming, opened a
gap and let them pass. One fellow, like some dumbfoundered mortal on a racecourse, was
caught by the heels, but even he, they said, received no hurt, nor indeed, with the single
exception of some one on the left wing who was said to have been wounded by an arrow, did
any Hellene in this battle suffer a single hurt.
[4] Some critics regard this sentence as an editor's or commentator's note.
Cyrus, seeing the Hellene's conquering, as far as they at any rate were concerned, and
in hot pursuit, was well content; but in spite of his joy and the salutations offered him
at that moment by those about 21 him, as though he were already king, he was not led away
to join in the pursuit, but keeping his squadron of six hundred horsemen in cloe order,
waited and watched to see what the king himself would do. The king, he knew, held the
centre of the Persian army. Indeed it is the fashion for the Asiatic monarch to occupy
that position during action, for this twofold reason: he holds the safest place, with his
troops on either side of him, while, if he has occasion to despatch any necessary rider
along the lines, his troops will receive the message in half the time. The king
accordingly on this occasion held the centre of his army, but for all that, he was outside
Cyrus's left wing; and seeing that no one offered him battle in front, nor yet the troops
in front of him, he wheeled as if to encircle the enemy. It was then that Cyrus, in
apprehension lest the king might get round to the rear and cut to pieces the Hellenic
body, charged to meet him. Attacking with his six hundred, he mastered the line of troops
in front of the king, and put to flight the six thousand, cutting down, as is said, with
his own hand their general, Artagerses.
But as soon as the rout commenced, Cyrus's own six hundred themselves, in the ardour of
pursuit, were scattered, with the exception of a handful who were left with Cyrus
himself--chiefly his table companions, so-called. Left alone with these, he caught sight
of the king, and the close throng about him. Unable longer to contain himself, with a cry,
"I see the man," he rushed at him and dealt a blow at his chest, wounding him
through the corselet. This, according to the statement of Ctesias the surgeon[5], who
further states that he himself healed the wound. As Cyrus delivered the blow, some one
struck him with a javelin under the eye severely; and in the struggle which then ensued
between the king and Cyrus and those about them to protect one or other, we have the
statement of Ctesias as to the number slain 27 on the king's side, for he was by his side.
On the other, Cyrus himself fell, and eight of his bravest companions lay on the top of
him. The story says that Artapes, the trustiest among his wand-wearers, when he saw that
Cyrus had fallen to the ground, leapt from his horse and threw his arms about him. Then,
as one account says, the king bade one slay him as a worthy victim to his brother: others
say that Artapates drew his scimitar and slew himself by his own hand. A golden scimitar
it is true, he had; he wore also a collar and bracelets and the other ornaments such as
the noblest Persians wear; for his kindliness and fidelity had won him honours at the
hands of Cyrus.
[5] "Ctesias, the son of Ctesiochus, was a physician of Cnidos. Seventeen
years of his life were passed at the court of Persia, fourteen in the service of Darios,
three in that of Artaxerxes; he returned to Greece in 398 B.C.," and "was
employed by Artaxerxes in diplomatic services." See Mure; also Ch. Muller, for his
life and works. He wrote (1) a history on Persian affairs in three parts--Assyrian,
Median, Persian--with a chapter "On Tributes;" (2) a history of Indian affairs
(written in the vein of Sir John Maundeville, Kt.); (3) a Periplus; (4) a treatise on
Mountains; (5) a treatise on Rivers.
IX
So died Cyrus; a man the kingliest[1] and most worthy to rule of all 1 the Persians who
have lived since the elder Cyrus: according to the concurrent testimony of all who are
reputed to have known him intimately. To begin from the beginning, when still a boy, and
whilst being brought up with his brother and the other lads, his unrivalled excellence was
recognised. For the sons of the noblest Persians, it must be known, are brought up, one
and all, at the king's portals. Here lessons of sobreity and self-control may largely be
laid to heart, while there is nothing base or ugly for eye or ear to feed upon. There is
the daily spectacle ever before the boys of some receiving honour from the king, and again
of others receiving dishonour; and the tale of all this is in their ears, so that from
earliest boyhood they learn how to rule and to be ruled.
[1] The character now to be drawn is afterwards elaborated into the Cyrus of the
Cyropaedeia.
In this courtly training Cyrus earned a double reputation; first he was held to be a
paragon of modesty among his fellows, rendering an obedience to his elders which exceeded
that of many of his own inferiors; and next he bore away the palm for skill in
horsemanship and for love of the animal itself. Nor less in matters of war, in the use of
the bow and the javelin, was he held by men in general to be at 5 once the aptest of
learners and the most eager practiser. As soon as his age permitted, the same pre-eminence
showed itself in his fondness for the chase, not without a certain appetite for perilous
adventure in facing the wild beasts themselves. Once a bear made a furious rush at him[2],
and without wincing he grappled with her, and was pulled from his horse, receiving wounds
the scars of which were visible through life; but in the end he slew the creature, nor did
he forget him who first came to his aid, but made him enviable in the eyes of many.
[2] The elder Cyrus, when a boy, kills not a bear but a boar.
After he had been sent down by his father to be satrap of Lydia and Great Phrygia and
Cappadocia, and had been appointed general of the forces, whose business it is to muster
in the plain of the Castolus, nothing was more noticeable in his conduct than the
importance which he attached to the faithful fulfilment of every treaty or compact or
undertaking entered into with others. He would tell no lies to any one. Thus doubtless it
was that he won the confidence alike of individuals and of the communities entrusted to
his care; or in case of hostility, a treaty made with Cyrus was a guarantee sufficient to
the combatant that he would suffer nothing contrary to its terms. Therefore, in the war
with Tissaphernes, all the states of their own accord chose Cyrus in lieu of Tissaphernes,
except only the men of Miletus, and these were only alienated through fear of him, because
he refused to abandon their exiled citizens; and his deeds and words bore emphatic witness
to his principle: even if they were weakened in number or in fortune, he would never
abandon those who had once become his friends.
He made no secret of his endeavour to outdo his friends and his foes alike in
reciprocity of conduct. The prayer has been attributed to him, "God grant I may live
along enough to recompense my friends and requite my foes with a strong arm." However
this may be, no one, at least in our days, ever drew together so ardent a following of
friends, eager to lay at his feet their money, their cities, their own lives and persons;
nor is it to be inferred from this that he suffered the malefactor and the wrongdoer to
laugh him to scorn; on the 13 contrary, these he punished most unflinchingly. It was no
rare sight to see on the well-trodden highways, men who had forfeited hand or foot or eye;
the result being that throughout the satrapy of Cyrus any one, Hellene or barbarian,
provided he were innocent, might fearlessly travel wherever he pleased, and take with him
whatever he felt disposed. However, as all allowed, it was for the brave in war that he
reserved especial honour. To take the first instance to hand, he had a war with the
Pisidians and Mysians. Being himself at the head of an expedition into those territories,
he could observe those who voluntarily encountered risks; these he made rulers of the
territory which he subjected, and afterwards honoured them with other gifts. So that, if
the good and brave were set on a pinnacle of fortune, cowards were recognised as their
natural slaves; and so it befell that Cyrus never had lack of volunteers in any service of
danger, whenever it was expected that his eye would be upon them.
So again, wherever he might discover any one ready to distinguish himself in the
service of uprightness, his delight was to make this man richer than those who seek for
gain by unfair means. On the same principle, his own administration was in all respects
uprightly conducted, and, in particular, he secured the services of an army worthy of the
name. Generals, and sabulterns alike, came to him from across the seas, not merely to make
money, but because they saw that loyalty to Cyrus was a more profitable investment than so
many pounds a month. Let any man whatsoever render him willing service, such enthusiasm
was sure to win its reward. And so Cyrus could always command the service of the best
assistants, it was said, whatever the work might be.
Or if he saw any skilful and just steward who furnished well the country over which he
ruled, and created revenues, so far from robbing him at any time, to him who had, he
delighted to give more. So that toil was a pleasure, and gains were amassed with
confidence, and least of all from Cyrus would a man conceal the amount of his possessions,
seeing that he showed no jealousy of wealth openly avowed, but his 19 endeavour was rather
to turn to account the riches of those who kept them secret. Towards the friends he had
made, whose kindliness he knew, or whose fitness as fellow-workers with himself, in aught
which he might wish to carry out, he had tested, he showed himself in turn an adept in the
arts of courtesy. Just in proportion as he felt the need of this friend or that to help
him, so he tried to help each of them in return in whatever seemed to be their heart's
desire.
Many were the gifts bestowed on him, for many and diverse reasons; no one man, perhaps,
ever received more; no one, certainly, was ever more ready to bestow them upon others,
with an eye ever to the taste of each, so as to gratify what he saw to be the individual
requirement. Many of these presents were sent to him to serve as personal adornments of
the body or for battle; and as touching these he would say, "How am I to deck myself
out in all these? to my mind a man's chief ornament is the adornment of nobly-adorned
friends." Indeed, that he should triumph over his friends in the great matters of
welldoing is not surprising, seeing that he was much more powerful than they, but that he
should go beyond them in minute attentions, and in an eager desire to give pleasure, seems
to me, I must confess, more admirable. Frequently when he had tasted some specially
excellent wine, he would send the half remaining flagon to some friend with a message to
say: "Cyrus says, this is the best wine he has tasted for a long time, that is his
excuse for sending it to you. He hopes you will drink it up to-day with a choice party of
friends." Or, perhaps, he would send the remainder of a dish of geese, half loaves of
bread, and so forth, the bearer being instructed to say: "This is Cyrus's favourite
dish, he hopes you will taste it yourself." Or, perhaps, there was a great dearth of
provender, when, through the number of his servants and his own careful forethought, he
was enabled to get supplies for himsefl; at such times he would send to his friends in
different parts, bidding them feed their horses on his hay, since it would not do for the
horses that carried his friends to go starving. Then, on any long march or expedition,
where the crowd of lookers-on 28 would be large, he would call his friends to him and
entertain them with serious talk, as much as to say, "These I delight to
honour."
So that, for myself, and from all that I can hear, I should be disposed to say that no
one, Greek or barbarian, was ever so beloved. In proof of this, I may cite the fact that,
though Cyrus was the king's vassal and slave, no one ever forsook him to join his master,
if I may except the attempt of Orontas, which was abortive. That man, indeed, had to learn
that Cyrus was closer to the heart of him on whose fidelity he relied than he himself was.
On the other hand, many a man revolted from the king to Cyrus, after they went to war with
one another; nor were these nobodies, but rather persons high in the king's affection; yet
for all that, they believed that their virtues would obtain a reward more adequate from
Cyrus than from the king. Another great proof at once of his own worth and of his capacity
rightly to discern all loyal, loving and firm friendship is afforded by an incident which
belongs to the last moment of his life. He was slain, but fighting for his life beside him
fell also every one of his faithful bodyguard of friends and table-companions, with the
sole exception of Ariaeus, who was in command of the cavalry on the left, and he no sooner
perceived the fall of Cyrus than he betook himself to flight, with the whole body of
troops under his lead.
X
Then the head of Cyrus and his right hand were severed from the body. 1 But the king
and those about him pursued and fell upon the Cyreian camp, and the troops of Ariaeus no
longer stood their ground, but fled through their own camp back to the halting-place of
the night before--a distance of four parasangs, it was said. So the king and those with
him fell to ravaging right and left, and amongst other spoil he captured the Phocaean
woman, who was a concubine of Cyrus, witty and beautiful, if fame speaks correctly. The
Milesian, who was the younger, was also seized by some of the king's men; but, letting go
her outer garment, she made good her escape to the Hellenes, who had been left among the
camp followers on guard. These fell at once 3 into line and put to the sword many of the
pillagers, though they lost some men themselves; they stuck to the place and succeeded in
saving not only that lady, but all else, whether chattels or human beings, wich lay within
their reach.
At this point the king and the Hellenes were something like three miles apart; the one
set were pursuing their opponents just as if their conquest had been general; the others
were pillaging as merrily as if their victory were already universal. But when the
Hellenes learnt that the king and his troops were in the baggage camp; and the king, on
his side, was informed by Tissaphernes that the Hellenes were victorious in their quarter
of the field, and had gone forward in pursuit, the effect was instantaneous. The king
massed his troops and formed into line. Clearchus summoned Proxenus, who was next him, and
debated whether to send a detachment or to go in a body to the camp to save it.
Meanwhile the king was seen again advancing, as it seemed, from the rear; and the
Hellenes, turning right about, prepared to receive his attack then and there. But instead
of advancing upon them at that point, he drew off, following the line by which he had
passed earlier in the day, outside the left wing of his opponent, and so picked up in his
passage those who had deserted to the Hellenes during the battle, as also Tissaphernes and
his division. The latter had not fled in the first shock of the encounter; he had charged
parallel to the line of the Euphrates into the Greek peltasts, and through them. But
charge as he might, he did not lay low a single man. On the contrary, the Hellenes made a
gap to let them through, hacking them with their swords and hurling their javelins as they
passed. Episthenes of Amphipolis was in command of the peltasts, and he showed himself a
sensible man, it was said. Thus it was that Tissaphernes, having got through haphazard,
with rather the worst of it, failed to wheel round and return the way he came, but
reaching the camp of the Hellenes, 8 there fell in with the king; and falling into order
again, the two divisions advanced side by side.
When they were parallel with the (original) left wing of the Hellenes, fear seized the
latter lest they might take them in flank and enfold them on both sides and cut them down.
In this apprehension they determined to extend their line and place the river on their
rear. But while they deliberated, the king passed by and ranged his troops in line to meet
them, in exactly the same position in which he had advanced to offer battle at the
commencemet of the engagement. The Hellenes, now seeing them in close proximity and in
battle order, once again raised the paean and began the attack with still greater
enthusiasm than before: and once again the barbarians did not wait to receive them, but
took to flight, even at a greater distance than before. The Hellenes pressed the pursuit
until they reached a certain village, where they halted, for above the village rose a
mound, on which the king and his party rallied and reformed; they had no infantry any
longer, but the crest was crowded with cavalry, so that it was impossible to discover what
was happening. They did see, they said, the royal standard, a kind of golden eagle, with
wings extended, perched on a bar of wood and raised upon a lance.
But as soon as the Hellenes again moved onwards, the hostile cavalry at once left the
hillock--not in a body any longer, but in fragments--some streaming from one side, some
from another; and the crest was gradually stripped of its occupants, till at last the
company was gone. Accordingly, Clearchus did not ascend the crest, but posting his army at
its base, he sent Lycius of Syracuse and another to the summit, with orders to inspect the
condition of things on the other side, and to report results. Lycius galloped up and
investigated, bringing back news that they were fleeing might and main. Almost at that
instant the sun sank beneath the horizon. There the Hellenes halted; they grounded arms
and rested, marvelling the while that Cyrus was not anywhere to be seen, and that no
messenger had come from him. For they were in complete ignorance of his death, and
conjectured that either he had gone off in pursuit, or had pushed forward to occupy some
point. Left to themselves, they now deliberated, whether they should stay where they were
and have the baggage train brought up, or should return to camp. They resolved to return,
and about supper time reached the tents. Such was the conclusion of this day.
They found the larger portion of their property pillaged, eatables and drinkables
alike, not excepting the wagons laden with corn and wine, which Cyrus had prepared in case
of some extreme need overtaking the expedition, to divide among the Hellenes. There were
four hundred of these wagons, it was said, and these had now been ransacked by the king
and his men; so that the greater number of the Hellenes went supperless, having already
gone without their breakfasts, since the king had appeared before the usual halt for
breakfast. Accordingly, in no better plight than this they passed the night.
BOOK II
[In the previous book will be found a full account of the method by which Cyrus
collected a body of Greeks when meditating an expedition against his brother Artaxerxes;
as also of various occurrences on the march up; of the battle itself, and of the death of
Cyrus; and lastly, a description of the arrival of the Hellenes in camp after the battle,
and as to how they betook themselves to rest, none suspecting but what they were
altogether victorious and that Cyrus lived.]
I
With the break of day the generals met, and were surprised that Cyrus 1 should not have
appeared himself, or at any rate have sent some one to tell them what to do. Accordingly,
they resolved to put what they had together, to get under arms, and to push forward until
they effected junction with Cyrus. Just as they were on the point of starting, with the
rising sun came Procles the ruler of Teuthrania. He was a descendant of Damaratus[1] the
Laconian, and with him also came Glus the son of Tamos. These two told them, first, that
Cyrus was dead; next, that Ariaeus had retreated with the rest of the barbarians to the
halting-place whence they had started at dawn on the previous day; and wished to inform
them that, if they were minded to come, he would wait for this one day, but on the morrow
he should return home again to Ionia, whence he came.
[1] The Spartan king who was deposed in B.C. 491, whereupon he fled to King Darius,
and settled in south-western Mysia. See Herod. vi. 50, 61-70. We shall hear more of his
descendant, Procles, the ruler of Teuthrania, in the last chapter of this work.
When they heard these tidings, the generals were sorely distressed; so 4 too were the
rest of the Hellenes when they were informed of it. Then Clearchus spoke as follows:
"Would that Cyrus were yet alive! But since he is dead, take back this answer to
Ariaeus, that we, at any rate, have conquered the king; and, as you yourselves may see,
there is not a man left in the field to meet us. Indeed, had you not arrived, we should
ere this have begun our march upon the king. Now, we can promise to Ariaeus that, if he
will join us here, we will place him on the king's throne. Surely to those who conquer
empire pertains." With these words he sent back the messengers and with them he sent
Cheirisophus the Laconian, and Menon the Thessalian. That was what Menon himself wished,
being, as he was, a friend and intimate of Ariaeus, and bound by mutual ties of
hospitality. So these set off, and Clearchus waited for them.
The soldiers furnished themselves with food [and drink] as best they might--falling
back on the baggage animals, and cutting up oxen and asses. There was no lack of firewood;
they need only step forward a few paces from the line where the battle was fought, and
they would find arrows to hand in abundance, which the Hellenes had forced the deserters
from the king to throw away. There were arrows and wicker shields also, and the huge
wooden shields of the Egyptians. There were many targets also, and empty wagons left to be
carried off. Here was a store which they were not slow to make use of to cook their meat
and serve their meals that day.
It was now about full market hour[2] when heralds from the king and Tissaphernes
arrived. These were barbarians with one exception. This was a certain Phalinus, a Hellene
who lived at the court of Tissaphernes, and was held in high esteem. He gave himself out
to be a connoisseur of tactics and the art of fighting with heavy arms. These were the men
who now came up, and having summoned the generals of the Hellenes, they delivered
themselves of the following message: "The great king having won the victory and slain
Cyrus, bids the Hellenes to surrender their arms; to betake themselves to the gates of the
king's palace, and there obtain for themselves what terms they can." That was what
the heralds said, and the Hellenes listened with heavy 9 hearts; but Clearchus spoke, and
his words were few; "Conquerors do not, as a rule, give up their arms"; then
turning to the others he added, "I leave it to you, my fellow-generals, to make the
best and noblest answer, that ye may, to these gentlemen. I will rejoin you
presently." At the moment an official had summoned him to come and look at the
entrails which had been taken out, for, as it chanced, he was engaged in sacrificing. As
soon as he was gone, Cleanor the Arcadian, by right of seniority, answered: "They
would sooner die than give up their arms." Then Proxenus the Theban said: "For
my part, I marvel if the king demands our arms as our master, or for the sake of
friendship merely, as presents. If as our master, why need he ask for them rather than
come and take them? But if he would fain wheedle us out of them by fine speeches, he
should tell us what the soldiers will receive in turn for such kindness." In answer
to him Phalinus said: "The king claims to have conquered, because he has put Cyrus to
death; and who is there now to claim the kingdom as against himself? He further flatters
himself that you also are in his power, since he holds you in the heart of his country,
hemmed in by impassable rivers; and he can at any moment bring against you a multitude so
vast that even if leave were given to rise and slay you could not kill them." After
him Theopompus[3] the Athenian spoke. "Phalinus," he said, "at this
instant, as you yourself can see, we have nothing left but our arms and our valour. If we
keep the former we imagine we can make use of the latter; but if we deliver up our arms we
shall presently be robbed of our lives. Do not suppose then that we are going to give up
to you the only good things which we possess. We prefer to keep them; and by their help we
will do battle with you for the good things which are yours." Phalinus laughed when
he heard those words, and said: 13 "Spoken like a philosopher, my fine young man, and
very pretty reasoning too; yet, let me tell you, your wits are somewhat scattered if you
imagine that your valour will get the better of the king's power." There were one or
two others, it was said, who with a touch of weakness in their tone or argument, made
answer: "They had proved good and trusty friends to Cyrus, and the king might find
them no less valuable. If he liked to be friends with them, he might turn them to any use
that pleased his fancy, say for a campaign against Egypt. Their arms were at his service;
they would help to lay that country at his feet."
[2] 10 A.M.
[3] So the best MSS. Others read "Xenophon," which Kruger maintains to be
the true reading. He suggests that "Theopompus" may have crept into the text
from a marginal note of a scholiast, "Theopompus" (the historian) "gives
the remark to Proxenus."
Just then Clearchus returned, and wished to know what answer they had given. The words
were barely out of his mouth before Phalinus interrupting, answered: "As for your
friends here, one says one thing and one another; will you please give us your
opinion"; and he replied: "The sight of you, Phalinus, caused me much pleasure;
and not only me, but all of us, I feel sure; for you are a Hellene even as we are--every
one of us whom you see before you. In our present plight we would like to take you into
our counsel as to what we had better do touching your proposals. I beg you then solemnly,
in the sight of heaven--do you tender us such advice as you shall deem best and worthiest,
and such as shall bring you honour of after time, when it will be said of you how once on
a time Phalinus was sent by the great king to bid certain Hellenes yield up their arms,
and when they had taken him into their counsel, he gave them such and such advice. You
know that whatever advice you do give us cannot fail to be reported in Hellas."
Clearchus threw out these leading remarks in hopes that this man, who was the
ambassador from the king, might himself be led to advise them not to give up their arms,
in which case the Hellenes would be still more sanguine and hopeful. But, contrary to his
expectation, Phalinus turned round and said: "I say that if you have one chance, one
hope in ten thousand to wage a war with the king successfully, do not give up your arms.
That is my advice. If, however, you have no chance of escape without the king's consent,
then I say save yourselves in the only way you can." And Clearchus answered:
"So, then, that is your 20 deliberate view? Well, this is our answer, take it back.
We conceive that in either case, whether we are expected to be friends with the king, we
shall be worth more as friends if we keep our arms than if we yield them to another; or
whether we are to go to war, we shall fight better with them than without." And
Phalinus said: "That answer we will repeat; but the king bade me tell you this
besides, 'Whilst you remain here there is truce; but one step forward or one step back,
the truce ends; there is war.' Will you then please inform us as to that point also? Are
you minded to stop and keep truce, or is there to be war? What answer shall I take from
you?" And Clearchus replied: "Pray answer that we hold precisely the same views
on this point as the king."--"How say you the same views?" asked Phalinus.
Clearchus made answer: "As long as we stay here there is truce, but a step forward or
a step backward, the truce ends; there is war." The other again asked: "Peace or
war, what answer shall I make?" Clearchus returned answer once again in the same
words: "Truce if we stop, but if we move forwards or backwards war." But what he
was minded really to do, that he refused to make further manifest.
II
Phalinus and those that were with him turned and went. But the 1 messengers from
Ariaeus, Procles and Cheirisophus came back. As to Menon, he stayed behind with Ariaeus,
They brought back this answer from Ariaeus: "'There are many Persians,' he says,
'better than himself who will not suffer him to sit upon the king's throne; but if you are
minded to go back with him, you must join him this very night, otherwise he will set off
himself to-morrow on the homeward route.'" And Clearchus said: "It had best
stand thus between us then. If we come, well and good, be it as you propose; but if we do
not come, do whatsoever you think most conducive to your interests." And so he kept
these also in the dark as to his real intention.
After this, when the sun was already sinking, he summoned the generals and officers,
and made the following statement: "Sirs, I sacrificed and found the victims
unfavourable to an advance against the king. After all, it is not so surprising perhaps,
for, as I now learn, between us and the king flows the river Tigris, navigable for big 3
vessels, and we could not possibly cross it without boats, and boats we have none. On the
other hand, to stop here is out of the question, for there is no possibility of getting
provisions. However, the victims were quite agreeable to us joining the friends of Cyrus.
This is what we must do then. Let each go away and sup on whatever he has. At the first
sound of the bugle to turn in, get kit and baggage together; at the second signal, place
them on the baggage animals; and at the third, fall in and follow the lead, with the
baggage animals on the inside protected by the river, and the troops outside." After
hearing the orders, the generals and officers retired, and did as they were bid; and for
the future Clearchus led, and the rest followed in obedience to his orders, not that they
had expressly chosen him, but they saw that he alone had the sense and wisdom requisite in
a general, while the rest were inexperienced[1].
[1] The MSS. add the words, "The total distance of the route, taking Ephesus
in Ionia as the starting point up to the field of battle, consisted of 93 stages, 535
parasangs, or 16,050 furlongs; from the battle-field to Babylon (reckoned a three days'
journey) would have been another 360 stades," which may well be an editor's or
commentator's marginal note.
Here, under cover of the darkness which descended, the Thracian Miltocythes, with forty
horsemen and three hundred Thracian infantry, deserted to the king; but the rest of the
troops--Clearchus leading and the rest following in accordance with the orders
promulgated--took their departure, and about midnight reached their first stage, having
come up with Ariaeus and his army. They grounded arms just as they stood in rank, and the
generals and officers of the Hellenes met in the tent of Ariaeus. There they exchanged
oaths--the Hellenes on the one side and Ariaeus with his principal officers on the
other--not to betray one another, but to be true to each other as allies. The Asiatics
further solemnly pledged themselves by oath to lead the way without treachery. The oaths
were ratified by the sacrifice of a bull, a wolf[2], a boar, and a ram over a shield. The
Hellenes dipped a sword, the barbarians a lance, into the blood of the victims.
[2] It is a question whether the words "a wolf" ought not to be omitted.
As soon as the pledge was taken, Clearchus spoke: "And now, Ariaeus," he
said, "since you and we have one expedition in prospect, will you 10 tell us what you
think about the route; shall we return the way we came, or have you devised a
better?" He answered: "To return the same way is to perish to a man by hunger;
for at this moment we have no provisions whatsoever. During the seventeen last stages,
even on our way hither, we could extract nothing from the country; or, if there was now
and again anything, we passed over and utterly consumed it. At this time our project is to
take another and a longer journey certainly, but we shall not be in straits for
provisions. The earliest stages must be very long, as long as we can make them; the object
is to put as large a space as possible between us and the royal army; once we are two or
three days' journey off, the danger is over. The king will never overtake us. With a small
army he will not dare to dog our heels, and with a vast equipment he will lack the power
to march quickly. Perhaps he, too, may even find a scarcity of provisions. There,"
said he, "you asked for my opinion, see, I have given it."
Here was a plan of the campaign, which was equivalent to a stampede: helter-skelter
they were to run away, or get into hiding somehow; but fortune proved a better general.
For as soon as it was day they recommenced the journey, keeping the sun on their right,
and calculating that with the westering rays they would have reached villages in the
territory of Babylonia, and in this hope they were not deceived. While it was yet
afternoon, they thought they caught sight of some of the enemy's cavalry; and those of the
Hellenes who were not in rank ran to their ranks; and Ariaeus, who was riding in a wagon
to nurse a wound, got down and donned his cuirass, the rest of his party following his
example. Whilst they were arming themselves, the scouts, who had been sent forward, came
back with the information that they were not cavalry but baggage animals grazing. It was
at once clear to all that they must be somewhere in the neighbourhood of the king's
encampment. Smoke could actually be seen rising, evidently from villages not far ahead.
Clearchus hesitated to advance upon the enemy, knowing that the troops were tired and
hungry; and indeed it was already late. On the other hand he had no mind either to swerve
from his route--guarding against any appearance of flight. Accordingly he 16 marched
straight as an arrow, and with sunset entered the nearest villages with his vanguard and
took up quarters.
These villages had been thoroughly sacked and dismantled by the royal army--down to the
very woodwork and furniture of the houses. Still, the vanguard contrived to take up their
quarters in some sort of fashion; but the rear division, coming up in the dark, had to
bivouac as best they could, one detachment after another; and a great noise they made,
with hue and cry to one another, so that the enemy could hear them; and those in their
immediate proximity actually took to their heels, left their quarters, and decamped, as
was plain enough next morning, when not a beast was to be seen, nor sign of camp or wreath
of smoke anywhere in the neighbourhood. The king, as it would appear, was himself quite
taken aback by the advent of the army; as he fully showed by his proceedings next day.
During the progress of this night the Hellenes had their turn of scare--a panic seized
them, and there was a noise and clatter, hardly to be explained except by the visitation
of some sudden terror. But Clearchus had with him the Eleian Tolmides, the best herald of
his time; him he ordered to proclaim silence, and then to give out this proclamation of
the generals: "Whoever will give any information as to who let an ass into the camp
shall receive a talent of silver in reward." On hearing this proclamation the
soldiers made up their minds that their fear was baseless, and their generals safe and
sound. At break of day Clearchus gave the order to the Hellenes to get under arms in line
of battle, and take up exactly the same position as they held on the day of the battle.
III
And now comes the proof of what I stated above--that the king was 1 utterly taken aback
by the sudden apparition of the army; only the day before, he had sent and demanded the
surrender of their arms--and now, with the rising sun, came heralds sent by him to arrange
a truce. These, having reached the advanced guard, asked for the generals. The guard
reported their arrival; and Clearchus, who was busy inspecting the ranks, sent back word
to the heralds that they must await his leisure. Having carefully arranged the troops so
that from every side they might present the appearance of a compact battle line without a
3 single unarmed man in sight, he summoned the ambassadors, and himself went forward to
meet them with the soldiers, who for choice accoutrement and noble aspect were the flower
of his force; a course which he had invited the other generals also to adopt.
And now, being face to face with the ambassadors, he questioned them as to what their
wishes were. They replied that they had come to arrange a truce, and were persons
competent to carry proposals from the king to the Hellenes and from the Hellenes to the
king. He returned answer to them: "Take back word then to your master, that we need a
battle first, for we have had no breakfast; and he will be a brave man who will dare
mention the word 'truce' to Hellenes without providing them with breakfast." With
this message the heralds rode off, but were back again in no time, which was a proof that
the king, or some one appointed by him to transact the business, was hard by. They
reported that "the message seemed reasonable to the king; they had now come bringing
guides who, if a truce were arranged, would conduct them where they would get
provisions." Clearchus inquired "whether the truce was offered to the individual
men merely as they went and came, or to all alike." "To all," they replied,
"until the king receives your final answer." When they had so spoken, Clearchus,
having removed the ambassadors, held a council; and it was resolved to make a truce at
once, and then quietly to go and secure provisions; and Clearchus said: "I agree to
the resolution; still I do not propose to announce it at once, but to wile away time till
the ambassadors begin to fear that we have decided against the truce; though I
suspect," he added, "the same fear will be operative on the minds of our
soldiers also." As soon as the right moment seemed to have arrived, he delivered his
answer in favour of the truce, and bade the ambassadors at once conduct them to the
provisions.
So these led the way; and Clearchus, without relaxing precaution, in spite of having
secured a truce, marched after them with his army in line and himself in command of the
rearguard. Over and over again they encountered trenches and conduits so full of water
that they could not 10 be crossed without bridges; but they contrived well enough for
these by means of trunks of palm trees which had fallen, or which they cut down for the
occasion. And here Clearchus's system of superintendence was a study in itself; as he
stood with a spear in his left hand and a stick in the other; and when it seemed to him
there was any dawdling among the parties told off to the work, he would pick out the right
man and down would come the stick; nor, at the same time, was he above plunging into the
mud and lending a hand himself, so that every one else was forced for very shame to
display equal alacrity. The men told off for the business were the men of thirty years of
age; but even the elder men, when they saw the energy of Clearchus, could not resist
lending their aid also. What stimulated the haste of Clearchus was the suspicion in his
mind that these trenches were not, as a rule, so full of water, since it was not the
season to irrigate the plain; and he fancied that the king had let the water on for the
express purpose of vividly presenting to the Hellenes the many dangers with which their
march was threatened at the very start.
Proceeding on their way they reached some villages, where their guides indicated to
them that they would find provisions. They were found to contain plenty of corn, and wine
made from palm dates, and an acidulated beverage extracted by boiling from the same fruit.
As to the palm nuts or dates themselves, it was noticeable that the sort which we are
accustomed to see in Hellas were set aside for the domestic servants; those put aside for
the masters are picked specimens, and are simply marvellous for their beauty and size,
looking like great golden lumps of amber; some specimens they dried and preserved as
sweetmeats. Sweet enough they were as an accompaniment of wine, but apt to give headache.
Here, too, for the first time in their lives, the men tasted the brain[1] of the palm. No
one could help being struck by the beauty of this object, and the peculiarity of its
delicious flavour; but this, like the dried fruits, was exceedingly apt to give headache.
When this cabbage or brain has been removed from the palm the whole tree withers from top
to bottom.
[1] I.e. the cabbage-like crown.
In these villages they remained three days, and a deputation from the 17 great king
arrived--Tissaphernes and the king's brother-in-law and three other Persians--with a
retinue of many slaves. As soon as the generals of the Hellenes had presented themselves,
Tissaphernes opened the proceedings with the following speech, through the lips of an
interpreter: "Men of Hellas, I am your next-door neighbour in Hellas. Therefore was
it that I, when I saw into what a sea of troubles you were fallen, regarded it as a
godsend, if by any means I might obtain, as a boon from the king, the privilege of
bringing you back in safety to your own country: and that, I take it, will earn me
gratitude from you and all Hellas. In this determination I preferred my request to the
king; I claimed it as a favour which was fairly my due; for was it not I who first
announced to him the hostile approach of Cyrus? who supported that announcement by the aid
I brought; who alone among the officers confronted with the Hellenes in battle did not
flee, but charged right through and united my troops with the king inside your camp, where
he was arrived, having slain Cyrus; it was I, lastly, who gave chase to the barbarians
under Cyrus, with the help of those here present with me at this moment, which are also
among the trustiest followers of our lord the king. Now, I counsel you to give a moderate
answer, so that it may be easier for me to carry out my design, if haply I may obtain from
him some good thing on your behalf."
Thereupon the Hellenes retired and took counsel. Then they answered, and Clearchus was
their spokesman: "We neither mustered as a body to make war against the king, nor was
our march conducted with that object. But it was Cyrus, as you know, who invented many and
divers pretexts, that he might take you off your guard, and transport us hither. Yet,
after a while, when we saw that he was in sore straits, we were ashamed in the sight of
God and man to betray him, whom we had permitted for so long a season to benefit us. But
now that Cyrus is dead, we set up no claim to his kingdom against the king himself; there
is neither person nor thing for the sake of which we would care 23 to injure the king's
country; we would not choose to kill him if we could, rather we would march straight home,
if we were not molested; but, God helping us, we will retaliate on all who injure us. On
the other hand, if any be found to benefit us, we do not mean to be outdone in kindly
deeds, as far as in us lies."
So he spoke, and Tissaphernes listened and replied: "That answer will I take back
to the king and bring you word from him again. Until I come again, let the truce continue,
and we will furnish you with a market." All next day he did not come back, and the
Hellenes were troubled with anxieties, but on the third day he arrived with the news that
he had obtained from the king the boon he asked; he was permitted to save the Hellenes,
though there were many gainsayers who argued that it was not seemly for the king to let
those who had marched against him depart in peace. And at last he said: "You may now,
if you like, take pledges from us, that we will make the countries through which you pass
friendly to you, and will lead you back without treachery into Hellas, and will furnish
you with a market; and wherever you cannot purchase, we will permit you to take provisions
from the district. You, on your side, must swear that you will march as through a friendly
country, without damage--merely taking food and drink wherever we fail to supply a
market--or, if we afford a market, you shall only obtain provisions by paying for
them." This was agreed to, and oaths and pledges exchanged between them--Tissaphernes
and the king's brother-in-law upon the one side, and the generals and officers of the
Hellenes on the other. After this Tissaphernes said: "And now I go back to the king;
as soon as I have transacted what I have a mind to, I will come back, ready equipped, to
lead you away to Hellas, and to return myself to my own dominion."
IV
After these things the Hellenes and Ariaeus waited for Tissaphernes, 1 being encamped
close to one another: for more than twenty days they waited, during which time there came
visitors to Ariaeus, his brother and other kinsfolk. To those under him came certain other
Persians, encouraging them and bearing pledges to some of them from the king himself--that
he would bear no grudge against them on account of the part they bore in the expedition
against him with Cyrus, or for aught else of the things which were past. Whilst these
overtures were being made, Ariaeus and his friends gave manifest signs of paying less
attention to the Hellenes, so much so that, if for no other reason, the majority of the
latter were not well pleased, and they came to Clearchus and the other generals, asking
what they were waiting for. "Do we not know full well," they said, "that
the king would give a great deal to destroy us, so that other Hellenes may take warning
and think twice before they march against the king. To-day it suits his purpose to induce
us to stop here, because his army is scattered; but as soon as he has got together another
armament, attack us most certainly he will. How do we know he is not at this moment
digging away at trenches, or running up walls, to make our path impassable. It is not to
be supposed that he will desire us to return to Hellas with a tale how a handful of men
like ourselves beat the king at his own gates, laughed him to scorn, and then came home
again." Clearchus replied: "I too am keenly aware of all this; but I reason
thus: if we turn our backs now, they will say, we mean war and are acting contrary to the
truce, and then what follows? First of all, no one will furnish us with a market or means
of providing ourselves with food. Next, we shall have no one to guide us; moreover, such
action on our part will be a signal to Ariaeus to hold aloof from us, so that not a friend
will be left to us; even those who were formerly our friends will now be numbered with our
enemies. What other river, or rivers, we may find we have to cross, I do not know; but
this we know, to cross the Euphrates in face of resistance is impossible. You see, in the
event of being driven to an engagement, we have no cavalry to help us, but with the enemy
it is the reverse--not only the most, but the best of his troops are cavalry, so that if
we are victorious, we shall kill no one, but if we are defeated, not a man of us can
escape. For my part, I cannot see why the king, who has so many advantages on his side, if
7 he desires to destroy us, should swear oaths and tender solemn pledges merely in order
to perjure himself in the sight of heaven, to render his word worthless and his credit
discreditable the wide world over." These arguments he propounded at length.
Meanwhile Tissaphernes came back, apparently ready to return home; he had his own force
with him, and so had Orontas, who was also present, his. The latter brought, moreover, his
bride with him, the king's daughter, whom he had just wedded. The journey was now at
length fairly commenced. Tissaphernes led the way, and provided a market. They advanced,
and Ariaeus advanced too, at the head of Cyrus's Asiatic troops, side by side with
Tissaphernes and Orontas, and with these two he also pitched his camp. The Hellenes,
holding them in suspicion, marched separately with the guides, and they encamped on each
occasion a parasang apart, or rather less; and both parties kept watch upon each other as
if they were enemies, which hardly tended to lull suspicion; and sometimes, whilst
foraging for wood and grass and so forth on the same ground, blows were exchanged, which
occasioned further embitterments. Three stages they had accomplished ere they reached the
wall of Media, as it is called, and passed within it. It was built of baked bricks laid
upon bitumen. It was twenty feet broad and a hundred feet high, and the length of it was
said to be twenty parasangs. It lies at no great distance from Babylon.
From this point they marched two stages--eight parasangs--and crossed two canals, the
first by a regular bridge, the other spanned by a bridge of seven boats. These canals
issued from the Tigris, and from them a whole system of minor trenches was cut, leading
over the country, large ones to begin with, and then smaller and smaller, till at last
they become the merest runnels, like those in Hellas used for watering millet fields. They
reached the river Tigris. At this point there was a large and thickly populated city named
Sittace, at a 13 distance of fifteen furlongs from the river. The Hellenes accordingly
encamped by the side of that city, near a large and beautiful park, which was thick with
all sorts of trees.
The Asiatics had crossed the Tigris, but somehow were entirely hidden from view. After
supper, Proxenus and Xenophon were walking in front of the place d'armes, when a man came
up and demanded of the advanced guard where he could find Proxenus or Clearchus. He did
not ask for Menon, and that too though he came from Ariaeus, who was Menon's friend. As
soon as Proxenus had said: "I am he, whom you seek," the man replied: "I
have been sent by Ariaeus and Artaozus, who have been trusty friends to Cyrus in past
days, and are your well-wishers. They warn you to be on your guard, in case the barbarians
attack you in the night. There is a large body of troops in the neighbouring park. They
also warn you to send and occupy the bridge over the Tigris, since Tissaphernes is minded
to break it down in the night, if he can, so that you may not cross, but be caught between
the river and the canal." On hearing this they took the man to Clearchus and
acquainted him with his statement. Clearchus, on his side, was much disturbed, and indeed
alarmed at the news. But a young fellow who was present[1], struck with an idea, suggested
that the two statements were inconsistent; as to the contemplated attack and the proposed
destruction of the bridge. Clearly, the attacking party must either conquer or be worsted:
if they conquer, what need of their breaking down the bridge? "Why! if there were
half a dozen bridges," said he, "we should not be any the more able to save
ourselves by flight--there would be no place to flee to; but, in the opposite case,
suppose we win, with the bridge broken down, it is they who will not be able to save
themselves by flight; and, what is worse for them, not a single soul will be able to bring
them succour from the other side, for all their numbers, since the bridge will be broken
down."
[1] Possibly Xenophon himself.
Clearchus listened to the reasoning, and then he asked the messenger, "How large
the country between the Tigris and the canal might be?" "A 21 large
district," he replied, "and in it are villages and cities numerous and
large." Then it dawned upon them: the barbarians had sent the man with subtlety, in
fear lest the Hellenes should cut the bridge and occupy the island territory, with the
strong defences of the Tigris on the one side and of the canal on the other; supplying
themselves with provisions from the country so included, large and rich as it was, with no
lack of hands to till it; in addition to which, a harbour of refuge and asylum would be
found for any one, who was minded to do the king a mischief.
After this they retired to rest in peace, not, however, neglecting to send a guard to
occupy the bridge in spite of all, and there was no attack from any quarter whatsoever;
nor did any of the enemy's people approach the bridges: so the guards were able to report
next morning. But as soon as it was morning, they proceeded to cross the bridge, which
consisted of thirty-seven vessels, and in so doing they used the utmost precaution
possible; for reports were brought by some of the Hellenes with Tissaphernes that an
attempt was to be made to attack them while crossing. All this turned out to be false,
though it is true that while crossing they did catch sight of Glus watching, with some
others, to see if they crossed the river; but as soon as he had satisfied himself on that
point, he rode off and was gone.
From the river Tigris they advanced four stages--twenty parasangs--to the river
Physcus, which is a hundred feet broad and spanned by a bridge. Here lay a large and
populous city named Opis, close to which the Hellenes were encountered by the natural
brother of Cyrus and Artaxerxes, who was leading a large army from Susa and Ecbatana to
assist the king. He halted his troops and watched the Helleens march past. Clearchus led
them in column two abreast: and from time to time the vanguard came to a standstill, just
so often and just so long the effect repeated itself down to the hindmost man: halt! halt!
halt! along the whole line: so that even to the Hellenes themselves their army seemed
enormous; and the Persian was fairly astonished at the spectacle.
From this place they marched through Media six desert stages--thirty 27 parasangs--to
the villages of Parysatis, Cyrus's and the king's mother. These Tissaphernes, in mockery
of Cyrus, delivered over to the Hellenes to plunder, except that the folk in them were not
to be made slaves. They contained much corn, cattle, and other property. From this place
they advanced four desert stages--twenty parasangs--keeping the Tigris on the left. On the
first of these stages, on the other side of the river, lay a large city; it was a
well-to-do place named Caenae, from which the natives used to carry across loaves and
cheeses and wine on rafts made of skins.
V
After this they reached the river Zapatas[1], which is four hundred 1 feet broad, and
here they halted three days. During the interval suspicions were rife, though no act of
treachery displayed itself. Clearchus accordingly resolved to bring to an end these
feelings of mistrust, before they led to war. Consequently, he sent a messenger to the
Persian to say that he desired an interview with him; to which the other readily
consented. As soon as they were met, Clearchus spoke as follows: "Tissaphernes,"
he said, "I do not forget that oaths have been exchanged between us, and right hands
shaken, in token that we will abstain from mutual injury; but I can see that you watch us
narrowly, as if we were foes; and we, seeing this, watch you narrowly in return. But as I
fail to discover, after investigation, that you are endeavouring to do us a mischief--and
I am quite sure that nothing of the sort has ever entered our heads with regard to
you--the best plan seemed to me to come and talk the matter over with you, so that, if
possible, we might dispel the mutual distrust on either side. For I have known people ere
now, the victims in some cases of calumny, or possibly of mere suspicion, who in
apprehension of one another and eager to deal the first blow, have committed irreparable
wrong against those who neither intended nor so much as harboured a thought of mischief
against them. I have come to you under a conviction that such 6 misunderstandings may best
be put a stop to by personal intercourse, and I wish to instruct you plainly that you are
wrong in mistrusting us. The first and weightiest reason is that the oaths, which we took
in the sight of heaven, are a barrier to mutual hostility. I envy not the man whose
conscience tells him that he has disregarded these! For in a war with heaven, by what
swiftness of foot can a man escape?--in what quarter find refuge?--in what darkness slink
away and be hid?--to what strong fortress scale and be out of reach? Are not all things in
all ways subject to the gods? is not their lordship over all alike outspread? As touching
the gods, therefore, and our oaths, that is how I view this matter. To their safe keeping
we consigned the friendship which we solemnly contracted. But turning to matters human,
you I look upon as our greatest blessing in this present time. With you every path is
plain to us, every river passable, and of provisions we shall know no stint. But without
you, all our way is through darkness; for we known nothing concerning it, every river will
be an obstacle, each multitude a terror; but, worst terror of all, the vast wilderness, so
full of endless perplexity. Nay, if in a fit of madness we murdered you, what then? in
slaying our benefactor should we not have challenged to enter the lists against us a more
formidable antagonist in the king himself? Let me tell you, how many high hopes I should
rob myself of, were I to take in hand to do you mischief.
[1] The Greater Zab, which flows into the Tigris near a town now called Senn, with
which most travellers identify Caenae.
"I coveted the friendship of Cyrus; I believed him to be abler than any man of his
day to benefit those whom he chose; but to-day I look and, behold, it is you who are in
his place; the power which belonged 11 to Cyrus and his territory are yours now. You have
them, and your own satrapy besides, safe and sound; while the king's power, which was a
thorn in the side of Cyrus, is your support. This being so, it would be madness not to
wish to be your friend. But I will go further and state to you the reasons of my
confidence, that you on your side will desire our friendship. I know that the Mysians are
a cause of trouble to you, and I flatter myself that with my present force I could render
them humbly obedient to you. This applies to the Pisidians also; and I am told there are
many other such tribes besides. I think I can deal with them all; they shall cease from
being a constant distubance to your peace and prosperity. Then there are the Egyptians[2].
I know your anger against them to-day is very great. Nor can I see what better force you
will find to help you in chastising them than this which marches at my back to-day. Again,
if you seek the friendship of any of your neighbours round, there shall be no friend so
great as you; if any one annoys you, with us as your faithful servitors you shall belord
it over him; and such service we will render you, not as hirelings merely for pay's sake,
but for the gratitude which we shall rightly feel to you, to whom we owe our lives. As I
dwell on these matters, I confess, the idea of your feeling mistrust of us is so
astonishing, that I would give much to discover the name of the man, who is so clever of
speech that he can persuade you that we harbour designs against you." Clearchus
ended, and Tissaphernes responded thus--
[2] We learn from Diodorus Siculus, xiv. 35, that the Egyptians had revolted from
the Persians towards the end of the reign of Darius.
"I am glad, Clearchus, to listen to your sensible remarks; for with the sentiments
you hold, if you were to devise any mischief against me, it could only be out of
malevolence to yourself. But if you imagine that you, on your side, have any better reason
to mistrust the king and me, than we you, listen to me in turn, and I will undeceive you.
I ask you, does it seem to you that we lack the means, if we had the will, to destroy you?
have we not horsemen enough, or infantry, or whatever other arm you like, whereby we may
be able to injure you, without risk of suffering in return? or, possibly, do we seem to
you 17 to lack the physical surroundings suitable for attacking you? Do you not see all
these great plains, which you find it hard enough to traverse even when they are friendly?
and all yonder great mountain chains left for you to cross, which we can at any time
occupy in advance and render impassable? and all those rivers, on whose banks we can deal
craftily by you, checking and controlling and choosing the right number of you whom we
care to fight! Nay, there are some which you will not be able to cross at all, unless we
transport you to the other side.
"And if at all these points we were worsted, yet 'fire,' as they say, 'is stronger
than the fruit of the field': we can burn it down and call up famine in arms against you;
against which you, for all your bravery, will never be able to contend. Why then, with all
these avenues of attack, this machinery of war, open to us, not one of which can be turned
against ourselves, why should we select from among them all that method, which alone in
the sight of God is impious and of man abominable? Surely it belongs to people altogether
without resources, who are helplessly struggling in the toils of fate, and are villains to
boot, to seek accomplishment of their desires by perjury to heaven and faithlessness to
their fellows. We are not so unreasoning, Clearchus, nor so foolish.
"Why, when we had it in our power to destroy you, did we not proceed to do it?
Know well that the cause of this was nothing less than my passion to prove myself faithful
to the Hellenes, and that, as Cyrus went up, relying on a foreign force attracted by
payment, I in turn might go down strong in the same through service rendered. Various ways
in which you Hellenes may be useful to me you yourself have mentioned, but there is one
still greater. It is the great king's privilege alone to wear the tiara upright upon his
head, yet in your presence it may be given to another mortal to wear it upright, here,
upon his heart."
Throughout this speech he seemed to Clearchus to be speaking the truth, and he
rejoined: "Then are not those worthy of the worst 24 penalties who, in spite of all
that exists to cement our friendship, endeavour by slander to make us enemies?"
"Even so," replied Tissaphernes, "and if your generals and captains care to
come in some open and public way, I will name to you those who tell me that you are
plotting against me and the army under me." "Good," replied Clearchus.
"I will bring all, and I will show you, on my side, the source from which I derive my
information concerning you."
After this conversation Tissaphernes, with kindliest expression, invited Clearchus to
remain with him at the time, and entertained him at dinner. Next day Clearchus returned to
the camp, and made no secret of his persuasion that he at any rate stood high in the
affections of Tissaphernes, and he reported what he had said, insisting that those invited
ought to go to Tissaphernes, and that any Hellene convicted of calumnious language ought
to be punished, not only as traitors themselves, but as disaffected to their
fellow-countrymen. The slanderer and traducer was Menon; so, at any rate, he suspected,
because he knew that he had had meetings with Tissaphernes whilst he was with Ariaeus, and
was factiously opposed to himself, plotting how to win over the whole army to him, as a
means of winning the good graces of Tissaphernes. But Clearchus wanted the entire army to
give its mind to no one else, and that refractory people should be put out of the way.
Some of the soldiers protested: the captains and generals had better not all go; it was
better not to put too much confidence in Tissaphernes. But Clearchus insisted so strongly
that finally it was arranged for five generals to go and twenty captains. These were
accompanied by about two hundred of the other soldiers, who took the opportunity of
marketing.
On arrival at the doors of Tissaphernes's quarters the generals were summoned inside.
They were Proxenus the Boeotian, Menon the Thessalian, Agias the Arcadian, Clearchus the
Laconian, and Socrates the Achaean; while the captains remained at the doors. Not long
after that, at one and the same signal, those within were seized and those without cut
down; after which some of the barbarian horsemen galloped over the plain, killing every
Hellene they encountered, bond or free. 32 The Hellenes, as they looked from the camp,
viewed that strange horsemanship with surprise, and could not explain to themselves what
it all meant, until Nicarchus the Arcadian came tearing along for bare life with a wound
in the belly, and clutching his protruding entrails in his hands. He told them all that
had happened. Instantly the Hellenes ran to their arms, one and all, in utter
consternation, and fully expecting that the enemy would instantly be down upon the camp.
However, they did not all come; only Ariaeus came, and Artaozus and Mithridates, who were
Cyrus's most faithful friends; but the interpreter of the Hellenes said he saw and
recognised the brother of Tissaphernes also with them. They had at their back other
Persians also, armed with cuirasses, as many as three hundred. As soon as they were within
a short distance, they bade any general or captain of the Hellenes who might be there to
approach and hear a message from the king. After this, two Hellene generals went out with
all precaution. These were Cleanor the Orchomenian[3], and Sophaenetus the Stymphalion,
attended by Xenophon the Athenian, who went to learn news of Proxenus. Cheirisophus was at
the time away in a village with a party gathering provisions. As soon as they had halted
within earshot, Ariaeus said: "Hellenes, Clearchus being shown to have committed
perjury and to have broken the truce, has suffered the penalty, and he is dead; but
Proxenus and Menon, in return for having given information of his treachery, are in high
esteem and honour. As to yourselves, the king demands your arms. He claims them as his,
since they belonged to Cyrus, who was his slave." To this the Hellenes made answer by
the mouth of Cleanor of Orchomenus, their spokesman, who said, addressing Ariaeus:
"Thou villain, Ariaeus, and you the rest of you, who were Cyrus's friends, have you
no shame before God or man, first to swear to us that you have the same friends and the
same enemies as we ourselves, and then to turn and betray us, making common cause with
Tissaphernes, that most impious and villainous of men? With him you have murdered the very
men to whom you gave your solemn word and oath, and to the rest of us turned traitors;
and, having so done, 39 you join hand with our enemies to come against us." Ariaeus
answered: "There is no doubt but that Clearchus has been known for some time to
harbour designs agaisnt Tissaphernes and Orontas, and all of us who side with them."
Taking up this assertion, Xenophon said: "Well, then, granting that Clearchus broke
the truce contrary to our oaths, he has his deserts, for perjurers deserve to perish; but
where are Proxenus and Menon, our generals and your good friends and benefactors, as you
admit? Send them back to us. Surely, just because they are friends of both parites, they
will try to give us the best advice for you and for us."
At this, the Asiatics stood discussing with one another for a long while, and then they
went away without vouchsafing a word.
VI
The generals who were thus seized were taken up to the king and there 1 decapitated.
The first of these, Clearchus, was a thorough soldier, and a true lover of fighting. This
is the testimony of all who knew him intimately. As long as the war between the
Lacedaemonians and Athenians lasted, he could find occupation at home; but after the
peace, he persuaded his own city that the Thracians were injuring the Hellenes, and having
secured his object, set sail, empowered by the ephorate to make war upon the Thracians
north of the Chersonese and Perinthus. But he had no sooner fairly started than, for some
reason or other, the ephors changed their minds, and endeavoured to bring him back again
from the isthmus. Thereupon he refused further obedience, and went off with sails set for
the Hellespont. In consequence he was condemned to death by the Spartan authorities for
disobedience to orders; and now, finding himself an exile, he came to Cyrus. Working on
the feelings of that prince, in language described elsewhere, he received from his
entertainer a present of ten thousand darics. Having got this money, he did not sink into
a life of ease and indolence, but collected an army with it, carried on war against the
Thracians, and 5 conquered them in battle, and from that date onwards harried and
plundered them with war incessantly, until Cyrus wanted his army; whereupon he at once
went off, in hopes of finding another sphere of warfare in his company.
These, I take it, were the characteristic acts of a man whose affections are set on
warfare. When it is open to him to enjoy peace with honour, no shame, no injury attached,
still he prefers war; when he may live at home at ease, he insists on toil, if only it may
end in fighting; when it is given to him to keep his riches without risk, he would rather
lessen his fortune by the pastime of battle. To put it briefly, war was his mistress; just
as another man will spend his fortune on a favourite, or to gratify some pleasure, so he
chose to squander his substance on soldiering.
But if the life of a soldier was a passion with him, he was none the less a soldier
born, as herein appears; danger was a delight to him; he courted it, attacking the enemy
by night or by day; and in difficulties he did not lose his head, as all who ever served
in a campaign with him would with one consent allow. A good solder! the question arises,
Was he equally good as a commander? It must be admitted that, as far as was compatible
with his quality of temper, he was; none more so. Capable to a singular degree of devising
how his army was to get supplies, and of actually getting them, he was also capable of
impressing upon those about him that Clearchus must be obeyed; and that he brought about
by the very hardness of his nature. With a scowling expression and a harshly-grating
voice, he chastised with severity, and at times with such fury, that he was sorry
afterwards himself for what he had done. Yet it was not without purpose that he applied
the whip; he had a theory that there was no good to be got out of an unchastened army. A
saying of his is recorded to the effect that the soldier who is to mount guard and keep
his hands off his friends, and be ready to dash without a moment's hesitation against the
foe--must fear his commander more than the enemy. Accordingly, in any strait, this was the
man whom the soldiers were eager to obey, and they would have no other in his place. The
11 cloud which lay upon his brow, at those times lit up with brightness; his face became
radiant, and the old sternness was so charged with vigour and knitted strength to meet the
foe, that it savoured of salvation, not of cruelty. But when the pinch of danger was past,
and it was open to them to go and taste subordination under some other officer, many
forsook him. So lacking in grace of manner was he; but was ever harsh and savage, so that
the feeling of the soldiers towards him was that of schoolboys to a master. In other
words, though it was not his good fortune ever to have followers inspired solely by
friendship or goodwill, yet those who found themselves under him, either by State
appointment or through want, or other arch necessity, yielded him implicit obedience. From
the moment that he led them to victory, the elements which went to make his soldiers
efficient were numerous enough. There was the feeling of confidence in facing the foe,
which never left them, and there was the dread of punishment at his hands to keep them
orderly. In this way and to this extent he knew how to rule; but to play a subordinate
part himself he had no great taste; so, at any rate, it was said. At the time of his death
he must have been about fifty years of age.
Proxenus, the Boeotian, was of a different temperament. It had been the dream of his
boyhood to become a man capable of great achievements. In obedience to this passionate
desire it was, that he paid his fee to Gorgias of Leontini[1]. After enojoying that
teacher's society, he flattered himself that he must be at once qualified to rule; and
while he was on friendly terms with the leaders of the age, he was not to be outdone in
reciprocity of service[2]. In this mood he 17 threw himself into the projects of Cyrus,
and in return expected to derive from this essay the reward of a great name, large power,
and wide wealth. But for all that he pitched his hopes so high, it was none the less
evident that he would refuse to gain any of the ends he set before him wrongfully.
Righteously and honourably he would obtain them, if he might, or else forego them. As a
commander he had the art of leading gentlemen, but he failed to inspire adequately either
respect for himself or fear in the soldiers under him. Indeed, he showed a more delicate
regard for his soldiers than his subordinates for him, and he was indisputably more
apprehensive of incurring their hatred than they were of losing their fidelity. The one
thing needful to real and recognised generalship was, he thought, to praise the virtuous
and to withhold praise from the evildoer. It can be easily understood, then, that of those
who were brought in contact with him, the good and noble indeed were his well-wishers; but
he laid himself open to the machinations of the base, who looked upon him as a person to
be dealt with as they liked. At the time of his death he was only thirty years of age.
[1] The famous rhetorician of Leontini, 485-380 B.C. His fee was 100 minae.
[2] Proxenus, like Cyrus, is to some extent a prototype of the Cyrus of the
"Cyropaedia." In other words, the author, in delineating the portrait of his
ideal prince, drew from the recollection of many princely qualities observed by him in the
characters of many friends. Apart from the intrinsic charm of the story, the
"Anabasis" is interesting as containing the raw material of experience and
reflection which "this young scholar or philosopher," our friend, the author,
will one day turn to literary account.
As to Menon the Thessalian[3], the mainspring of his action was obvious; what he sought
after insatiably was wealth. Rule he sought after only as a stepping-stone to larger
spoils. Honours and high estate he craved for simply that he might extend the area of his
gains; and if he studied to be on friendly terms with the powerful, it was in order that
he might commit wrong with impunity. The shortest road to the achievement of his desires
lay, he thought, through false swearing, lying, and cheating; for in his vocabulary
simplicity and truth were synonyms of folly. Natural affection he clearly entertained for
nobody. If he called a man his friend it might be looked upon as 23 certain that he was
bent on ensnaring him. Laughter at an enemy he considered out of place, but his whole
conversation turned upon the ridicule of his associates. In like manner, the possessions
of his foes were secure from his designs, since it was no easy task, he thought, to steal
from people on their guard; but it was his particular good fortune to have discovered how
easy it is to rob a friend in the midst of his security. If it were a perjured person or a
wrongdoer, he dreaded him as well armed and intrenched; but the honourable and the
truth-loving he tried to practise on, regarding them as weaklings devoid of manhood. And
as other men pride themselves on piety and truth and righteousness, so Menon prided
himself on a capacity for fraud, on the fabrication of lies, on the mockery and scorn of
friends. The man who was not a rogue he ever looked upon as only half educated. Did he
aspire to the first place in another man's friendship, he set about his object by
slandering those who stood nearest to him in affection. He contrived to secure the
obedience of his solders by making himself an accomplice in their misdeeds, and the
fluency with which he vaunted his own capacity and readiness for enormous guilt was a
sufficient title to be honoured and courted by them. Or if any one stood aloof from him,
he set it down as a meritorious act of kindness on his part that during their intercourse
he had not robbed him of existence.
[3] For a less repulsive conception of Menon's character, however unhistorical, see
Plato's "Meno," and Prof. Jowlett's Introduction, "Plato," vol. i. p.
265: "He is a Thessalian Alcibiades, rich and luxurious--a spoilt child of
fortune."
As to certain obscure charges brought against his character, these may certainly be
fabrications. I confine myself to the following facts, which are known to all. He was in
the bloom of youth when he procured from Aristippus the command of his mercenaries; he had
not yet lost that bloom when he became exceedingly intimate with Ariaeus, a barbarian,
whose liking for fair young men was the explanation; and before he had grown a beard
himself, he had contracted a similar relationship with a bearded favourite named Tharypas.
When his fellow-generals were put to death on the plea that they had marched with Cyrus
against the king, he alone, although he had shared their conduct, was exempted from their
fate. But after their deaths the vengeance of the king fell upon him, and he was put to
death, not like 29 Clearchus and the others by what would appear to be the speediest of
deaths--decapitation--but, as report says, he lived for a year in pain and disgrace and
died the death of a felon.
Agias the Arcadian and Socrates the Achaean were both among the sufferers who were put
to death. To the credit, be it said, of both, no one ever derided either as cowardly in
war: no one ever had a fault to find with either on the score of friendship. They were
both about thirty-five years of age.
BOOK III
[In the preceding pages of the narrative will be found a full account, not only of the
doings of the Hellenes during the advance of Cyrus till the date of the battle, but of the
inci- dents which befell them after Cyrus' death at the commencement of the retreat, while
in company with Tissaphernes during the truce.]
I
After the generals had been seized, and the captains and soldiers who 1 formed their
escort had been killed, the Hellenes lay in deep perplexity--a prey to painful
reflections. Here were they at the king's gates, and on every side environing them were
many hostile cities and tribes of men. Who was there now to furnish them with a market?
Separated from Hellas by more than a thousand miles, they had not even a guide to point
the way. Impassable rivers lay athwart their homeward route, and hemmed them in. Betrayed
even by the Asiatics, at whose side they had marched with Cyrus to the attack, they were
left in isolation. Without a single mounted trooper to aid them in pursuit: was it not
perfectly plain that if they won a battle, their enemies would escape to a man, but if
they were beaten themselves, not one soul of them would survive?
Haunted by such thoughts, and with hearts full of despair, but few of them tasted food
that evening; but few of them kindled even a fire, and many never came into camp at all
that night, but took their rest where each chanced to be. They could not close their eyes
for very pain and yearning after their fatherlands or their parents, the wife or child
whom they never expected to look upon again. Such was the plight in which each and all
tried to seek repose.
Now there was in that host a certain man, an Athenian[1], Xenophon, who had accompanied
Cyrus, neither as a general, nor as an officer, nor yet as a private soldier, but simply
on the invitation of an old friend, Proxenus. This old friend had sent to fetch him from
home, promising, if he would come, to introduce him to Cyrus, "whom," said
Proxenus, "I consider to be worth my fatherland and more to me."
[1] The reader should turn to Grote's comments on the first appearance of Xenophon.
He has been mentioned before, of course, more than once before; but he now steps, as the
protagonist, upon the scene, and as Grote says: "It is in true Homeric vein, and in
something like Homeric language, that Xenophon (to whom we owe the whole narrative of the
expedition) describes his dream, or the intervention of Oneiros, sent by Zeus, from which
this renovating impulse took its rise."
Xenophon having read the letter, consulted Socrates the Athenian, whether he should
accept or refuse the invitation. Socrates, who had a suspicion that the State of Athens
might in some way look askance at my friendship with Cyrus, whose zealous co-operation
with the Lacedaemonians against Athens in the war was not forgotten, advised Xenophon to
go to Delphi and there to consult the god as to the desirability of such a journey.
Xenophon went and put the question to Apollo, to which of the gods he must pray and do
sacrifice, so that he might best accomplish his intended journey and return in safety,
with good fortune. Then Apollo answered him: "To such and such gods must thou do
sacrifice," and when he had returned home he reported to Socrates the oracle. But he,
when he heard, blamed Xenophon that he had not, in the first instance, inquired of the
god, whether it were better for him to go or to stay, but had taken on himself to settle
that point affirmatively, by inquiring straightway, how he might best 7 perform the
journey. "Since, however," continued Socrates, "you did so put the
question, you should do what the god enjoined." Thus, and without further ado,
Xenophon offered sacrifice to those whom the god had named, and set sail on his voyage. He
overtook Proxenus and Cyrus at Sardis, when they were just ready to start on the march up
country, and was at once introduced to Cyrus. Proxenus eagerly pressed him to stop--a
request which Cyrus with like ardour supported, adding that as soon as the campaign was
over he would send him home. The campaign referred to was understood to be against the
Pisidians. That is how Xenophon came to join the expedition, deceived indeed, though not
by Proxenus, who was equally in the dark with the rest of the Hellenes, not counting
Clearchus, as to the intended attack upon the king. Then, though the majority were in
apprehension of the journey, which was not at all to their minds, yet, for very shame of
one another and Cyrus, they continued to follow him, and with the rest went Xenophon.
And now in this season of perplexity, he too, with the rest, was in sore distress, and
could not sleep; but anon, getting a snatch of sleep, he had a dream. It seemed to him in
a vision that there was a storm of thunder and lightning, and a bolt fell on his father's
house, and thereupon the house was all in a blaze. He sprung up in terror, and pondering
the matter, decided that in part the dream was good: in that he had seen a great light
from Zeus, whilst in the midst of toil and danger. But partly too he feared it, for
evidently it had come from Zeus the king. And the fire kindled all around--what could that
mean but that he was hemmed in by various perplexities, and so could not escape from the
country of the king? The full meaning, however, is to be discovered from what happened
after the dream.
This is what took place. As soon as he was fully awake, the first clear thought which
came into his head was, Why am I lying here? The night advances; with the day, it is like
enough, the enemy will be upon us. If we are to fall into the hands of the king, what is
left us but to face the most horrible of sights, and to suffer the most 13 fearful pains,
and then to die, insulted, an ignominious death? To defend ourselves--to ward off that
fate--not a hand stirs: no one is preparing, none cares; but here we lie, as though it
were time to rest and take our ease. I too! what am I waiting for? a general to undertake
the work? and from what city? am I waiting till I am older mysef and of riper age? older I
shall never be, if to-day I betray myself to my enemies.
Thereupon he got up, and called together first Proxenus's officers; and when they were
met, he said: "Sleep, sirs, I cannot, nor can you, I fancy, nor lie here longer, when
I see in what straits we are. Our enemy, we may be sure, did not open war upon us till he
felt he had everything amply ready; yet none of us shows a corresponding anxiety to enter
the lists of battle in the bravest style.
"And yet, if we yield ourselves and fall into the king's power, need we ask what
our fate will be? This man, who, when his own brother, the son of the same parents, was
dead, was not content with that, but severed head and hand from the body, and nailed them
to a cross. We, then, who have not even the tie of blood in our favour, but who marched
against him, meaning to make a slave of him instead of a king--and to slay him if we
could: what is likely to be our fate at his hands? Will he not go all lengths so that, by
inflicting on us the extreme of ignominy and torture, he may rouse in the rest of mankind
a terror of ever marching against him any more? There is no question but that our business
is to avoid by all means getting into his clutches.
"For my part, all the while the truce lasted, I never ceased pitying ourselves and
congratulating the king and those with him, as, like a helpless spectator, I surveyed the
extent and quality of their territory, the plenteousness of their provisions, the
multitude of their dependants, their cattle, their gold, and their apparel. And then to
turn and ponder the condition of our soldiers, without part or lot in these good things,
except we bought it; few, I knew, had any longer the wherewithal to buy, and yet our oath
held us down, so that we could not provide ourselves otherwise than by purchase. I say, as
I 21 reasoned thus, there were times when I dreaded the truce more than I now dread war.
"Now, however, that they have abruptly ended the truce, there is an end also to
their own insolence and to our suspicion. All these good things of theirs are now set as
prizes for the combatants. To whichsoever of us shall prove the better men, will they fall
as guerdons; and the gods themselves are the judges of the strife. The gods, who full
surely will be on our side, seeing it is our enemies who have taken their names falsely;
whilst we, with much to lure us, yet for our oath's sake, and the gods who were our
witnesses, sternly held aloof. So that, it seems to me, we have a right to enter upon this
contest with much more heart than our foes; and further, we are possessed of bodies more
capable than theirs of bearing cold and heat and labour; souls too we have, by the help of
heaven, better and braver; nay, the men themselves are more vulnerable, more mortal, than
ourselves, if so be the gods vouchsafe to give us victory once again.
"Howbeit, for I doubt not elsewhere similar reflections are being made, whatsoever
betide, let us not, in heaven's name, wait for others to come and challenge us to noble
deeds; let us rather take the lead in stimulating the rest to valour. Show yourselves to
be the bravest of officers, and among generals, the worthiest to command. For myself, if
you choose to start forwards on this quest, I will follow; or, if you bid me lead you, my
age shall be no excuse to stand between me and your orders. At least I am of full age, I
take it, to avert misfortune from my own head."
Such were the speaker's words; and the officers, when they heard, all, with one
exception, called upon him to put himself at their head. This was a certain Apollonides
there present, who spoke in the Boeotian dialect. This man's opinion was that it was mere
nonsense for any one to pretend they could obtain safety otherwise than by an appeal to
the king, if he had skill to enforce it; and at the same time he began to dilate on the
difficulties. But Xenophon cut him short. "O most marvellous of men! though you have
eyes to see, you do not perceive; though you have ears to hear, you do not recollect. You
were present 27 with the rest of us now here when, after the death of Cyrus, the king,
vaunting himself on that occurrence, sent dictatorially to bid us lay down our arms. But
when we, instead of giving up our arms, put them on and went and pitched our camp near
him, his manner changed. It is hard to say what he did not do, he was so at his wit's end,
sending us embassies and begging for a truce, and furnishing provisions the while, until
he had got it. Or to take the contrary instance, when just now, acting precisely on your
principles, our generals and captains went, trusting to the truce, unarmed to a conference
with them, what came of it? what is happening at this instant? Beaten, goaded with pricks,
insulted, poor souls, they cannot even die: though death, I ween, would be very sweet. And
you, who know all this, how can you say that it is mere nonsense to talk of self-defence?
how can you bid us go again and try the arts of persuasion? In my opinion, sirs, we ought
not to admit this fellow to the same rank with ourselves; rather ought we to deprive him
of his captaincy, and load him with packs and treat him as such. The man is a disgrace to
his own fatherland and the whole of Hellas, that, being a Hellene, he is what he is."
Here Agasias the Stymphalian broke in, exclaiming: "Nay, this fellow has no
connection either with Boeotia or with Hellas, none whatever. I have noted both his ears
bored like a Lydian's." And so it was. Him then they banished. But the rest visited
the ranks, and wherever a general was left, they summoned the general; where he was gone,
the lieutenant-general; and where again the captain alone was left, the captain. As soon
as they were all met, they seated themselves in front of the place d'armes: the assembled
generals and officers, numbering about a hundred. It was nearly midnight when this took
place.
Thereupon Hieronymous the Eleian, the eldest of Proxenus's captains, commenced speaking
as follows: "Generals and captains, it seemed right to us, in view of the present
crisis, ourselves to assemble and to summon you, that we might advise upon some
practicable course. Would you, Xenophon, repeat what you said to us?"
Thereupon Xenophon spoke as follows: "We all know only too well, that 34 the king
and Tissaphernes have seized as many of us as they could, and it is clear they are
plotting to destroy the rest of us if they can. Our business is plain: it is to do all we
can to avoid getting into the power of the barbarians; rather, if we can, we will get them
into our power. Rely upon this then, all you who are here assembled, now is your great
opportunity. The soldiers outside have their eyes fixed upon you; if they think that you
are faint-hearted, they will turn cowards; but if you show them that you are making your
own preparations to attack the enemy, and setting an example to the rest--follow you, be
assured, they will: imitate you they will. May be, it is but right and fair that you
should somewhat excel them, for you are generals, you are commanders of brigades or
regiments; and if, while it was peace, you had the advantage in wealth and position, so
now, when it is war, you are expected to rise superior to the common herd--to think for
them, to toil for them, whenever there be need.
"At this very moment you would confer a great boon on the army, if you made it
your business to appoint generals and officers to fill the places of those that are lost.
For without leaders nothing good or noble, to put it concisely, was ever wrought anywhere;
and in military matters this is absolutely true; for if discipline is held to be of saving
virtue, the want of it has been the ruin of many ere now. Well, then! when you have
appointed all the commanders necessary, it would only be opportune, I take it, if you were
to summon the rest of the soldiers and speak some words of encouragement. Even now, I
daresay you noticed yourselves the crestfallen air with which they came into camp, the
despondency with which they fell to picket duty, so that, unless there is a change for the
better, I do not know for what service they will be fit; whether by night, if need were,
or even by day. The thing is to get them to turn their thoughts to what they mean to do,
instead of to what they are likely to suffer. Do that, and their spirits will soon revive
wonderfully. You know, I need hardly remind you, it is not numbers or strength that gives
victory in war; but, heaven helping them, to one or other of two combatants it is 42 given
to dash with stouter hearts to meet the foe, and such onset, in nine cases out of ten,
those others refuse to meet. This observation, also, I have laid to heart, that they, who
in matters of war seek in all ways to save their lives, are just they who, as a rule, die
dishonourably; whereas they who, recognising that death is the common lot and destiny of
all men, strive hard to die nobly: these more frequently, as I observe, do after all
attain to old age, or, at any rate, while life lasts, they spend their days more happily.
This lesson let all lay to heart this day, for we are just at such a crisis of our fate.
Now is the season to be brave ourselves, and to stimulate the rest by our example."
With these words he ceased; and after him, Cheirisophus said: "Xenophon, hitherto
I knew only so much of you as that you were, I heard, an Athenian, but now I must commend
you for your words and for your conduct. I hope that there may be many more like you, for
it would prove a public blessing." Then turning to the officers: "And now,"
said he, "let us waste no time; retire at once, I beg you, and choose leaders where
you need them. After you have made your elections, come back to the middle of the camp,
and bring the newly appointed officers. After that, we will there summon a general meeting
of the soldiers. Let Tolmides, the herald," he added, "be in attendance."
With these words on his lips he got up, in order that what was needful might be done at
once without delay. After this the generals were chosen. These were Timasion the
Dardanian, in place of Clearchus; Xanthicles, an Achaean, in place of Socrates; Cleanor,
an Arcadian, in place of Agias; Philesius, an Achaean, in place of Menon; and in place of
Proxenus, Xenophon the Athenian.
II
By the time the new generals had been chosen, the first faint glimmer 1 of dawn had
hardly commenced, as they met in the centre of the camp, and resolved to post an advance
guard and to call a general meeting of the soldiers. Now, when these had come together,
Cheirisophus the Lacedaemonian first rose and spoke as follows: "Fellow-soldiers, the
present posture of affairs is not pleasant, seeing that we are robbed of so many generals
and captains and soldiers; and more than that, our 2 former allies, Ariaeus and his men,
have betrayed us; still, we must rise above our circumstances to prove ourselves brave
men, and not give in, but try to save ourselves by glorious victory if we can; or, if not,
at least to die gloriously, and never, while we have breath in our bodies, fall into the
hands of our enemies. In which latter case, I fear, we shall suffer things, which I pray
the gods may visit rather upon those we hate."
At this point Cleanor the Ochomenian stood up and spoke as follows: "You see, men,
the perjury and the impiety of the king. You see the faithlessness of Tissaphernes,
professing that he was next-door neighbour to Hellas, and would give a good deal to save
us, in confirmation of which he took an oath to us himself, he gave us the pledge of his
right hand, and then, with a lie upon his lips, this same man turned round and arrested
our generals. He had no reverence even for Zeus, the god of strangers; but, after
entertaining Clearchus at his own board as a friend, he used his hospitality to delude and
decoy his victims. And Ariaeus, whom we offered to make king, with whom we exchanged
pledges not to betray each other, even this man, without a particle of fear of the gods,
or respect for Cyrus in his grave, though he was most honoured by Cyrus in lifetime, even
he has turned aside to the worst foes of Cyrus, and is doing his best to injure the dead
man's friends. Them may the gods requite as they deserve! But we, with these things before
our eyes, will not any more be cheated and cajoled by them; we will make the best fight we
can, and having made it, whatever the gods think fit to send, we will accept."
After him Xenophon arose; he was arrayed for war in his bravest apparel[1]:
"For," said he to himself, "if the gods grant victory, the finest attire
will match with victory best; or if I must needs die, then for one who has aspired to the
noblest, it is well there should be some outward correspondence between his expectation
and his end." He began his speech as follows: "Cleanor has spoken of the perjury
and 8 faithlessness of the barbarians, and you yourselves know them only too well, I
fancy. If then we are minded to enter a second time into terms of friendship with them,
with the experience of what our generals, who in all confidence entrusted themselves to
their power, have suffered, reason would we should feel deep despondency. If, on the other
hand, we purpose to take our good swords in our hands and to inflict punishment on them
for what they have done, and from this time forward will be on terms of downright war with
them, then, God helping, we have many a bright hope of safety." The words were
scarcely spoken when someone sneezed[2], and with one impulse the soldiers bowed in
worship; and Xenophon proceeded: "I propose, sirs, since, even as we spoke of safety,
an omen from Zeus the Saviour has appeared, we vow a vow to sacrifice to the Saviour
thank-offerings for safe deliverance, wheresoever first we reach a friendly country; and
let us couple with that vow another of individual assent, that we will offer to the rest
of the gods 'according to our ability.' Let all those who are in favour of this proposal
hold up their hands." They all held up their hands, and there and then they vowed a
vow and chanted the battle hymn. But as soon as these sacred matters were duly ended, he
began once more thus: "I was saying that many and bright are the hopes we have of
safety. First of all, we it is who confirm and ratify the oaths we take by heaven, but our
enemies have taken false oaths and broken the truce, contrary to their solemn word. This
being so, it is but natural that the gods should be opposed to our enemies, but with
ourselves allied; the gods, who are able to make the great ones quickly small, and out of
sore perplexity can save the little ones with ease, what time it pleases them. In the next
place, let me recall to your minds the dangers of our own forefathers, that you may see
and 11 know that bravery is your heirloom, and that by the aid of the gods brave men are
rescued even out of the midst of sorest straits. So was it when the Persians came, and
their attendant hosts[3], with a very great armament, to wipe out Athens from the face of
the earth--the men of Athens had the heart to withstand them and conquered them. Then they
vowed to Artemis that for every man they slew of the enemy, they would sacrifice to the
goddess goats so many; and when they could not find sufficient for the slain, they
resolved to offer yearly five hundred; and to this day they perform that sacrifice. And at
a somewhat later date, when Xerxes assembled his countless hosts and marched upon Hellas,
then[4] too our fathers conquered the forefathers of our foes by land and by sea.
[1] So it is said of the Russian General Skobelef, that he had a strange custom of
going into battle in his cleanest uniform, perfurmed, and wearing a diamond-hilted sword,
"in order that," as he said, "he might die in his best attire."
[2] For this ancient omen see "Odyssey," xvii. 541: "Even as she
spake, and Telemachus sneezed loudly, and around the roof rung wondrously. And Penelope
laughed." . . . "Dost thou not mark how my son has sneezed a blessing on all my
words?"
[3] See Herod. vi. 114; the allusion is to the invasion of Greeze by Datis and
Artaphernes, and to their defeat at Marathon, B.C. 490. "Heredotus estimates the
number of those who fell on the Persian side at 6400 men: the number of Athenian dead is
accurately known, since all were collected for the last solemn obsequies--they were
192."--Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. v. p. 475.
[4] Then = at Salamis, B.C. 480, and at Plataea and Mycale, B.C. 479, on the same
day.
"And proofs of these things are yet to be seen in trophies; but the greatest
witness of all is the freedom of our cities--the liberty of that land in which you were
born and bred. For you call no man master or lord; you bow your heads to none save to the
gods alone. Such were your forefathers, and their sons are ye. Think not I am going to say
that you put to shame in any way your ancestry--far from it. Not many days since, you too
were drawn up in battle face to face with these true descendants of their ancestors, and
by the help of heaven you conquered them, though they many times outnumbered you. At that
time, it was to win a throne for Cyrus that you showed your bravery; to-day, when the
struggle is for your own salvation, what is more natural than that you should show
yourselves braver and more zealous still. Nay, it is very meet and right that you should
be more undaunted still to-day to face the foe. The other day, though you had not tested
them, and before your eyes lay their immeasurable host, you had the heart to go against
them with the spirit of your fathers. To-day you have made 16 trial of them, and knowing
that, however many times your number, they do not care to await your onset, what concern
have you now to be afraid of them?
"Nor let any one suppose that herein is a point of weakness, in that Cyrus's
troops, who before were drawn up by your side, have now deserted us, for they are even
worse cowards still than those we worsted. At any rate they have deserted us, and sought
refuge with them. Leaders of the forlorn hope of flight--far better is it to have them
brigaded with the enemy than shoulder to shoulder in our ranks. But if any of you is out
of heart to think that we have no cavalry, while the enemy have many squadrons to command,
lay to heart this doctrine, that ten thousand horse only equal ten thousand men upon their
backs, neither less nor more. Did any one ever die in battle from the bite or kick of a
horse? It is the men, the real swordsmen, who do whatever is done in battles. In fact we,
on our stout shanks, are better mounted than those cavalry fellows; there they hang on to
their horses' necks in mortal dread, not only of us, but of falling off; while we, well
planted upon earth, can deal far heavier blows to our assailants, and aim more steadily at
who we will. There is one point, I admit, in which their cavalry have the whip-hand of us;
it is safer for them than it is for us to run away.
"May be, however, you are in good heart about the fighting, but annoyed to think
that Tissaphernes will not guide us any more, and that the king will not furnish us with a
market any longer. Now, consider, is it better for us to have a guide like Tissaphernes,
whom we know to be plotting against us, or to take our chance of the stray people whom we
catch and compel to guide us, who will know that any mistake made in leading us will be a
sad mistake for their own lives? Again, is it better to be buying provisions in a market
of their providing, in scant measure and at high prices, without even the money to pay for
them any longer; or, by right of conquest, to help ourselves, applying such measure as
suits our fancy best?
"Or again, perhaps you admit tht our present position is not without its
advantages, but you feel sure that the rivers are a difficulty, and think that you were
never more taken in than when you crossed 22 them; if so, consider whether, after all,
this is not perhaps the most foolish thing which the barbarians have done. No river is
impassable throughout; whatever difficulties it may present at some distance from its
source, you need only make your way up to the springhead, and there you may cross it
without wetting more than your ankles. But, granted that the rivers do bar our passage,
and that guides are not forthcoming, what care we? We need feel no alarm for all that. We
have heard of the Mysians, a people whom we certainly cannot admit to be better than
ourselves; and yet they inhabit numbers of large and prosperous cities in the king's own
country without asking leave. The Pisidians are an equally good instance, or the
Lycaonians. We have seen with our own eyes how they fare: seizing fortresses down in the
plains, and reaping the fruits of these men's territory. As to us, I go so far as to
assert, we ought never to have let it be seen that we were bent on getting home: at any
rate, not so soon; we should have begun stocking and furnishing ourselves, as if we fully
meant to settle down for life somewhere or other hereabouts. I am sure that the king would
be thrice glad to give the Mysians as many guides as they like, or as many hostages as
they care to demand, in return for a safe conduct out of his country; he would make
carriage roads for them, and if they preferred to take their departure in coaches and
four, he would not say them nay. So too, I am sure, he would be only too glad to
accommodate us in the same way, if he saw us preparing to settle down here. But, perhaps,
it is just as well that we did not stop; for I fear, if once we learn to live in idleness
and to batten in luxury and dalliance with these tall and handsome Median and Persian
women and maidens, we shall be like the Lotus-eaters[5], and forget the road home
altogether.
[5] See "Odyssey," ix. 94, "ever feeding on the Lotus and forgetful
of returning."
"It seems to me that it is only right, in the first instance, to make an effort to
return to Hellas and to revisit our hearths and homes, if only to prove to other Hellenes
that it is their own faults if they are poor and needy[6], seeing it is in their power to
give to those 26 now living a pauper life at home a free passage hither, and convert them
into well-to-do burghers at once. Now, sirs, is it not clear that all these good things
belong to whoever has strength to hold them?
[6] Here seems to be the germ--unless, indeed, the thought had been conceived
above--here at any rate the first conscious expression of the colonisation scheme, of
which we shall hear more below, in reference to Cotyora; the Phasis; Calpe. It appears
again fifty years later in the author's pamphlet "On Revenues," chapters i. and
vi. For the special evils of the fourth century B.C., and the growth of pauperism between
B.C. 401 and 338, see Jebb, "Attic Orators," vol i. p. 17.
"Let us look another matter in the face. How are we to march most safely? or where
blows are needed, how are we to fight to the best advantage? That is the question.
"The first thing which I recommend is to burn the wagons we have got, so that we
may be free to march wherever the army needs, and not, practically, make our baggage train
our general. And, next, we should throw our tents into the bonfire also: for these again
are only a trouble to carry, and do not contribute one grain of good either for fighting
or getting provisions. Further, let us get rid of all superfluous baggage, save only what
we require for the sake of war, or meat and drink, so that as many of us as possible may
be under arms, and as few as possible doing porterage. I need not remind you that, in case
of defeat, the owners' goods are not their own; but if we master our foes, we will make
them our baggage bearers.
"It only rests for me to name the one thing which I look upon as the greatest of
all. You see, the enemy did not dare to bring war to bear upon us until they had first
seized our generals; they felt that whilst our rulers were there, and we obeyed them, they
were no match for us in war; but having got hold of them, they fully expected that the
consequent confusion and anarchy would prove fatal to us. What follows? This: Officers and
leaders ought to be more vigilant ever than their predecessors; subordinates still more
orderly and obedient to those in command now than even they were to those who are gone.
And you should pass a resolution that, in case of insubordination, any one 31 who stands
by is to aid the officer in chastising the offender. So the enemy will be mightily
deceived; for on this day they will behold ten thousand Clearchuses instead of one, who
will not suffer one man to play the coward. And now it is high time I brought my remarks
to an end, for may be the enemy will be here anon. Let those who are in favour of these
proposals confirm them with all speed, that they may be realised in fact; or if any other
course seem better, let not any one, even though he be a private soldier, shrink from
proposing it. Our common safety is our common need."
After this Cheirisophus spoke. He said: "If there is anything else to be done,
beyond what Xenophon has mentioned, we shall be able to carry it out presently; but with
regard to what he has already proposed, it seems to me the best course to vote upon the
matters at once. Those who are in favour of Xenophon's proposals, hold up their
hands." They all held them up. Xenophon rose again and said: "Listen, sirs,
while I tell you what I think we have need of besides. It is clear that we must march
where we can get provisions. Now, I am told there are some splendid villages not more than
two miles and a half distant. I should not be surprised, then, if the enemy were to hang
on our heels and dog us as we retire, like cowardly curs which rush out at the passer-by
and bite him if they can, but when you turn upon them they run away. Such will be their
tactics, I take it. It may be safer, then, to march in a hollow square, so as to place the
baggage animals and our mob of sutlers in greater security. It will save time to make the
appointments at once, and to settle who leads the square and directs the vanguard; who
will take command of the two flanks, and who of the rearguard; so that, when the enemy
appears, we shall not need to deliberate, but can at once set in motion the machinery in
existence.
"If any one has any better plan, we need not adopt mine; but if not, suppose
Cheirisophus takes the lead, as he is a Lacedaemonian, and the two eldest generals take in
charge the two wings respectively, whilst Timasion and I, the two youngest, will for the
present guard the rear. 37 For the rest, we can but make experiment of this arrangement,
and alter it with deliberation, as from time to time any improvement suggests itself. If
any one has a better plan to propose, let him do so." . . . No dissentient voice was
heard. Accordingly he said: "Those in favour of this resolution, hold up their
hands." The resolution was carried. "And now," said he, "it would be
well to separate and carry out what we have decreed. If any of you has set his heart on
seeing his friends again, let him remember to prove himself a man; there is no other way
to achieve his heart's wish. Or is mere living an object with any of you, strive to
conquer; if to slay is the privilege of victory, to die is the doom of the defeated. Or
perhaps to gain money and wealth is your ambition, strive again for mastery; have not
conquerors the double gain of keeping what is their own, whilst they seize the possessions
of the vanquished?"
III
The speaking was ended; they got up and retired; then they burnt the 1 wagons and the
tents, and after sharing with one another what each needed out of their various
superfluities, they threw the remnant into the fire. Having done that, they proceeded to
make their breakfasts. While they were breakfasting, Mithridates came with about thirty
horsemen, and summoning the generals within earshot, he thus addressed them: "Men of
Hellas, I have been faithful to Cyrus, as you know well, and to-day I am your well-wisher;
indeed, I am here spending my days in great fear: if then I could see any salutory course
in prospect, I should be disposed to join you with all my retainers. Please inform me,
then, as to what you propose, regarding me as your friend and well-wisher, anxious only to
pursue his march in your company." The generals held council, and resolved to give
the following answer, Cheirisophus acting as spokesman: "We have resolved to make our
way through the country, inflicting the least possible damage, provided we are allowed a
free passage homewards; but if any one tries to hinder 3 us, he will have to fight it out
with us, and we shall bring all the force in our power to bear." Thereat Mithridates
set himself to prove to them that their deliverance, except with the king's good pleasure,
was hopeless. Then the meaning of his mission was plain. He was an agent in disguise; in
fact, a relation of Tissaphernes was in attendance to keep a check on his loyalty. After
that, the generals resolved that it would be better to proclaim open war, without truce or
herald, as long as they were in the enemy's country; for they used to come and corrupt the
soldiers, and they were even successful with one officer--Nicarchus[1], an Arcadian, who
went off in the night with about twenty men.
[1] Can this be the same man whose escape is so graphically described above?
After this, they breakfasted and crossed the river Zapatas, marching in regular order,
with the beasts and mob of the army in the middle. They had not advanced far on their
route when Mithridates made his appearance again, with about a couple of hundred horsemen
at his back, and bowmen and slingers twice as many, as nimble fellows as a man might hope
to see. He approached the Hellenes as if he were friendly; but when they had got fairly to
close quarters, all of a sudden some of them, whether mounted or on foot, began shooting
with their bows and arrows, and another set with slings, wounding the men. The rearguard
of the Hellenes suffered for a while severely without being able to retaliate, for the
Cretans had a shorter range than the Persians, and at the same time, being light-armed
troops, they lay cooped up within the ranks of the heavy infantry, while the javelin men
again did not shoot far enough to reach the enemy's slingers. This being so, Xenophon
thought there was nothing for it but to charge, and charge they did; some of the heavy and
light infantry, who were guarding the rear, with him; but for all their charging they did
not catch a single man.
The dearth of cavalry told against the Hellenes; nor were their infantry able to
overhaul the enemy's infantry, with the long start they had, and considering the shortness
of the race, for it was out of the question to pursue them far from the main body of the
army. On the 10 other hand, the Asiatic cavalry, even while fleeing, poured volleys of
arrows behind their backs, and wounded the pursuers; while the Hellenes must fall back
fighting every step of the way they had measured in the pursuit; so that by the end of
that day they had not gone much more than three miles; but in the late afternoon they
reached the villages.
Here there was a return of the old despondency. Cheirisophus and the eldest of the
generals blamed Xenophon for leaving the main body to give chase and endangering himself
thereby, while he could not damage the enemy one whit the more. Xenophon admitted that
they were right in blaming him: no better proof of that was wanted than the result.
"The fact is," he added, "I was driven to pursue; it was too trying to look
on and see our men suffer so badly, and be unable to retaliate. However, when we did
charge, there is no denying the truth of what you say; we were not a whit more able to
injure the enemy, while we had considerable difficulty in beating a retreat ourselves.
Thank heaven they did not come upon us in any great force, but were only a handful of men;
so that the injury they did us was not large, as it might have been; and at least it has
served to show us what we need. At present the enemy shoot and sling beyond our range, so
that our Cretan archers are no match for them; our hand-throwers cannot reach as far; and
when we pursue, it is not possible to push the pursuit to any great distance from the main
body, and within the short distance no foot-soldier, however fleet of foot, could overtake
another foot-soldier who has a bow-shot the start of him. If, then, we are to exclude them
from all possibility of injuring us as we march, we must get slingers as soon as possible
and cavalry. I am told there are in the army some Rhodians, most of whom, they say, know
how to sling, and their missile will reach even twice as far as the Persian slings (which,
on account of their being loaded with stones as big as one's fist, have a comparatively
short range; but the Rhodians are skilled in the use of leaden bullets[2]). Suppose, then,
we investigate and 18 find out first of all who among them possess slings, and for these
slings offer the owner the money value; and to another, who will plait some more, hand
over the money price; and for a third, who will volunteer to be enrolled as a slinger,
invent some other sort of privilege, I think we shall soon find people to come forward
capable of helping us. There are horses in the army I know; some few with myself, others
belonging to Clearchus's stud, and a good many others captured from the enemy, used for
carrying baggage. Let us take the pick of these, supplying their places by ordinary
baggage animals, and equipping the horses for cavalry. I should not wonder if our troopers
gave some annoyance to these fugitives."
[2] These words sound to me like an author's note, parenthetically, and perhaps
inadvertently, inserted into the text. It is an "aside" to the reader, which in
a modern book would appear as a footnote.
These proposals were carried, and that night two hundred slingers were enrolled, and
next day as many as fifty horse and horsemen passed muster as duly qualified; buff jackets
and cuirasses were provided for them, and a commandant of cavalry appointed to
command--Lycius, the son of Polystratus, by name, an Athenian.
IV
That day they remained inactive, but the next they rose earlier than 1 usual, and set
out betimes, for they had a ravine to cross, where they feared the enemy might attack them
in the act of crossing. When they were across, Mithridates appeared again with one
thousand horse, and archers and slingers to the number of four thousand. This whole body
he had got by request from Tissaphernes, and in return he undertook to deliver up the
Hellenes to Tissaphernes. He had grown contemptuous since his late attack, when, with so
small a detachment, he had done, as he thought, a good deal of mischief, without the
slightest loss to himself.
When the Hellenes were not only right across, but had got about a mile from the ravine,
Mithridates also crossed with his forces. An order had been passed down the lines, what
light infantry and what heavy infantry were to take part in the pursuit; and the cavalry
were instructed to follow up the pursuit with confidence, as a considerable 3 support was
in their rear. So, when Mithridates had come up with them, and they were well within arrow
and sling shot, the bugle sounded the signal to the Hellenes; and immediately the
detachment under orders rushed to close quarters, and the cavalry charged. There the enemy
preferred not to wait, but fled towards the ravine. In this pursuit the Asiatics lost
several of their infantry killed, and of their cavalry as many as eighteen were taken
prisoners in the ravine. As to those who were slain the Hellenes, acting upon impulse,
mutilated their bodies, by way of impressing their enemy with as frightful an image as
possible.
So fared the foe and so fell back; but the Hellenes, continuing their march in safety
for the rest of that day, reached the river Tigris. Here they came upon a large deserted
city, the name of which was Larissa[1]: a place inhabited by the Medes in days of old; the
breadth of its walls was twenty-five feet, and the height of them a hundred, and the
circuit of the whole two parasangs. It was built of clay-bricks, supported on a stone
basis twenty feet high. This city the king of the Persians[2] besieged, what time the
Persians strove to snatch their empire from the Medes, but he could in no wise take it;
then a cloud hid the face of the sun and blotted out the light thereof, until the
inhabitants were gone out of the city, and so it was taken. By the side of this city there
was a stone pyramid in breadth a hundred feet, and in height two hundred feet; in it were
many of the barbarians who had fled for refuge from the neighbouring villages.
[1] Larissa, on the side of the modern Nimrud (the south-west corner, as is
commonly supposed, of Nineveh). The name is said to mean "citadel," and is given
to various Greek cities (of which several occur in Xenophon).
[2] I.e. Cyrus the Great.
From this place they marched one stage of six parasangs to a great deserted fortress
[which lay over against the city], and the name of that city was Mespila[3]. The Medes
once dwelt in it. The basement was 10 made of polished stone full of shells; fifty feet
was the breadth of it, and fifty feet the height; and on this basement was reared a wall
of brick, the breadth whereof was fifty feet and the height thereof four hundred; and the
circuit of the wall was six parasangs. Hither, as the story goes, Medea[4], the king's
wife, betook herself in flight what time the Medes lost their empire at the hands of the
Persians. To this city also the king of the Pesians laid siege, but could not take it
either by length of days or strength of hand. But Zeus sent amazement on the inhabitants
thereof, and so it was taken.
[3] Opposite Mosul, the north-west portion of the ancient Nineveh, about eighteen
miles above Larissa. The circuit of Nineveh is said to have been about fifty-six miles. It
was overthrown by Cyrus in B.C. 558.
[4] The wife of Astyages, the last king of Media. Some think "the wall of
Media" should be "Medea's wall," constructed in the period of Queen
Nitocris, B.C. 560.
From this place they marched one stage--four parasangs. But, while still on this stage,
Tissaphernes made his appearance. He had with him his own cavalry and a force belonging to
Orontas, who had the king's daughter to wife; and there were, moreover, with them the
Asiatics whom Cyrus had taken with him on his march up; together with those whom the
king's brother had brought as a reinforcement to the king; besides those whom Tissaphernes
himself had received as a gift from the king, so that the armament appeared to be very
great. When they were close, he halted some of his regiments at the rear and wheeled
others into position on either flank, but hesitated to attack, having no mind apparently
to run any risks, and contenting himself with an order to his slingers to sling and his
archers to shoot. But when the Rhodian slingers and the bowmen[5], posted at intervals,
retaliated, and every shot told (for with the utmost pains to miss it would have been hard
to do so under the circumstanecs), then Tissaphernes with all speed retired out of range,
the other regiments following suit; and for the rest of the day the one party advanced and
the other followed. But now the Asiatics had ceased to be dangerous with their
sharpshooting. For the Rhodians could reach further than the Persian 16 slingers, or,
indeed, than most of the bowmen. The Persian bows are of great size, so that the Cretans
found the arrows which were picked up serviceable, and persevered in using their enemies'
arrows, and practised shooting with them, letting them fly upwards to a great height[6].
There were also plenty of bowstrings found in the villages--and lead, which they turned to
account for their slings. As a result of this day, then, the Hellenes chancing upon some
villages had no sooner encamped than the barbarians fell back, having had distinctly the
worst of it in the skirmishing.
[5] The best MSS read {Skuthai}, Scythians; if this is correct, it is only the
technical name for "archers." Cf. Arrian, "Tact." ii. 13. The police
at Athens were technically so called, as being composed of Scythian slaves. Cf. Aristoph.
"Thesm." 1017.
[6] I.e., in practising, in order to get the maximum range they let fly the arrows,
not horizontally, but up into the air. Sir W. Raleigh (Hist. of the World, III. x. 8) says
that Xenophon "trained his archers to short compass, who had been accustomed to the
point blank," but this is surely not Xenophon's meaning.
The next day was a day of inaction: they halted and took in supplies, as there was much
corn in the villages; but on the day following, the march was continued through the plain
(of the Tigris), and Tissaphernes still hung on their skirts with his skirmishers. And now
it was that the Hellenes discovered the defect of marching in a square with an enemy
following. As a matter of necessity, whenever the wings of an army so disposed draw
together, either where a road narrows, or hills close in, or a bridge has to be crossed,
the heavy infantry cannot help being squeezed out of their ranks, and march with
difficulty, partly from actual pressure, and partly from the general confusion that
ensues. Or, supposing the wings are again extended, the troops have hardly recovered from
their former distress before they are pulled asunder, and there is a wide space between
the wings, and the men concerned lose confidence in themselves, especially with an enemy
close behind. What happened, when a bridge had to be crossed or other passage effected,
was, that each unit of the force pressed on in anxiety to get over first, and at these
moments it was easy for the enemy to make an attack. The generals accordingly, having
recognsied the defect, set about curing it. To do so, they made six lochi, or divisions of
a hundred men apiece, each of which had its own set of captains and under-officers in
command of half and quarter companies. 21 It was the duty of these new companies, during a
march, whenever the flanks needed to close in, to fall back to the rear, so as to
disencumber the wings. This they did by wheeling clear of them. When the sides of the
oblong again extended, they filled up the interstices, if the gap were narrow, by columns
of companies, if broader, by columns of half-companies, or, if broader still, by columns
of quarter-companies, so that the space between was always filled up. If again it were
necessary to effect a passage by bridge or otherwise, there was no confusion, the several
companies crossing in turns; or, if the occasion arose to form in line of battle, these
companies came up to the front and fell in[7].
[7] In the passage above I have translated {lokhoi} companies, and, as usual,
{lokhagoi} captains. The half company is technically called a pentecostys, and a quarter
company an enomoty, and the officers in charge of them respectively penteconter and
enomotarch. These would be equivalent nearly to our subalterns and sergeants, and in the
evolutions described would act as guides and markers in charge of their sections. Grote
thinks there were six companies formed on each flank--twelve in all. See "Hist. of
Greece," vol. ix. p. 123, note (1st ed.)
In this way they advanced four stages, but ere the fifth was completed, they came in
sight of a palace of some sort, with villages clustered round it; they could further see
that the road leading to this place pursued its course over high undulating hillocks, the
spur of the mountain range, under which lay the village. These knolls were a welcome sight
to the Hellenes, naturally enough, as the enemy were cavalry. However, when they had
issued from the plain and ascended the first crest, and were in the act of descending it
so as to mount the next, at this juncture the barbarians came upon them. From the high
ground down the sheer steep they poured a volley of darts, slingstones, and arrows, which
they discharged "under the lash[8]," wounding many, until they got the better of
the Hellenic light troops, and drove them for shelter behind the heavy infantry, so that
this day that arm was altogether useless, huddling in the mob of sutlers, both 26 slingers
and archers alike.
[8] I.e. the Persian leaders were seen flogging their men to the attack. Cf. Herod.
vii. 22. 3.
But when the Hellenes, being so pressed, made an attempt to pursue, they could barely
scale to the summit, being heavy-armed troops, while the enemy as lightly sprung away; and
they suffered similarly in retiring to join the rest of the army. And then, on the second
hill, the whole had to be gone through again; so that when it came to the third hillock,
they determined not to move the main body of troops from their position until they had
brought up a squadron of light infantry from the right flank of the square to a point on
the mountain range. When this detachment were once posted above their pursuers, the latter
desisted from attacking the main body in its descent, for fear of being cut off and
finding themselves between two assailants. Thus the rest of the day they moved on in two
divisions: one set keeping to the road by the hillocks, the other marching parallel on the
higher level along the mountains; and thus they reached the villages and appointed eight
surgeons to attend to the many wounded.
Here they halted three days for the sake of the wounded chiefly, while a further
inducement was the plentiful supply of provisions which they found, wheat and wine, and
large stores of barley laid up for horses. These supplies had been collected by the ruling
satrap of the country. On the fourth day they began their descent into the plain; but when
Tissaphernes overtook them, necessity taught them to camp in the first village they caught
sight of, and give over the attempt of marching and fighting simultaneously, as so many
were hors de combat, being either on the list of wounded themselves, or else engaged in
carrying the wounded, or laden with the heavy arms of those so occupied. But when they
were once encamped, and the barbarians, advancing upon the village, made an attempt to
harass them with their sharp-shooters, the superiority of the Hellenes was pronounced. To
sustain a running fight with an enemy constantly attacking was one thing; to keep him at
arm's length from a fixed base of action another: and the difference was much in their
favour.
But when it was late afternoon, the time had come for the enemy to 34 withdraw, since
the habit of the barbarian was never to encamp within seven or eight miles of the Hellenic
camp. This he did in apprehension of a night attack, for a Persian army is good for
nothing at night. Their horses are haltered, and, as a rule, hobbled as well, to prevent
their escaping, as they might if loose; so that, if any alarm occurs, the trooper has to
saddle and bridle his horse, and then he must put on his own cuirass, and then mount--all
which performances are difficult at night and in the midst of confusion. For this reason
they always encamped at a distance from the Hellenes.
When the Hellenes perceived that they were preparing to retire, and that the order was
being given, the herald's cry, "Pack up for starting," might be heard before the
enemy was fairly out of earshot. For a while the Asiatics paused, as if unwilling to be
gone; but as night closed in, off they went, for it did not suit their notions of
expediency to set off on a march and arrive by night. And now, when the Hellenes saw that
they were really and clearly gone, they too broke up their camp and pursued their march
till they had traversed seven and a half miles. Thus the distance between the two armies
grew to be so great, that the next day the enemy did not appear at all, nor yet on the
third day; but on the fourth the barbarians had pushed on by a forced night march and
occupied a commanding position on the right, where the Hellenes had to pass. It was a
narrow mountain spur[9] overhanging the descent into the plain.
[9] Lit. "a mere nail tip."
But when Cheirisophus saw that this ridge was occupied, he summoned Xenophon from the
rear, bidding him at the same time to bring up peltasts to the front. That Xenophon
hesitated to do, for Tissaphernes and his whole army were coming up and were well within
sight. Galloping up to the front himself, he asked: "Why do you summon me?" The
other answered him: "The reason is plain; look yonder; this crest which overhangs our
descent has been occupied. There is no passing, 39 until we have dislodged these fellows;
why have you not brought up the light infantry?" Xenophon explained: he had not
thought it desirable to leave the rear unprotected, with an enemy appearing in the field
of view. "However, it is time," he added, "to decide how we are to dislodge
these fellows from the crest." At this moment his eye fell on the peak of the
mountain, rising immediately above their army, and he could see an approach leading from
it to the crest in question where the enemy lay. He exclaimed: "The best thing we can
do, Cheirisophus, is to make a dash at the height itself, and with what speed we may. If
we take it, the party in command of the road will never be able to stop. If you like, stay
in command of the army, and I will go; or, if you prefer, do you go to the mountain, and I
will stay here."--"I leave it to you," Cheirisophus answered, "to
choose which you like best." Xenophon remarking, "I am the younger,"
elected to go; but he stipulated for a detachment from the front to accompany him, since
it was a long way to fetch up troops from the rear. Accordingly Cheirisophus furnished him
with the light infantry from the front, reoccupying their place by those from the centre.
He also gave him, to form part of the detachment, the three hundred of the picked
corps[10] under his own command at the head of the square.
[10] Some think that these three hundred are three of the detached companies
described above; others, that they were a picked corps in attendance on the
commander-in-chief.
They set out from the low ground with all the haste imaginable. But the enemy in
position on the crest no sooner perceived their advance upon the summit of the pass than
they themselves set off full tilt in a rival race for the summit too. Hoarse were the
shouts of the Hellenic troops as the men cheered their companions forwards, and hoarse the
answering shouts from the troops of Tissaphernes, urging on theirs. Xenophon, mounted on
his charger, rode beside his men, and roused their ardour the while. "Now for it,
brave sirs; bethink you that this race is for Hellas!--now or never!--to find your boys,
your wives; one small effort, and the rest of the march we shall pursue in peace, without
ever a blow to strike; now for it." But Soteridas the Sicyonian said: "We are
not on equal terms, Xenophon; you are mounted 47 on a horse; I can hardly get along with
my shield to carry;" and he, on hearing the reproach, leapt from his horse. In
another instant he had pushed Soteridas from the ranks, snatched from him his shield, and
begun marching as quickly as he might under the circumstances, having his horseman's
cuirass to carry as well, so that he was sore pressed; but he continued to cheer on the
troops: exhorting those in front to lead on and the men toiling behind to follow up[11].
Soteridas was not spared by the rest of the men. They gave him blows, they pelted him,
they showered him with abuse, till they compelled him to take back his shield and march
on; and the other, remounting, led them on horseback as long as the footing held; but when
the ground became too steep, he left his horse and pressed forward on foot, and so they
found themselves on the summit before the enemy.
[11] Some MSS. "and the men behind to pass him by, as he could but ill keep up
the pace."
V
There and then the barbarians turned and fled as best they might, and 1 the Hellenes
held the summit, while the troops with Tissaphernes and Ariaeus turned aside and
disappeared by another road. The main body with Cheirisophus made its way down into the
plain and encamped in a village filled with good things of divers sorts. Nor did this
village stand alone; there were others not a few in this plain of the Tigris equally
overflowing with plenty. It was now afternoon; and all of a sudden the enemy came in sight
on the plain, and succeeded in cutting down some of the Hellenes belonging to parties who
were scattered over the flat land in quest of spoil. Indeed, many herds of cattle had been
caught whilst being conveyed across to the other side of the river. And now Tissaphernes
and his troops made an attempt to burn the villages, and some of the Hellenes were
disposed to take the matter deeply to heart, being apprehensive that they might not know
where to get provisions if the enemy burnt the villages.
Cheirisophus and his men were returning from their sally of defence when Xenophon and
his party descended, and the latter rode along the 4 ranks as the rescuing party came up,
and greeted them thus: "Do you not see, men of Hellas, they admit that the country is
now ours; what they stipulated against our doing when they made the treaty, viz. that we
were not to fire the king's country, they are now themselves doing--setting fire to it as
if it were not their own. But we will be even with them; if they leave provisions for
themselves anywhere, there also shall they see us marching;" and, turning to
Cheirisophus, he added: "But it strikes me, we should sally forth against these
incendiaries and protect our country." Cheirisophus retorted: "That is not quite
my view; I say, let us do a little burning ourselves, and they will cease all the
quicker."
When they had got back to the villages, while the rest were busy about provisions, the
generals and officers met: and here there was deep despondency. For on the one side were
exceedingly high mountains; on the other a river of such depth that they failed to reach
the bottom with their spears. In the midst of their perplexities, a Rhodian came up with a
proposal, as follows: "I am ready, sirs to carry you across, four thousand heavy
infantry at a time; if you will furnish me with what I need and give me a talent into the
bargain for my pains." When asked, "What shall you need?" he replied:
"Two thousand wine-skins. I see there are plenty of sheep and goats and asses. They
have only to be flayed, and their skins inflated, and they will readily give us a passage.
I shall want also the straps which you use for the baggage animals. With these I shall
couple the skins to one another; then I shall moor each skin by attaching stones and
letting them down like anchors into the water. Then I shall carry them across, and when I
have fastened the links at both ends, I shall place layers of wood on them and a coating
of earth on the top of that. You will see in a minute that there's no danger of your
drowning, for every skin will be able to support a couple of men without sinking, and the
wood and earth will prevent your slipping off."
The generals thought it a pretty invention enough, but its realisation impracticable,
for on the other side were masses of cavalry posted and ready to bar the passage; who, to
begin with, would not suffer the 12 first detachment of crossers to carry out any item of
the programme.
Under these circumstances, the next day they turned right about face, and began
retracing their steps in the direction of Babylon to the unburnt villages, having
previously set fire to those they left, so that the enemy did not ride up to them, but
stood and stared, all agape to see in what direction the Hellenes would betake themselves
and what they were minded to do. Here, again, while the rest of the soldiers were busy
about provisions, the generals and officers met in council, and after collecting the
prisoners together, submitted them to a cross-examination touching the whole country
round, the names, and so forth, of each district.
The prisoners informed them that the regions south, through which they had come,
belonged to the district towards Babylon and Media; the road east led to Susa and
Ecbatana, where the king is said to spend summer and spring; crossing the river, the road
west led to Lydia and Ionia; and the part through the mountains facing towards the Great
Bear, led, they said, to the Carduchians[1]. They were a people, so said the prisoners,
dwelling up on the hills, addicted to war, and not subject to the king; so much so that
once, when a royal army one hundred and twenty thousand strong had invaded them, not a man
came back, owing to the intricacies of the country. Occasionally, however, they made truce
or treaty with the satrap in the plain, and, for the nonce, there would be intercourse:
"they will come in and out amongst us," "and we will go in and out amongst
them," said the captives.
[1] See Dr. Kiepert, "Man. Anc. Geog. (Mr. G. A. Macmillan) iv. 47. The
Karduchians or Kurds belong by speech to the Iranian stock, forming in fact their farthest
outpost to the west, little given to agriculture, but chiefly to the breeding of cattle.
Their name, pronounced Kardu by the ancient Syrians and Assyrians, Kordu by the Armenians
(plural Kordukh), first appears in its narrower sense in western literature in the pages
of the eye-witness Xenophon as {Kardoukhoi}. Later writers knew of a small kingdom here at
the time of the Roman occupation, ruled by native princes, who after Tigranes II (about 80
B.C.) recognised the overlordship of the Armenian king. Later it became a province of the
Sassanid kingdom, and as such was in 297 A.D. handed over among the regiones
transtigritanae to the Roman empire, but in 364 was again ceded to Persia.
After hearing these statements, the generals seated apart those who 17 claimed to have
any special knowledge of the country in any direction; they put them to sit apart without
making it clear which particular route they intended to take. Finally the resolution to
which they came was that they must force a passage through the hills into the territory of
the Kurds; since, according to what their informants told them, when they had once passed
these, they would find themselves in Armenia--the rich and large territory governed by
Orontas; and from Armenia, it would be easy to proceed in any direction whatever.
Thereupon they offered sacrifice, so as to be ready to start on the march as soon as the
right moment appeared to have arrived. Their chief fear was that the high pass over the
mountains must be occupied in advance: and a general order was issued, that after supper
every one should get his kit together for starting, and repose, in readiness to follow as
soon as the word of command was given.
BOOK IV
[In the preceding portion of the narrative a full account is given of the incidents of
the march up to the battle, and of the occurrences after the battle during the truce which
was established between the king and the Hellenes, who marched up with Cyrus, and thirdly,
of the fighting to which the Hellenes were exposed, after the king and Tissaphernes had
broken the treaty, while a Persian army hung on their rear. Having finally reached a point
at which the Tigris was absolutely impassable owing to its depth and breadth, while there
was no passage along the bank itself, and the Carduchian hills hung sheer over the river,
the generals took the resolution above mentioned of forcing a passage through the
mountains. The information derived from the prisoners taken along the way led them to
believe that once across the Carduchian mountains they would have the choice either of
crossing the Tigris--if they liked to do so--at its sources in Armenia, or of going round
them, if so they preferred. Report further said that the sources of the Euphrates also
were not far from those of the Tigris, and this is actually the case. The advance into the
country of the Carduchians was conducted with a view partly to secrecy, and partly to
speed, so as to effect their entry before the enemy could occupy the passes.]
I
It was now about the last watch, and enough of the night remained to 1 allow them to
cross the valley under cover of darkness; when, at the word of command, they rose and set
off on their march, reaching the mountains at daybreak. At this stage of the march
Cheirisophus, at the head of his own division, with the whole of the light troops, led the
van, while Xenophon followed behind with the heavy infantry of the rearguard, but without
any light troops, since there seemed to be no danger of pursuit or attack from the rear,
while they were making their way up hill. Cheirisophus reached the summit without any of
the 6 enemy perceiving him. Then he led on slowly, and the rest of the army followed, wave
upon wave, cresting the summit and descending into the villages which nestled in the
hollows and recesses of the hills.
Thereupon the Carduchians abandoned their dwelling places, and with their wives and
children fled to the mountains; so there was plenty of provisions to be got for the mere
trouble of taking, and the homesteads too were well supplied with a copious store of
bronze vessels and utensils which the Hellenes kept their hands off, abstaining at the
same time from all pursuit of the folk themselves, gently handling them, in hopes that the
Carduchians might be willing to give them friendly passage through their country, since
they too were enemies of the king: only they helped themselves to such provisions as fell
in their way, which indeed was a sheer necessity. But the Carduchians neither gave ear,
when they called to them, nor showed any other friendly sign; and now, as the last of the
Hellenes descended into the villages from the pass, they were already in the dark, since,
owing to the narrowness of the road, the whole day had been spent in the ascent and
descent. At that instant a party of the Carduchians, who had collected, made an attack on
the hindmost men, killing some and wounding others with stones and arrows--though it was
quite a small body who attacked. The fact was, the approach of the Hellenic army had taken
them by surprise; if, however, they had mustered in larger force at this time, the chances
are that a large portion of the army would have been annihilated. As it was, they got into
quarters, and bivouacked in the villages that night, while the Carduchians kept many
watch-fires blazing in a circle on the mountains, and kept each other in sight all round.
But with the dawn the generals and officers of the Hellenes met and resolved to
proceed, taking only the necessary number of stout baggage animals, and leaving the
weaklings behind. They resolved further to let go free all the lately-captured slaves in
the host; for the pace of the march was necessarily rendered slow by the quantity of
animals and prisoners, and the number of non-combatants in attendance on these 13 was
excessive, while, with such a crowd of human beings to satisfy, twice the amount of
provisions had to be procured and carried. These resolutions passed, they caused a
proclamation by herald to be made for their enforcement.
When they had breakfasted and the march recommenced, the generals planted themselves a
little to one side in a narrow place, and when they found any of the aforesaid slaves or
other property still retained, they confiscated them. The soldiers yielded obedience,
except where some smuggler, prompted by desire of a good-looking boy or woman, managed to
make off with his prize. During this day they contrived to get along after a fashion, now
fighting and now resting. But on the next day they were visited by a great storm, in spite
of which they were obliged to continue the march, owing to insufficiency of provisions.
Cheirisophus was as usual leading in front, while Xenophon headed the rearguard, when the
enemy began a violent and sustained attack. At one narrow place after another they came up
quite close, pouring in volleys of arrows and slingstones, so that the Hellenes had no
choice but to make sallies in pursuit and then again recoil, making but very little
progress. Over and over again Xenophon would send an order to the front to slacken pace,
when the enemy were pressing their attack severely. As a rule, when the word was so passed
up, Cheirisophus slackened; but sometimes instead of slackening, Cheirisophus quickened,
sending down a counter-order to the rear to follow on quickly. It was clear that there was
something or other happening, but there was no time to go to the front and discover the
cause of the hurry. Under the circumstances the march, at any rate in the rear, became
very like a rout, and here a brave man lost his life, Cleonymus the Laconian, shot with an
arrow in the ribs right through shield and corselet, as also Basias, an Arcadian, shot
clean through the head.
As soon as they reached a halting-place, Xenophon, without more ado, came up to
Cheirisophus, and took him to task for not having waited, "whereby," he said,
"we were forced to fight and flee at the same 19 moment; and now it has cost us the
lives of two fine fellows; they are dead, and we were not able to pick up their bodies or
bury them." Cheirisophus answered: "Look up there," pointing as he spoke to
the mountain, "do you see how inaccessible it all is? only this one road, which you
see, going straight up, and on it all that crowd of men who have seized and are guarding
the single exit. That is why I hastened on, and why I could not wait for you, hoping to be
beforehand with them yonder in seizing the pass: the guides we have got say there is no
other way." And Xenophon replied: "But I have got two prisoners also; the enemy
annoyed us so much that we laid an ambuscade for them, which also gave us time to recover
our breaths; we killed some of them, and did our best to catch one or two alive--for this
very reason--that we might have guides who knew the country, to depend upon."
The two were brought up at once and questioned separately: "Did they know of any
other road than the one visible?" The first said no; and in spite of all sorts of
terrors applied to extract a better answer--"no," he persisted. When nothing
could be got out of him, he was killed before the eyes of his fellow. This latter then
explained: "Yonder man said, he did not know, because he has got a daughter married
to a husband in those parts. I can take you," he added, "by a good road,
practicable even for beasts." And when asked whether there was any point on it
difficult to pass, he replied that there was a col which it would be impossible to pass
unless it were occupied in advance.
Then it was resolved to summon the officers of the light infantry and some of those of
the heavy infantry, and to acquaint them with the state of affairs, and ask them whether
any of them were minded to distinguish themselves, and would step forward as volunteers on
an expedition. Two or three heavy infantry soldiers stepped forward at once--two
Arcadians, Aristonymus of Methydrium, and Agasias of Stymphalus--and in emulation of
these, a third, also an Arcadian, Callimachus from Parrhasia, who said he was ready to go,
and would get volunteers from the whole army to join him. "I know," he added,
"there 27 will be no lack of youngsters to follow where I lead." After that they
asked, "Were there any captains of light infantry willing to accompany the
expedition?" Aristeas, a Chian, who on several occasions proved his usefulness to the
army on such service, volunteered.
II
It was already late afternoon, when they ordered the storming party to 1 take a snatch
of food and set off; then they bound the guide and handed him over to them. The agreement
was, that if they succeeded in taking the summit they were to guard the position that
night, and at daybreak to give a signal by bugle. At this signal the party on the summit
were to attack the enemy in occupation of the visible pass, while the generals with the
main body would bring up their succours; making their way up with what speed they might.
With this understanding, off they set, two thousand strong; and there was a heavy downpour
of rain, but Xenophon, with his rearguard, began advancing to the visible pass, so that
the enemy might fix his attention on this road, and the party creeping round might, as
much as possible, elude observation. Now when the rearguard, so advancing, had reached a
ravine which they must cross in order to strike up the steep, at that instant the
barbarians began rolling down great boulders, each a wagon load[1], some larger, some
smaller; against the rocks they crashed and splintered flying like slingstones in every
direction--so that it was absolutely out of the question even to approach the entrance of
the pass. Some of the officers finding themselves baulked at this point, kept trying other
ways, nor did they desist till darkness set in; and then, when they thought they would not
be seen retiring, they returned to supper. Some of them who had been on duty in the
rearguard had had no breakfast (it so happened). However, the enemy never ceased rolling
down their stones all through the night, as was easy to infer from the booming sound.
[1] I.e. several ton weight.
The party with the guide made a circuit and surprised the enemy's guards seated round
their fire, and after killing some, and driving out the rest, took their places, thinking
that they were in possession of the height. As a matter of fact they were not, for above
them lay a 6 breast-like hill[2] skirted by the narrow road on which they had found the
guards seated. Still, from the spot in question there was an approach to the enemy, who
were seated on the pass before mentioned.
[2] Or, "mamelon."
Here then they passed the night, but at the first glimpse of dawn they marched
stealthily and in battle order against the enemy. There was a mist, so that they could get
quite close without being observed. But as soon as they caught sight of one another, the
trumpet sounded, and with a loud cheer they rushed upon the fellows, who did not wait
their coming, but left the road and made off; with the loss of only a few lives however,
so nimble were they. Cheirisophus and his men, catching the sound of the bugle, charged up
by the well-marked road, while others of the generals pushed their way up by pathless
routes, where each division chanced to be; the men mounting as they were best able, and
hoisting one another up by means of their spears; and these were the first to unite with
the party who had already taken the position by storm. Xenophon, with the rearguard,
followed the path which the party with the guide had taken, since it was easiest for the
beasts of burthen; one half of his men he had posted in rear of the baggage animals; the
other half he had with himself. In their course they encountered a crest above the road,
occupied by the enemy, whom they must either dislodge or be themselves cut off from the
rest of the Hellenes. The men by themselves could have taken the same route as the rest,
but the baggage animals could not mount by any other way than this.
Here then, with shouts of encouragement to each other, they dashed at the hill with
their storming columns, not from all sides, but leaving an avenue of escape for the enemy,
if he chose to avail himself of it. For a while, as the men scrambled up where each best
could, the natives kept up a fire of arrows and darts, yet did not receive them at close
quarters, but presently left the position in flight. No sooner, however, were the Hellenes
safely past this crest, than they came in sight of another in front of them, also
occupied, and deemed it advisable to storm it also. But now it struck Xenophon that if
they 13 left the ridge just taken unprotected in their rear, the enemy might re-occupy it
and attack the baggage animals as they filed past, presenting a long extended line owing
to the narrowness of the road by which they made their way. To obviate this, he left some
officers in charge of the ridge--Cephisodorus, son of Cephisophon, an Athenian;
Amphicrates, the son of Amphidemus, an Athenian; and Archagoras, an Argive exile--while he
in person with the rest of the men attacked the second ridge; this they took in the same
fashion, only to find that they had still a third knoll left, far the steepest of the
three. This was none other than the mamelon mentioned as above the outpost, which had been
captured over their fire by the volunteer storming party in the night. But when the
Hellenes were close, the natives, to the astonishment of all, without a struggle deserted
the knoll. It was conjectured that they had left their position from fear of being
encircled and besieged, but the fact was that they, from their higher ground, had been
able to see what was going on in the rear, and had all made off in this fashion to attack
the rearguard.
So then Xenophon, with the youngest men, scaled up to the top, leaving orders to the
rest to march on slowly, so as to allow the hindmost companies to unite with them; they
were to advance by the road, and when they reached the level to ground arms[3]. Meanwhile
the Argive Archagoras arrived, in full flight, with the announcement that they had been
dislodged from the first ridge, and that Cephisodorus and Amphicrates were slain, with a
number of others besides, all in fact who had not jumped down the crags and so reached the
rearguard. After this achievement the barbarians came to a crest facing the mamelon, and
Xenophon held a colloquy with them by means of an interpreter, to negotiate a truce, and
demanded back the dead bodies. These they agreed to restore if he would not burn their
houses, and to these terms Xenophon agreed. Meanwhile, as the rest of the army filed past,
and the colloquy was proceeding, all the people of the place had time to gather gradually,
and the enemy formed; and as soon as the Hellenes began to descend from the mamelon to
join the others where the troops were halted, on rushed the foe, in full force, with hue
and cry. They 20 reached the summit of the mamelon from which Xenophon was descending, and
began rolling down crags. One man's leg was crushed to pieces. Xenophon was left by his
shield-bearer, who carried off his shield, but Eurylochus of Lusia[4], an Arcadian
hoplite, ran up to him, and threw his shield in front to protect both of them; so the two
together beat a retreat, and so too the rest, and joined the serried ranks of the main
body.
[3] To take up position.
[4] I.e. of Lusi (or Lusia), a town (or district) in Northern Arcadia.
After this the whole Hellenic force united, and took up their quarters there in
numerous beautiful dwellings, with an ample store of provisions, for there was wine so
plentiful that they had it in cemented cisterns. Xenophon and Cheirisophus arranged to
recover the dead, and in return restored the guide; afterwards they did everything for the
dead, according to the means at their disposal, with the customary honours paid to good
men.
Next day they set off without a guide; and the enemy, by keeping up a continuous battle
and occupying in advance every narrow place, obstructed passage after passage.
Accordingly, whenever the van was obstructed, Xenophon, from behind, made a dash up the
hills and broke the barricade, and freed the vanguard by endeavouring to get above the
obstructing enemy. Whenever the rear was the point attacked, Cheirisophus, in the same
way, made a detour, and by endeavouring to mount higher than the barricaders, freed the
passage for the rear rank; and in this way, turn and turn about, they rescued each other,
and paid unflinching attention to their mutual needs. At times it happened that, the
relief party having mounted, encountered considerable annoyance in their descent from the
barbarians, who were so agile that they allowed them to come up quite close, before they
turned back, and still escaped, partly no doubt because the only weapons they had to carry
were bows and slings.
They were, moreover, excellent archers, using bows nearly three cubits long and arrows
more than two cubits. When discharging the arrow, they draw the string by getting a
purchase with the left foot planted 28 forward on the lower end of the bow. The arrows
pierced through shield and cuirass, and the Hellenes, when they got hold of them, used
them as javelins, fitting them to their thongs. In these districts the Cretans were highly
serviceable. They were under the command of Stratocles, a Cretan.
III
During this day they bivouacked in the villages which lie above the 1 plain of the
river Centrites[1], which is about two hundred feet broad. It is the frontier river
between Armenia and the country of the Carduchians. Here the Hellenes recruited
themselves, and the sight of the plain filled them with joy, for the river was but six or
seven furlongs distant from the mountains of the Carduchians. For the moment then they
bivouacked right happily; they had their provisions, they had also many memories of the
labours that were now passed; seeing that the last seven days spent in traversing the
country of the Carduchians had been one long continuous battle, which had cost them more
suffering than the whole of their troubles at the hands of the king and Tissaphernes put
together. As though they were truly quit of them for ever, they laid their heads to rest
in sweet content.
[1] I.e. the Eastern Tigris.
But with the morrow's dawn they espied horsemen at a certain point across the river,
armed cap-a-pie, as if they meant to dispute the passage. Infantry, too, drawn up in line
upon the banks above the cavalry, threatened to prevent them debouchng into Armenia. These
troops were Armenian and Mardian and Chaldaean mercenaries belonging to Orontas and
Artuchas. The last of the three, the Chaldaeans, were said to be a free and brave set of
people. They were armed with long wicker shields and lances. The banks before named on
which they were drawn up were a hundred yards or more distant from the river, and the
single road which was visible was one leading upwards and looking like a regular
artificially constructed highway. At this point the Hellenes endeavoured to cross, but on
their making the attempt the water proved 6 to be more than breast-deep, and the river bed
was rough with great slippery stones, and as to holding their arms in the water, it was
out of the question--the stream swept them away--or if they tried to carry them over the
head, the body was left exposed to the arrows and other missiles; accordingly they turned
back and encamped there by the bank of the river.
At the point where they had themselves been last night, up on the mountains, they could
see the Carduchians collected in large numbers and under arms. A shadow of deep despair
again descended on their souls, whichever way they turned their eyes--in front lay the
river so difficult to ford; over, on the other side, a new enemy threatening to bar the
passage; on the hills behind, the Carduchians ready to fall upon their rear should they
once again attempt to cross. Thus for this day and night they halted, sunk in perplexity.
But Xenophon had a dream. In his sleep he thought that he was bound in fetters, but these,
of their own accord, fell from off him, so that he was loosed, and could stretch his legs
as freely as he wished[2]. So at the first glimpse of daylight he came to Cheirisophus and
told him that he had hopes that all things would go well, and related to him his dream.
[2] It is impossible to give the true sense and humour of the passage in English,
depending, as it does, on the double meaning of {diabainein} (1) to cross (a river), (2)
to stride or straddle (of the legs). The army is unable to cross the Centrites; Xenophon
dreams that he is fettered, but the chains drop off his legs and he is able to stride as
freely as ever; next morning the two young men come to him with the story how they have
found themselves able to walk cross the river instead of having to swim it. It is obvious
to Xenophon that the dream is sent from Heaven.
The other was well pleased, and with the first faint gleam of dawn the generals all
were present and did sacrifice; and the victims were favourable in the first essay.
Retiring from the sacrifice, the generals and officers issued an order to the troops to
take their breakfasts; and while Xenophon was taking his, two young men came running up to
him, for every one knew that, breakfasting or supping, he was always accessible, or that
even if asleep any one was welcome to awaken him who had anything to say bearing on the
business of war. 10 What the two young men had at this time to say was that they had been
collecting brushwood for fire, and had presently espied on the opposite side, in among
some rocks which came down to the river's brink, an old man and some women and little
girls depositing, as it would appear, bags of clothes in a cavernous rock. When they saw
them, it struck them that it was safe to cross; in any case the enemy's cavalry could not
approach at this point. So they stripped naked, expecting to have to swim for it, and with
their long knives in their hands began crossing, but going forward crossed without being
wet up to the fork. Once across they captured the clothes, and came back again.
Accordingly Xenophon at once poured out a libation himself, and bade the two young
fellows fill the cup and pray to the gods, who showed to him this vision and to them a
passage, to bring all other blessings for them to accomplishment. When he had poured out
the libation, he at once led the two young men to Cheirisophus, and they repeated to him
their story. Cheirisophus, on hearing it, offered libations also, and when they had
performed them, they sent a general order to the troops to pack up ready for starting,
while they themselves called a meeting of the generals and took counsel how they might
best effect a passage, so as to overpower the enemy in front without suffering any loss
from the men behind. And they resolved that Cheirisophus should lead the van and cross
with half the army, the other half still remaining behind under Xenophon, while the
baggage animals and the mob of sutlers were to cross between the two divisions.
When all was duly ordered the move began, the young men pioneering them, and keeping
the river on their left. It was about four furlongs' march to the crossing, and as they
moved along the bank, the squadrons of cavalry kept pace with them on the opposite side.
But when they had reached a point in a line with the ford, and the cliff-like banks of
the river, they grounded arms, and first Cheirisophus himself placed a wreath upon his
brows, and throwing off 17 his cloak[3], resumed his arms, passing the order to all the
rest to do the same, and bade the captains form their companies in open order in deep
columns, some to left and some to right of himself. Meanwhile the soothsayers were slaying
a victim over the river, and the enemy were letting fly their arrows and slingstones; but
as yet they were out of range. As soon as the victims were favourable, all the soldiers
began singing the battle hymn, and with the notes of the paean mingled the shouting of the
men accompanied by the shriller chant of the women, for there were many women[4] in the
camp.
[3] Or, "having doffed it," i.e. the wreath, an action which the soldiers
would perform symbolically, if Grote is right in his interpretation of the passage,
"Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p. 137.
[4] Lit. "comrade-women."
So Cheirisophus with his detachment stepped in. But Xenophon, taking the most
active-bodied of the rearguard, began running back at full speed to the passage facing the
egress into the hills of Armenia, making a feint of crossing at that point to intercept
their cavalry on the river bank. The enemy, seeing Cheirisophus's detachment easily
crossing the stream, and Xenophon's men racing back, were seized with the fear of being
intercepted, and fled at full speed in the direction of the road which emerges from the
stream. But when they were come opposite to it they raced up hill towards their mountains.
Then Lycius, who commanded the cavalry, and Aeschines, who was in command of the division
of light infantry attached to Cheirisophus, no sooner saw them fleeing so lustily than
they were after them, and the soldiers shouted not to fall behind[5], but to follow them
right up to the mountains. Cheirisophus, on getting across, forbore to pursue the cavalry,
but advanced by the bluffs which reached to the river to attack the enemy overhead. And
these, seeing their own cavalry fleeing, seeing also the heavy infantry advancing upon
them, abandoned the heights above the river.
[5] Or, "to stick tight to them and not to be outdone"; or, as others
understand, "the (infantry) soldiers clamoured not to be left behind, but to follow
them up into the mountains."
Xenophon, as soon as he saw that things were going well on the other 24 side, fell back
with all speed to join the troops engaged in crossing, for by this time the Carduchians
were well in sight, descending into the plain to attack their rear.
Cheirisophus was in possession of the higher ground, and Lycius, with his little
squadron, in an attempt to follow up the pursuit, had captured some stragglers of their
baggage-bearers, and with them some handsome apparel and drinking-cups. The baggage
animals of the Hellenes and the mob of non-combatants were just about to cross, when
Xenonphon turned his troops right about to face the Carduchians. Vis-a-vis he formed his
line, passing the order to the captains each to form his company into sections, and to
deploy them into line by the left, the captains of companies and lieutenants in command of
sections to advance to meet the Carduchians, while the rear leaders would keep their
position facing the river. But when the Carduchians saw the rearguard so stript of the
mass, and looking now like a mere handful of men, they advanced all the more quickly,
singing certain songs the while. Then, as matters were safe with him, Cheirisophus sent
back the peltasts and slingers and archers to join Xenophon, with orders to carry out his
instructions. They were in the act of recrossing, when Xenophon, who saw their intention,
sent a messenger across, bidding them wait there at the river's brink without crossing;
but as soon as he and his detachment began to cross they were to step in facing him in two
flanking divisions right and left of them, as if in the act of crossing; the javelin men
with their javelins on the thong, and the bowmen with their arrows on the string; but they
were not to advance far into the stream. The order passed to his own men was: "Wait
till you are within sling-shot, and the shield rattles, then sound the paean and charge
the enemy. As soon as he turns, and the bugle from the river sounds for 'the attack,' you
will face about to the right, the rear rank leading, and the whole detachment falling back
and crossing the river as quickly as possible, every one preserving his original rank, so
as to avoid tramelling one another: the bravest man is he who gets to the other side
first."
The Carduchians, seeing that the remnant left was the merest handful 30 (for many even
of those whose duty it was to remain had gone off in their anxiety to protect their beasts
of burden, or their personal kit, or their mistresses), bore down upon them valorously,
and opened fire with slingstones and arrows. But the Hellenes, raising the battle hymn,
dashed at them at a run, and they did not await them; armed well enough for mountain
warfare, and with a view to sudden attack followed by speedy flight, they were not by any
means sufficiently equipped for an engagement at close quarters. At this instant the
signal of the bugle was heard. Its notes added wings to the flight of the barbarians, but
the Hellenes turned right about in the opposite direction, and betook themselves to the
river with what speed they might. Some of the enemy, here a man and there another,
perceived, and running back to the river, let fly their arrows and wounded a few; but the
majority, even when the Hellenes were well across, were still to be seen pursuing their
flight. The detachment which came to meet Xenophon's men, carried away by their valour,
advanced further than they had need to, and had to cross back again in the rear of
Xenophon's men, and of these too a few were wounded.
IV
The passage effected, they fell into line about mid-day, and marched 1 through Armenian
territory, one long plain with smooth rolling hillocks, not less than five parasangs in
distance; for owing to the wars of this people with the Carduchians there were no villages
near the river. The village eventually reached was large, and possessed a palace belonging
to the satrap, and most of the houses were crowned with turrets; provisions were
plentiful.
From this village they marched two stages--ten parasangs--until they had surmounted the
sources of the river Tigris; and from this point they marched three stages--fifteen
parasangs--to the river Teleboas. This was a fine stream, though not large, and there were
many villages about it. The district was named Western Armenia. The lieutenant-governor of
it was Tiribazus, the king's friend, and whenever the latter paid a visit, he alone had
the privilege of mounting the king upon his horse. This officer rode up to the Hellenes
with a body of cavalry, and sending forward an interpreter, stated that he desired a
colloquy with the leaders. The generals resolved to 5 hear what he had to say; and
advancing on their side to within speaking distance, they demanded what he wanted. He
replied that he wished to make a treaty with them, in accordance with which he on his side
would abstain from injuring the Hellenes, if they would not burn his houses, but merely
take such provisions as they needed. This proposal satisfied the generals, and a treaty
was made on the terms suggested.
From this place they marched three stages--fifteen parasangs--through plain country,
Tiribazus the while keeping close behind with his own forces more than a mile off.
Presently they reached a palace with villages clustered round about it, which were full of
supplies in great variety. But while they were encamping in the night, there was a heavy
fall of snow, and in the morning it was resolved to billet out the different regiments,
with their generals, throughout the villages. There was no enemy in sight, and the
proceeding seemed prudent, owing to the quantity of snow. In these quarters they had for
provisions all the good things there are--sacrificial beasts, corn, old wines with an
exquisite bouqet, dried grapes, and vegetables of all sorts. But some of the stragglers
from the camp reported having seen an army, and the blaze of many watchfires in the night.
Accordingly the generals concluded that it was not prudent to separate their quarters in
this way, and a resolution was passed to bring the troops together again. After that they
reunited, the more so that the weather promised to be fine with a clear sky; but while
they lay there in open quarters, during the night down came so thick a fall of snow that
it completely covered up the stacks of arms and the men themselves lying down. It cramped
and crippled the baggage animals; and there was great unreadiness to get up, so gently
fell the snow as they lay there warm and comfortable, and formed a blanket, except where
it slipped off the sleepers' shoulders; and it was not until Xenophon roused himself to
get up, and, without his cloak on[1], began to split wood, that quickly first one and then
another got up, and taking the log away 12 from him, fell to splitting. Thereat the rest
followed suit, got up, and began kindling fire and oiling their bodies, for there was a
scented unguent to be found there in abundance, which they used instead of oil. It was
made from pig's fat, sesame, bitter almonds, and turpentine. There was a sweet oil also to
be found, made of the same ingredients.
[1] Or, as we should say, "in his shirt sleeves." Doubtless he lay with
his {imation} or cloak loosely wrapped round him; as he sprang to his feet he would throw
it off, or it would fall off, and with the simple inner covering of the {khiton} to
protect him, and arms free, he fell to chopping the wood, only half clad.
After this it was resolved that they must again separate their quarters and get under
cover in the villages. At this news the soldiers, with much joy and shouting, rushed upon
the covered houses and the provisions; but all who in their blind folly had set fire to
the houses when they left them before, now paid the penalty in the poor quarters they got.
From this place one night they sent off a party under Democrates, a Temenite[2], up into
the mountains, where the stragglers reported having seen watchfires. The leader selected
was a man whose judgement might be depended upon to verify the truth of the matter. With a
happy gift to distinguish between fact and fiction, he had often been successfully
appealed to. He went and reported that he had seen no watchfires, but he had got a man,
whom he brought back with him, carrying a Persian bow and quiver, and a sagaris or
battleaxe like those worn by the Amazons. When asked "from what country he
came," the prisoner answered that he was "a Persian, and was going from the army
of Tiribazus to get provisions." They next asked him "how large the army was,
and for what object it had been collected." His answer was that "it consisted of
Tiribazus at the head of his own forces, and aided by some Chalybian and Taochian
mercenaries. Tiribazus had got it together," he added, "meaning to attack the
Hellenes on the high mountain pass, in a defile which was the sole passage."
[2] Reading {Temeniten}, i.e. a native of Temenus, a district of Syracuse; al.
{Temniten}, i.e. from Temnus in the Aeolid; al. {Temeniten}, i.e. from Temenum in the
Argolid.
When the generals heard this news, they resolved to collect the troops, and they set
off at once, taking the prisoner to act as guide, and leaving a garrison behind with
Sophaenetus the Stymphalian in 19 command of those who remained in the camp. As soon as
they had begun to cross the hills, the light infantry, advancing in front and catching
sight of the camp, did not wait for the heavy infantry, but with a loud shout rushed upon
the enemy's entrenchment. The natives, hearing the din and clatter, did not care to stop,
but took rapidly to their heels. But, for all their expedition, some of them were killed,
and as many as twenty horses were captured, with the tent of Tiribazus, and its contents,
silver-footed couches and goblets, besides certain persons styling themselves the butlers
and bakers. As soon as the generals of the heavy infantry division had learnt the news,
they resolved to return to the camp with all speed, for fear of an attack being made on
the remnant left behind. The recall was sounded and the retreat commenced; the camp was
reached the same day.
V
The next day it was resolved that they should set off with all 1 possible speed, before
the enemy had time to collect and occupy the defile. Having got their kit and baggage
together, they at once began their march through deep snow with several guides, and,
crossing the high pass the same day on which Tiribazus was to have attacked them, got
safely into cantonments. From this point they marched three desert stages--fifteen
parassangs--to the river Euphrates, and crossed it in water up to the waist. The sources
of the river were reported to be at no great distance. From this place they marched
through deep snow over a flat country three stages--fifteen parasangs[1]. The last of
these marches was trying, with the north wind blowing in their teeth, drying up everything
and benumbing the men. Here one of the seers suggested to them to do sacrifice to Boreas,
and sacrifice was done. The effect was obvious to all in the diminished fierceness of the
blast. But there was six feet of snow, so that many of the baggage animals and slaves were
lost, and about thirty of the men themselves.
[1] Al. "ten," al. "five."
They spent the whole night in kindling fire; for there was fortunately no dearth of
wood at the halting-place; only those who came late into camp had no wood. Accordingly
those who had arrived a good while and 5 had kindled fires were not for allowing these
late-comers near the fires, unless they would in return give a share of their corn or of
any other victuals they might have. Here then a general exchange of goods was set up.
Where the fire was kindled the snow melted, and great trenches formed themselves down to
the bare earth, and here it was possible to measure the depth of the snow.
Leaving these quarters, they marched the whole of the next day over snow, and many of
the men were afflicted with "boulimia" (or hunger-faintness). Xenophon, who was
guarding the rear, came upon some men who had dropt down, and he did not know what ailed
them; but some one who was experienced in such matters suggested to him that they had
evidently got boulimia; and if they got something to eat, they would revive. Then he went
the round of the baggage train, and laying an embargo on any eatables he could see, doled
out with his own hands, or sent off other able-bodied agents to distribute to the
sufferers, who as soon as they had taken a mouthful got on their legs again and continued
the march.
On and on they marched, and about dusk Cheirisophus reached a village, and surprised
some women and girls who had come from the village to fetch water at the fountain outside
the stockade. These asked them who they were. The interpreters answered for them in
Persian: "They were on their way from the king to the satrap;" in reply to which
the women gave them to understand that the satrap was not at home, but was away a parasang
farther on. As it was late they entered with the water-carriers within the stockade to
visit the headman of the village. Accordingly Cheirisophus and as many of the troops as
were able got into cantonments there, while the rest of the soldiers--those namely who
were unable to complete the march--had to spend the night out, without food and without
fire; under the circumstances some of the men perished.
On the heels of the army hung perpetually bands of the enemy, snatching away disabled
baggage animals and fighting with each other over the carcases. And in its track not
seldom were left to their fate disabled soldiers, struck down with snow-blindness or with
toes 12 moritified by frostbite. As to the eyes, it was some alleviation against the snow
to march with something black before them; for the feet, the only remedy was to keep in
motion without stopping for an instant, and to loose the sandal at night. If they went to
sleep with the sandals on, the thong worked into the feet, and the sandals were frozen
fast to them. This was partly due to the fact that, since their old sandals had failed,
they wore untanned brogues made of newly-flayed ox-hides. It was owing to some such dire
necessity that a party of men fell out and were left behind, and seeing a black-looking
patch of ground where the snow had evidently disappeared, they conjectured it must have
been melted; and this was actually so, owing to a spring of some sort which was to be seen
steaming up in a dell close by. To this they had turned aside and sat down, and were loth
to go a step further. But Xenophon, with his rearguard, perceived them, and begged and
implored them by all manner of means not to be left behind, telling them that the enemy
were after them in large packs pursuing; and he ended by growing angry. They merely bade
him put a knife to their throats; not one step farther would they stir. Then it seemed
best to frighten the pursuing enemy if possible, and prevent their falling upon the
invalids. It was already dusk, and the pursuers were advancing with much noise and hubbub,
wrangling and disputing over their spoils. Then all of a sudden the rearguard, in the
plenitude of health and strength[2], sprang up out of their lair and run upon the enemy,
whilst those weary wights[3] bawled out as loud as their sick throats could sound, and
clashed their spears against their shields; and the enemy in terror hurled themselves
through the snow into the dell, and not one of them ever uttered a sound again.
[2] Hug, after Rehdantz, would omit the words "in the plenitude of health and
strength."
[3] Or, "the invalids."
Xenophon and his party, telling the sick folk that next day people would come for them,
set off, and before they had gone half a mile they fell in with some soldiers who had laid
down to rest on the snow with their cloaks wrapped round them, but never a guard was
established, and they made them get up. Their explanation was that 19 those in front would
not move on. Passing by this group he sent forward the strongest of his light infantry in
advance, with orders to find out what the stoppage was. They reported that the whole army
lay reposing in such fashion. That being so, Xenophon's men had nothing for it but to
bivouac in the open air also, without fire and supperless, merely posting what pickets
they could under the circumstances. But as soon as it drew towards day, Xenophon
despatched the youngest of his men to the sick folk behind, with orders to make them get
up and force them to proceed. Meanwhile Cheirisophus had sent some of his men quartered in
the village to enquire how they fared in the rear; they were overjoyed to see them, and
handed over the sick folk to them to carry into camp, while they themselves continued
their march forward, and ere twenty furlongs were past reached the village in which
Cheirisophus was quartered. As soon as the two divisions were met, the resolution was come
to that it would be safe to billet the regiments throughout the villages; Cheirisophus
remained where he was, while the rest drew lots for the villages in sight, and then, with
their several detachments, marched off to their respective destinations.
It was here that Polycrates, an Athenian and captain of a company, asked for leave of
absence--he wished to be off on a quest of his own; and putting himself at the head of the
active men of the division, he ran to the village which had been allotted to Xenophon. He
surprised within it the villagers with their headman, and seventeen young horses which
were being reared as a tribute for the king, and, last of all, the headman's own daughter,
a young bride only eight days wed. Her husband had gone off to chase hares, and so he
escaped being taken with the other villagers. The houses were underground structures with
an aperture like the mouth of a well by which to enter, but they were broad and spacious
below. The entrance for the beasts of burden was dug out, but the human occupants
descended by a ladder. In these dwellings were to be found goats and sheep and cattle, and
cocks and hens, with their various progeny. The flocks and herds were all reared under
cover upon green food. There were stores within of wheat and barley and vegetables, and
wine made from barley in great big bowls; 26 the grains of barley malt lay floating in the
beverage up to the lip of the vessel, and reeds lay in them, some longer, some shorter,
without joints; when you were thirsty you must take one of these into your mouth, and
suck. The beverage without admixture of water was very strong, and of a delicious flavour
to certain palates, but the taste must be acquired.
Xenophon made the headman of the village his guest at supper, and bade him keep a good
heart; so far from robbing him of his children, they would fill his house full of good
things in return for what they took before they went away; only he must set them an
example, and discover some blessing or other for the army, until they found themselves
with another tribe. To this he readily assented, and with the utmost cordiality showed
them the cellar where the wine was buried. For this night then, having taken up their
several quarters as described, they slumbered in the midst of plenty, one and all, with
the headman under watch and ward, and his children with him safe in sight.
But on the following day Xenophon took the headman and set off to Cheirisophus, making
a round of the villages, and at each place turning in to visit the different parties.
Everywhere alike he found them faring sumptuously and merry-making. There was not a single
village where they did not insist on setting a breakfast before them, and on the same
table were spread half a dozen dishes at least, lamb, kid, pork, veal, fowls, with various
sorts of bread, some of wheat and some of barley. When, as an act of courtesy, any one
wished to drink his neighbour's health, he would drag him to the big bowl, and when there,
he must duck his head and take a long pull, drinking like an ox. The headman, they
insisted everywere, must accept as a present whatever he liked to have. But he would
accept nothing, except where he espied any of his relations, when he made a point of
taking them off, him or her, with himself.
When they reached Cheirisophus they found a similar scene. There too 33 the men were
feasting in their quarters, garlanded with whisps of hay and dry grass, and Armenian boys
were playing the part of waiters in barbaric costumes, only they had to point out by
gesture to the boys what they were to do, like deaf and dumb. After the first formalities,
when Cheirisophus and Xenophon had greeted one another like bosom friends, they
interrogated the headman in common by means of the Persian-speaking interpreter.
"What was the country?" they asked: he replied, "Armenia." And again,
"For whom are the horses being bred?" "They are tribute for the king,"
he replied. "And the neighbouring country?" "Is the land of the
Chalybes," he said; and he described the road which led to it. So for the present
Xenophon went off, taking the headman back with him to his household and friends. He also
made him a present of an oldish horse which he had got; he had heard that the headman was
a priest of the sun, and so he could fatten up the beast and sacrifice him; otherwise he
was afraid it might die outright, for it had been injured by the long marching. For
himself he took his pick of the colts, and gave a colt apiece to each of his
fellow-generals and officers. The horses here were smaller than the Persian horses, but
much more spirited. It was here too that their friend the headman explained to them, how
they should wrap small bags or sacks around the feet of the horses and other cattle when
marching through the snow, for without such precautions the creatures sank up to their
bellies.
VI
When a week had passed, on the eighth day Xenophon delivered over the 1 guide (that is
to say, the village headman) to Cheirisophus. He left the headman's household safe behind
in the village, with the exception of his son, a lad in the bloom of youth. This boy was
entrusted to Episthenes of Amphipolis to guard; if the headman proved himself a good
guide, he was to take away his son also at his departure. They finally made his house the
repository of all the good things they could contrive to get together; then they broke up
their camp and commenced to march, the headman guiding them through the snow unfettered.
When they had reached the third stage Cheirisophus flew 2 into a rage with him, because he
had not brought them to any villages. The headman pleaded that there were none in this
part. Cheirisophus struck him, but forgot to bind him, and the end of it was that the
headman ran away in the night and was gone, leaving his son behind him. This was the sole
ground of difference between Cheirisophus and Xenophon during the march, this combination
of ill-treatment and neglect in the case of the guide. As to the boy, Episthenes conceived
a passion for him, and took him home with him, and found in him the most faithful of
friends.
After this they marched seven stages at the rate of five parasangs a day, to the banks
of the river Phasis[1], which is a hundred feet broad: and thence they marched another
couple of stages, ten parasangs; but at the pass leading down into the plain there
appeared in front of them a mixed body of Chalybes and Taochians and Phasianians. When
Cheirisophus caught sight of the enemy on the pass at a distance of about three or four
miles, he ceased marching, not caring to approach the enemy with his troops in column, and
he passed down the order to the others: to deploy their companies to the front, that the
troops might form into line. As soon as the rearguard had come up, he assembled the
generals and officers, and addressed them: "The enemy, as you see, are in occupation
of the mountain pass, it is time we should consider how we are to make the best fight to
win it. My opinion is, that we should give orders to the troops to take their morning
meal, whilst we deliberate whether we should cross the mountains to-day or
to-morrow." "My opinion," said Cleanor, "is, that as soon as we have
breakfasted, we should arm for the fight and attack the enemy, without loss of time, for
if we fritter away to-day, the enemy who are now content to look at us, will grow bolder,
and with their growing courage, depend upon it, others more numerous will join them."
[1] Probably a tributary of the Araxes = modern Pasin-Su.
After him Xenophon spoke: "This," he said, "is how I see the matter; if
fight we must, let us make preparation to sell our lives dearly, but if we desire to cross
with the greatest ease, the point to consider is, how we may get the fewest wounds and
throw away the smallest number of good men. Well then, that part of the mountain 11 which
is visible stretches nearly seven miles. Where are the men posted to intercept us? except
at the road itself, they are nowhere to be seen. It is much better to try if possible to
steal a point of this desert mountain unobserved, and before they know where we are,
secure the prize, than to fly at a strong position and an enemy thoroughly prepared. Since
it is much easier to march up a mountain without fighting than to tramp along a level when
assailants are at either hand; and provided he has not to fight, a man will see what lies
at his feet much more plainly even at night than in broad daylight in the midst of battle;
and a rough road to feet that roam in peace may be pleasanter than a smooth surface with
the bullets whistling about your ears[2]. Nor is it so impossible, I take it, to steal a
march, since it is open to us to go by night, when we cannot be seen, and to fall back so
far that they will never notice us. In my opinion, however, if we make a feint of
attacking here, we shall find the mountain chain all the more deserted elsewhere, since
the enemy will be waiting for us here in thicker swarm.
[2] Or, more lit., "with the head a mark for missiles."
"But what right have I to be drawing conclusions about stealing in your presence,
Cheirisophus? for you Lacedaemonians, as I have often been told, you who belong to the
'peers,' practise stealing from your boyhood up; and it is no disgrace but honourable
rather to steal, except such things as the law forbids; and in order, I presume, to
stimulate your sense of secretiveness, and to make you master thieves, it is lawful for
you further to get a whipping if you are caught. Now then you have a fine opportunity of
displaying your training. But take care we are not caught stealing over the mountain, or
we shall catch it ourselves." "For all that," retorted Cheirisophus,
"I have heard that you Athenians are clever hands at stealing the public moneys; and
that too though there is a fearful risk for the person so employed; but, I am told, it is
your best men who are addicted to it; if it is your best men who are thought worthy to
rule. So it is a fine opportunity for yourself also, Xenophon, to exhibit your
education." 17 "And I," replied Xenophon, "am ready to take the rear
division, as soon as we have supped, and seize the mountain chain. I have already got
guides, for the light troops laid an ambuscade, and seized some of the cut-purse vagabonds
who hung on our rear. I am further informed by them that the mountain is not inaccessible,
but is grazed by goats and cattle, so that if we can once get hold of any portion of it,
there will be no difficulty as regards our animals--they can cross. As to the enemy, I
expect they will not even wait for us any longer, when they once see us on a level with
themselves on the heights, for they do not even at present care to come down and meet us
on fair ground." Cheirisophus answered: "But why should you go and leave your
command in the rear? Send others rather, unless a band of volunteers will present
themselves." Thereupon Aristonymus the Methydrian came forward with some heavy
infantry, and Nicomachus the Oetean with another body of light troops, and they made an
agreement to kindle several watch-fires as soon as they held the heights. The arrangements
made, they breakfasted; and after breakfast Cheirisophus advanced the whole army ten
furlongs closer towards the enemy, so as to strengthen the impression that he intended to
attack them at that point.
But as soon as they had supped and night had fallen, the party under orders set off and
occupied the mountain, while the main body rested where they were. Now as soon as the
enemy perceived that the mountain was taken, they banished all thought of sleep, and kept
many watch-fires blazing throughout the night. But at break of day Cheirisophus offered
sacrifice, and began advancing along the road, while the detachment which held the
mountain advanced pari passu by the high ground. The larger mass of the enemy, on his
side, remained still on the mountain-pass, but a section of them turned to confront the
detachment on the heights. Before the main bodies had time to draw together, the
detachment on the height came to close quarters, and the Hellenes were victorious and gave
chase. Meanwhile the light division of the Hellenes, issuing from the plain, were rapidly
advancing against the serried lines of the enemy, whilst Cheirisophus followed up with his
heavy infantry at quick march. But the enemy on the road 25 no sooner saw their higher
division being worsted than they fled, and some few of them were slain, and a vast number
of wicker shields were taken, which the Hellenes hacked to pieces with their short swords
and rendered useless. So when they had reached the summit of the pass, they sacrificed and
set up a trophy, and descending into the plain, reached villages abounding in good things
of every kind.
VII
After this they marched into the country of the Taochians five 1 stages--thirty
parasangs--and provisions failed; for the Taochians lived in strong places, into which
they had carried up all their stores. Now when the army arrived before one of these strong
places--a mere fortress, without city or houses, into which a motley crowd of men and
women and numerous flocks and herds were gathered--Cheirisophus attacked at once. When the
first regiment fell back tired, a second advanced, and again a third, for it was
impossible to surround the place in full force, as it was encircled by a river. Presently
Xenophon came up with the rearguard, consisting of both light and heavy infantry,
whereupon Cheirisophus halted him with the words: "In the nick of time you have come;
we must take this place, for the troops have no provisions, unless we take it."
Thereupon they consulted together, and to Xenophon's inquiry, "What it was which
hindered their simply walking in?" Cheirisophus replied, "There is just this one
narrow approach which you see, but when we attempt to pass it by they roll down volleys of
stones from yonder overhanging crag," pointing up, "and this is the state in
which you find yourself, if you chance to be caught;" and he pointed to some poor
fellows with their legs or ribs crushed to bits. "But when they have expended their
ammunition," said Xenophon, "there is nothing else, is there, to hinder our
passing? Certainly, except yonder handful of fellows, there is no one in front of us that
we can see; and of them, only two or three apparently are armed, and the distance to be
traversed under fire is, as your eyes will tell you, about one hundred and fifty feet as
near as can be, and of this space the first hundred is thickly covered with great pines at
intervals; under cover of these, what harm can come to our men from a pelt of stones,
flying 6 or rolling? So then, there is only fifty feet left to cross, during a lull of
stones." "Ay," said Cheirisophus, "but with our first attempt to
approach the bush a galling fire of stones commences." "The very thing we
want," said the other, "for they will use up their ammunition all the quicker;
but let us select a point from which we shall have only a brief space to run across, if we
can, and from which it will be easier to get back, if we wish."
Thereupon Cheirisophus and Xenophon set out with Callimachus the Parrhasian, the
captain in command of the officers of the rearguard that day; the rest of the captains
remained out of danger. That done, the next step was for a party of about seventy men to
get away under the trees, not in a body, but one by one, every one using his best
precaution; and Agasis the Stymphalian, and Aristonymous the Methydrian, who were also
officers of the rearguard, were posted as supports outside the trees; for it was not
possible for more than a single company to stand safely within the trees. Here Callimachus
hit upon a pretty contrivance--he ran forward from the tree under which he was posted two
or three paces, and as soon as the stones came whizzing, he retired easily, but at each
excursion more than ten wagon-loads of rocks were expended. Agasias, seeing how
Callimachus was amusing himself, and the whole army looking on as spectators, was seized
with the fear that he might miss his chance of being first to run the gauntlet of the
enemy's fire and get into the place. So, without a word of summons to his neighbour,
Aristonymous, or to Eurylochus of Lusia, both comrades of his, or to any one else, off he
set on his own account, and passed the whole detachment. But Callimachus, seeing him
tearing past, caught hold of his shield by the rim, and in the meantime Aristonymous the
Methydrian ran past both, and after him Eurylochus of Lusia; for they were one and all
aspirants to valour, and in that high pursuit, each was the eager rival of the rest. So in
this strife of honour, the three of them took the fortress, and when they had once rushed
in, not a stone more was hurled from overhead.
And here a terrible spectacle displayed itself: the women first cast their infants down
the cliff, and then they cast themselves after 13 their fallen little ones, and the men
likewise. In such a scene, Aeneas the Stymphalian, an officer, caught sight of a man with
a fine dress about to throw himself over, and seized hold of him to stop him; but the
other caught him to his arms, and both were gone in an instant headlong down the crags,
and were killed. Out of this place the merest handful of human beings were taken
prisoners, but cattle and asses in abundance and flocks of sheep.
From this place they marched through the Chalybes[1] seven stages, fifty parasangs.
These were the bravest men whom they encountered on the whole march, coming cheerily to
close quarters with them. They wore linen cuirasses reaching to the groin, and instead of
the ordinary "wings" or basques, a thickly-plaited fringe of cords. They were
also provided with greaves and helmets, and at the girdle a short sabre, about as long as
the Laconian dagger, with which they cut the throats of those they mastered, and after
severing the head from the trunk they would march along carrying it, singing and dancing,
when they drew within their enemy's field of view. They carried also a spear fifteen
cubits long, lanced at one end[2]. This folk stayed in regular townships, and whenever the
Hellenes passed by they invariably hung close on their heels fighting. They had
dwelling-places in their fortresses, and into them they had carried up their supplies, sot
hat the Hellenes could get nothing from this district, but supported themselves on the
flocks and herds they had taken from the Taochians. After this the Hellenes reached the
river Harpasus, which was four hundred feet broad. Hence they marched through the
Scythenians four stages--twenty parasangs--through a long level country to more villages,
among which they halted three days, and got in supplies.
[1] These are the Armeno-Chalybes, so called by Pliny in contradistinction to
another mountain tribe in Pontus so named, who were famous for their forging, and from
whom steel received its Greek name {khalups}. With these latter we shall make acquaintance
later on.
[2] I.e. with a single point or spike only, the Hellenic spear having a spike at
the butt end also.
Passing on from thence in four stages of twenty parasangs, they 19 reached a large and
prosperous well-populated city, which went by the name of Gymnias[3], from which the
governor of the country sent them a guide to lead them through a district hostile to his
own. This guide told them that within five days he would lead them to a place from which
they would see the sea, "and," he added, "if I fail of my word, you are
free to take my life." Accordingly he put himself at their head; but he no sooner set
foot in the country hostile to himself than he fell to encouraging them to burn and harry
the land; indeed his exhortations were so earnest, it was plain that it was for this he
had come, and not out of the good-will he bore the Hellenes.
[3] Gymnias is supposed (by Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p. 161) to
be the same as that which is now called Gumisch-Kana--perhaps "at no great distance
from Baibut," Tozer, "Turkish Armenia," p. 432. Others have identified it
with Erzeroum, others with Ispir.
On the fifth day they reached the mountain, the name of which was Theches[4]. No sooner
had the men in front ascended it and caught sight of the sea than a great cry arose, and
Xenophon, in the rearguard, catching the sound of it, conjectured that another set of
enemies must surely be attacking in front; for they were followed by the inhabitants of
the country, which was all aflame; indeed the rearguard had killed some and captured
others alive by laying an ambuscade; they had taken also about twenty wicker shields,
covered with the raw hides of shaggy oxen.
[4] Some MSS. give "the sacred mountain." The height in question has been
identified with "the ridge called Tekieh-Dagh to the east of Gumisch-Kana, nearer to
the sea than that place" (Grote, ib. p. 162), but the exact place from which they
caught sight of the sea has not been identified as yet, and other mountain ranges have
been suggested.
But as the shout became louder and nearer, and those who from time to time came up,
began racing at the top of their speed towards the shouters, and the shouting continually
recommenced with yet greater volume as the numbers increased, Xenophon settled in his mind
that something extraordinary must have happened, so he mounted his horse, and taking with
him Lycius and the cavalry, he galloped to the rescue. Presently they could hear the
soldiers shouting and passing on the joyful word, "The sea! the sea!"
Thereupon they began running, rearguard and all, and the baggage 24 animals and horses
came galloping up. But when they had reached the summit, then indeed they fell to
embracing one another--generals and officers and all--and the tears trickled down their
cheeks. And on a sudden, some one, whoever it was, having passed down the order, the
soldiers began bringing stones and erecting a great cairn, whereon they dedicated a host
of untanned skins, and staves, and captured wicker shields, and with his own hand the
guide hacked the shields to pieces, inviting the rest to follow his example. After this
the Hellenes dismissed the guide with a present raised from the common store, to wit, a
horse, a silver bowl, a Persian dress, and ten darics; but what he most begged to have
were their rings, and of these he got several from the soldiers. So, after pointing out to
them a village where they would find quarters, and the road by which they would proceed
towards the land of the Macrones, as evening fell, he turned his back upon them in the
night and was gone.
VIII
From this point the Hellenes marched through the country of the 1 Macrones three
stages--ten parasangs, and on the first day they reached the river, which formed the
boundary between the land of the Macrones and the land of the Scythenians. Above them, on
their right, they had a country of the sternest and ruggedest character, and on their left
another river, into which the frontier river discharges itself, and which they must cross.
This was thickly fringed with trees which, though not of any great bulk, were closely
packed. As soon as they came up to them, the Hellenes proceeded to cut them down in their
haste to get out of the place as soon as possible. But the Macrones, armed with wicker
shields and lances and hair tunics, were already drawn up to receive them opposite the
crossing. They were cheering one another on, and kept up a steady pelt of stones into the
river, though they failed to reach the other side or do any harm.
At this juncture one of the light infantry came up to Xenophon; he had been, he said, a
slave at Athens, and he wished to tell him that he recognised the speech of these people.
"I think," said he, "that this must be my native country, and if there is
no objection I will have a talk with them." "No objection at all," replied
Xenophon, "pray talk 5 to them, and ask them first, who they are." In answer to
this question they said, "they were Macrones." "Well, then," said he,
"ask them why they are drawn up in battle and want to fight with us." They
answered, "Because you are invading our country." The generals bade him say:
"If so, it is with not intention certainly of doing it or you any harm: but we have
been at war with the king, and are now returning to Hellas, and all we want is to reach
the sea." The others asked, "Were they willing to give them pledges to that
effect?" They replied: "Yes, they were ready to give and receive pledges to that
effect." Then the Macrones gave a barbaric lance to the Hellenes, and the Hellenes a
Hellenic lance to them: "for these," they said, "would serve as
pledges," and both sides called upon the gods to witness.
After the pledges were exchanged, the Macrones fell to vigorously hewing down trees and
constructing a road to help them across, mingling freely with the Hellenes and
fraternising in their midst, and they afforded them as good as market as they could, and
for three days conducted them on their march, until they had brought them safely to the
confines of the Colchians. At this point they were confronted by a great mountain chain,
which however was accessible, and on it the Colchians were drawn up for battle. In the
first instance, the Hellenes drew up opposite in line of battle, as though they were
minded to assault the hill in that order; but afterwards the generals determined to hold a
council of war, and consider how to make the fairest fight.
Accordingly Xenophon said: "I am not for advancing in line, but advise to form
companies by columns. To begin with, the line," he urged, "would be scattered
and thrown into disorder at once; for we shall find the mountain full of inequalities, it
will be pathless here and easy to traverse there. The mere fact of first having formed in
line, and then seeing the line thrown into disorder, must exercise a disheartening effect.
Again, if we advance several deep, the enemy will none the less overlap us, and turn their
superfluous numbers to account as best they like; while, if we march in shallow order, we
may fully expect our line to be cut through and through by the thick rain 11 of missiles
and rush of men, and if this happen anywhere along the line, the whole line will equally
suffer. No; my notion is to form columns by companies, covering ground sufficient with
spaces between the companies to allow the last companies of each flank to be outside the
enemy's flanks. Thus we shall with our extreme companies be outside the enemy's line, and
the best men at the head of their columns will lead the attack, and every company will
pick its way where the ground is easy; also it will be difficult for the enemy to force
his way into the intervening spaces, when there are companies on both sides; nor will it
be easy for him to cut in twain any individual company marching in column. If, too, any
particular company should be pressed, the neighbouring company will come to the rescue, or
if at any point any single company succeed in reaching the height, from that moment not
one man of the enemy will stand his ground."
This proposal was carried, and they formed into columns by companies[1]. Then Xenophon,
returning from the right wing to the left, addressed the soldiers. "Men," he
said, "these men whom you see in front of you are the sole obstacles still interposed
between us and the haven of our hopes so long deferred. We will swallow them up whole,
without cooking[2], if we can."
[1] For this formation, see "The Retreat of the Ten Thousand; a military study
for all time," by Lieut.-General J. L. Vaughan, C.B.
[2] Or, "we will gobble them up raw." He is thinking of the Homeric line
("Iliad", iv. 35) "Perchance wert thou to enter within the gates and long
walls and devour Priam raw, and Priam's sons and all the Trojans, then mightest thou
assuage thine anger."--Leaf.
The several divisions fell into position, the companies were formed into columns, and
the result was a total of something like eighty companies of heavy infantry, each company
consisting on an average of a hundred men. The light infantry and bowmen were arranged in
three divisions--two outside to support the left and the right respectively, and the third
in the centre--each division consisting of about six hundred men[3].
[3] This suggests 1800 as the total of the peltasts, 8000 as the total of the
hoplites, but the companies were probably not limited to 100, and under
"peltasts" were probably included other light troops.
Before starting, the generals passed the order to offer prayer; and 16 with the prayer
and battle hymn rising from their lips they commenced their advance. Cheirisophus and
Xenophon, and the light infantry with them, advanced outside the enemy's line to right and
left, and the enemy, seeing their advance, made an effort to keep parallel and confront
them, but in order to do so, as he extended partly to right and partly to left, he was
pulled to pieces, and there was a large space or hollow left in the centre of his line.
Seeing them separate thus, the light infantry attached to the Arcadian battalion, under
command of Aeschines, an Arcarnanian, mistook the movement for flight, and with a loud
shout rushed on, and these were the first to scale the mountain summit; but they were
closely followed up by the Arcadian heavy infantry, under command of Cleanor of
Orchomenus.
When they began running in that way, the enemy stood their ground no longer, but betook
themselves to flight, one in one direction, one in another, and the Hellenes scaled the
hill and found quarters in numerous villages which contained supplies in abundance. Here,
generally speaking, there was nothing to excite their wonderment, but the numbers of
bee-hives were indeed astonishing, and so were certain properties of the honey[4]. The
effect upon the soldiers who tasted the combs was, that they all went for the nonce quite
off their heads, and suffered from vomiting and diarrhoea, with a total inability to stand
steady on their legs. A small dose produced a condition not unlike violent drunkenness, a
large one an attack very like a fit of madness, and some dropped down, apparently at
death's door. So they lay, hundreds of them, as if there had been a great defeat, a prey
to the cruellest despondency. But the next day, none had died; and almost at the same hour
of the day at which they had eaten they recovered their senses, and on the third or fourth
day got on their legs again like convalescents after a severe course of medical treatment.
[4] "Modern travellers attest the existence, in these regions, of honey
intoxicating and poisonous. . . . They point out the Azalea Pontica as the flower from
which the bees imbibe this peculiar quality."--Grote, "Hist. of Greece,"
vol. ix. p. 155.
From this place they marched on two stages--seven parasangs--and 22 reached the sea at
Trapezus[5], a populous Hellenic city on the Euxine Sea, a colony of the Sinopeans, in the
territory of the Colchians. Here they halted about thirty days in the villages of the
Colchians, which they used as a base of operations to ravage the whole territory of
Colchis. The men of Trapezus supplied the army with a market, entertained them, and gave
them, as gifts of hospitality, oxen and wheat and wine. Further, they negotiated with them
in behalf of their neighbours the Colchians, who dwelt in the plain for the most part, and
from this folk also came gifts of hospitality in the shape of cattle. And now the Hellenes
made preparation for the sacrifice which they had vowed, and a sufficient number of cattle
came in for them to offer thank-offerings for safe guidance to Zeus the Saviour, and to
Heracles[6], and to the other gods, according to their vows. They instituted also a
gymnastic contest on the mountain side, just where they were quartered, and chose
Dracontius, a Spartan (who had been banished from home when a lad, having unintentionally
slain another boy with a blow of his dagger), to superintend the course, and be president
of the games
[5] Trebizond.
[6] Or, "to sacrifice to Zeus the Preserver, and to Heracles thank-offerings
for safe guidance," Heracles "the conductor" having special sympathy with
wanderers.
As soon as the sacrifices were over, they handed over the hides of the beasts to
Dracontius, and bade him lead the way to his racecourse. He merely waved his hand and
pointed to where they were standing, and said, "There, this ridge is just the place
for running, anywhere, everywhere." "But how," it was asked, "will
they manage to wrestle on the hard scrubby ground?" "Oh! worse knocks for those
who are thrown," the president replied. There was a mile race for boys, the majority
being captive lads; and for the long race more than sixty Cretans competed; there was
wrestling, boxing, and the pankration[7]. Altogether it was a beautiful spectacle. There
was a large number of entries, and the emulation, with their companions, male and female,
27 standing as spectators, was immense. There was horse-racing also; the riders had to
gallop down a steep incline to the sea, and then turn and come up again to the altar, and
on the descent more than half rolled head over heels, and then back they came toiling up
the tremendous steep, scarcely out of a walking pace. Loud were the shouts, the laughter,
and the cheers.
[7] The pankration combined both wrestling and boxing.
BOOK V
[In the preceding portion of the narrative a detailed account is given of all that the
Hellenes did, and how they fared on the march up with Cyrus; and also of all that befell
them on their march subsequently, until they reached the seaboard of the Euxine Sea, or
Pontus, and the Hellenic city of Trapezus, where they duly offered the sacrifice for safe
deliverance which they had vowed to offer as soon as they set foot on a friendly soil.]
I
After this they met and took counsel concerning the remainder of the 1 march. The first
speaker was Antileon of Thurii. He rose and said: "For my part, sirs, I am weary by
this time of getting kit together and packing up for a start, of walking and running and
carrying heavy arms, and of tramping along in line, or mounting guard, and doing battle.
The sole desire I now have is to cease from all these pains, and for the future, since
here we have the sea before us, to sail on and on, 'stretched out in sleep,' like
Odysseus, and so to find myself in Hellas." When they heard these remarks, the
soldiers showed their approval with loud cries of "well said," and then another
spoke to the same effect, and then another, and indeed all present. Then Cheirisophus got
up and said: "I have a friend, sirs, who, as good hap will have it, is now high
admiral, Anaxibius. If you like to send me to him, I think I can safely promise to return
with some men-of-war and other vessels which will carry us. All you have to do, if you are
really minded to go home by sea, is to wait here till I come. I will be back ere
long." The soldiers were delighted at these words, and 4 voted that Cheirisophus
should set sail on his mission without delay.
After him, Xenophon got up, and spoke as follows: "Cheirisophus, it is agreed,
sets out in search of vessels, and we are going to await him. Let me tell you what, in my
opinion, it is reasonable to do while we are waiting. First of all, we must provide
ourselves with necessaries from hostile territory, for there is not a sufficient market,
nor, if there were, have we, with a few solitary exceptions, the means of purchase. Now,
the district is hostile, so that if you set off in search of provisions without care and
precaution, the chances are that many of us will be lost. To meet this risk, I propose
that we should organise foraging parties to capture provisions, and, for the rest, not
roam about the country at random. The organisation of the matter should be left to
us." (The resolution was passed.) "Please listen to another proposal;" he
continued: "Some of you, no doubt, will be going out to pillage. It will be best, I
think, that whoever does so should in each case before starting inform us of his intent,
and in what direction he means to go, so that we may know the exact number of those who
are out and of those who stop behind. Thus we shall be able to help in preparing and
starting the expedition where necessary; and in case of aid or reinforcements being called
for, we shall know in what direction to proceed; or, again, if the attempt is to be
undertaken by raw or less expert hands, we may throw in the weight of our experience and
advice by endeavouring to discover the strength of those whom they design to attack."
This proposal was also carried. "Here is another point," he continued, "to
which I would draw your attention. Our enemies will not lack leisure to make raids upon
us: nor is it unnatural, that they should lay plots for us; for we have appropriated what
is theirs; they are seated over us ever on the watch. I propose then that we should have
regular outposts round the camp. If we take it in succession to do picket and outlook
duty, the enemy will be less able to harry us. And here is another point for your
observation; supposing we knew for certain that Cheirisophus must return with a sufficient
number of vessels, there would be no need of 10 the remark, but as that is still
problematical, I propose that we should try to get together vessels on the spot also. If
he comes and finds us already provided for here, we shall have more ships than we need,
that is all; while, if he fails to bring them, we shall have the local supply to fall back
upon. I see ships sailing past perpetually, so we have only to ask the loan of some
war-ships from the men of Trapezus, and we can bring them into port, and safeguard them
with their rudders unshipped, until we have enough to carry us. By this course I think we
shall not fail of finding the means of transport requisite." That resolution was also
passed. He proceeded: "Consider whether you think it equitable to support by means of
a general fund the ships' companies which we so impress, while they wait here for our
benefit, and to agree upon a fare, on the principle of repaying kindnesses in kind."
That too was passed. "Well then," said he, "in case, after all, our
endeavours should not be crowned with success, and we find that we have not vessels
enough, I propose that we should enjoin on the cities along the seaboard the duty of
constructing and putting in order the roads, which we hear are impassable. They will be
only too glad to obey, no doubt, out of mere terror and their desire to be rid of
us."
This last proposal was met by loud cries and protestations against the idea of going by
land at all. So, perceiving their infatuation, he did not put the question to the vote,
but eventually persuaded the cities voluntarily to construct roads by the suggestion,
"If you get your roads in good order, we shall all the sooner be gone." They
further got a fifty-oared galley from the Trapezuntines, and gave the command of it to
Dexippus, a Laconian, one of the perioeci[1]. This man altogether neglected to collect
vessels on the offing, but slunk off himself, and vanished, ship and all, out of Pontus.
Later on, however, he paid the penalty of his misdeeds. He became involved in some
meddling and making in Thrace at the court of Seuthes, and was put to death by the
Laconian Nicander. They also got a thirty-oared galley, the command of which was entrusted
to Polycrates, an Athenian, and 16 that officer brought into harbour to the camp all the
vessels he could lay his hands on. If these were laden, they took out the freights and
appointed guards to keep an eye on their preservation, whilst they used the ships
themselves for transport service on the coast. While matters stood at this point, the
Hellenes used to make forays with varying success; sometimes they captured prey and
sometimes they failed. On one occasion Cleanetus led his own and another company against a
strong position, and was killed himself, with many others of his party.
[1] A native of the country parts of Laconia.
II
The time came when it was no longer possible to capture provisions, 1 going and
returning to the camp in one day. In consequence of this, Xenophon took some guides from
the Trapezuntines and led half the army out against the Drilae, leaving the other half to
guard the camp. That was necessary, since the Colchians, who had been ousted from their
houses, were assembled thickly, and sat eyeing them from the heights above; on the other
hand the Trapezuntines, being friendly to the native inhabitants, were not for leading the
Hellenes to places where it was easy to capture provisions. But against the Drilae, from
whom they personally suffered, they would lead them with enthusiasm, up into mountainous
and scarcely accessible fortresses, and against the most warlike people of any in the
Pontus.
But when the Hellenes had reached the uplands, the Drilae set fire to all their
fastnesses which they thought could be taken easily, and beat a retreat; and except here
and there a stray pig or bullock or other animal which had escaped the fire there was
nothing to capture; but there was one fastness which served as their metropolis: into this
the different streams of people collected; round it ran a tremendously deep ravine, and
the approaches to the place were difficult. So the light infantry ran forward five or six
furlongs in advance of the heavy infantry, and crossed the ravine; and seeing quantities
of sheep and other things, proceeded to attack the place. Close at their heels followed a
number of those who had set out on the foray armed with spears, so that the storming party
across the ravine amounted to more than two thousand. But, finding that they could not
take the place by 5 a coup-de-main, as there was a trench running round it, mounded up
some breadth, with a stockade on the top of the earthwork and a close-packed row of wooden
bastions, they made an attempt to run back, but the enemy fell upon them from the rear. To
get away by a sudden rush was out of the question, since the descent from the fortress
into the ravine only admitted of moving in single file. Under the circumstances they sent
to Xenophon, who was in command of the heavy infantry. The messenger came and delivered
his message: "There is a fastness choke full of all sorts of stores, but we cannot
take it, it is too strong; nor can we easily get away; the enemy rush out and deliver
battle, and the return is difficult."
On hearing this, Xenophon pushed forward his heavy infantry to the edge of the ravine,
and there ordered them to take up a position, while he himself with the officers crossed
over to determine whether it were better to withdraw the party already across, or to bring
over the heavy infantry also, on the supposition that the fortress might be taken. In
favour of the latter opinion it was agreed that the retreat must cost many lives, and the
officers were further disposed to think, they could take the place. Xenophon consented,
relying on the victims, for the seers had announced, that there would be a battle, but
that the result of the expedition would be good. So he sent the officers to bring the
heavy troops across, while he himself remained, having drawn off all the light infantry
and forbidden all sharp-shooting at long range. As soon as the heavy infantry had arrived,
he ordered each captain to form his company, in whatever way he hoped to make it most
effective in the coming struggle. Side by side together they stood, these captains, not
for the first time to-day competitors for the award of manly virtue. While they were thus
employed, he--the general--was engaged in passing down his order along the ranks of the
light infantry and archers respectively to march with the javelin on its thong and the
arrow to the string, ready at the word "shoot" to discharge their missiles,
while the light troops were to have their wallets well stocked with slingstones; lastly,
he despatched his 12 adjutants to see to the proper carrying out of these orders.
And now the preparations were complete: the officers and lieutenants and all others
claiming to be peers of these, were drawn up in their several places. With a glance each
was able to command the rest in the crescent-like disposition which the ground invited.
Presently the notes of the battle hymn arose, the clarion spoke, and with a thrilling cry
in honour of the warrior-god, commenced a rush of the heavy infantry at full speed under
cover of a storm of missiles, lances, arrows, bullets, but most of all stones hurled from
the hand with ceaseless pelt, while there were some who brought firebrands to bear.
Overwhelmed by this crowd of missiles, the enemy left their stockades and their bastion
towers, which gave Agasias the Stymphalian and Philoxenus of Pellene a chance not to be
missed; laying aside their heavy arms, up they went in bare tunics only, and one hauled
another up, and meantime another had mounted, and the place was taken, as they thought.
Then the peltasts and light troops rushed in and began snatching what each man could.
Xenophon the while, posted at the gates, kept back as many of the hoplites as he could,
for there were other enemies now visible on certain strong citadel heights; and after a
lapse of no long time a shout arose within, and the men came running back, some still
clutching what they had seized; and presently here and there a wounded man; and mighty was
the jostling about the portals. To the questions which were put to them the outpouring
fugitives repeated the same story: there was a citadel within and enemies in crowds were
making savage sallies and beating the fellows inside.
At that Xenophon ordered Tolmides the herald to proclaim: "Enter all who are
minded to capture aught." In poured the surging multitude, and the counter-current of
persons elbowing their passage in prevailed over the stream of those who issued forth,
until they beat back and cooped up the enemy within the citadel again. So outside the
citadel everything was sacked and pillaged by the Hellenes, and the heavy infantry took up
their position, some about the stockades, others 19 along the road leading up to the
citadel. Xenophon and the officers meantime considered the possibility of taking the
citadel, for if so, their safety was assured; but if otherwise, it would be very difficult
to get away. As the result of their deliberations they agreed that the place was
impregnable. Then they began making preparations for the retreat. Each set of men
proceeded to pull down the palisading which faced themselves; further, they sent away all
who were useless or who had enough to do to carry their burdens, with the mass of the
heavy infantry accompanying them; the officers in each case leaving behind men whom they
could severally depend on.
But as soon as they began to retreat, out rushed upon them from within a host of
fellows, armed with wicker shields and lances, greaves and Paphlagonian helmets. Others
might be seen scaling the houses on this side and that of the road leading into the
citadel. Even pursuit in the direction of the citadel was dangerous, since the enemy kept
hurling down on them great beams from above, so that to stop and to make off were alike
dangerous, and night approaching was full of terrors. But in the midst of their fighting
and their despair some god gave them a means of safety. All of a sudden, by whatsoever
hand ignited, a flame shot up; it came from a house on the right hand, and as this
gradually fell in, the people from the other houses on the right took to their heels and
fled.
Xenophon, laying this lesson of fortune to heart, gave orders to set fire to the
left-hand houses also, which being of wood burned quickly, with the result that the
occupants of these also took to flight. The men immediately at their front were the sole
annoyance now, and these were safe to fall upon them as they made their exit and in their
descent. Here then the word was passed for all who were out of range to bring up logs of
wood and pile them between themselves and the enemy, and when there was enough of these
they set them on fire; they also fired the houses along the trench-work itself, so as to
occupy the attention of the enemy. Thus they got off, though with difficulty, and escaped
from the place by putting a fire between them and the 27 enemy; and the whole city was
burnt down, houses, turrets, stockading, and everything belonging to it except the
citadel.
Next day the Hellenes were bent on getting back with the provisions; but as they
dreaded the descent to Trapezus, which was precipitous and narrow, they laid a false
ambuscade, and a Mysian, called after the name of his nation (Mysus)[1], took ten of the
Cretans and halted in some thick brushy ground, where he made a feint of endeavouring to
escape the notice of the enemy. The glint of their light shields, which were of brass, now
and again gleamed through the brushwood. The enemy, seeing it all through the thicket,
were confirmed in their fears of an ambuscade. But the army meanwhile was quietly making
its descent; and when it appeared that they had crept down far enough, the signal was
given to the Mysian to flee as fast as he could, and he, springing up, fled with his men.
The rest of the party, that is the Cretans, saying, "We are caught if we race,"
left the road and plunged into a wood, and tumbling and rolling down the gullies were
saved. The Mysian, fleeing along the road, kept crying for assistance, which they sent
him, and picked him up wounded. The party of rescue now beat a retreat themselves with
their face to the foe, exposed to a shower of missiles, to which some of the Cretan bowmen
responded with their arrows. In this way they all reached the camp in safety.
[1] Lit. "{Musos} (Mysus), a Mysian by birth, and {Musos} (Mysus) by
name."
III
Now when Cheirisophus did not arrive, and the supply of ships was 1 insufficient, and
to get provisions longer was impossible, they resolved to depart. On board the vessels
they embarked the sick, and those above forty years of age, with the boys and women, and
all the baggage which the solders were not absolutely forced to take for their own use.
The two eldest generals, Philesius and Sophaenetus, were put in charge, and so the party
embarked, while the rest resumed their march, for the road was now completely constructed.
Continuing their march that day and the next, on the third they reached Cerasus, a
Hellenic city on the sea, and a colony of Sinope, in the country of the Colchians. Here
they halted ten days, and there was a review and numbering of the troops under arms, when
there were found to be eight 3 thousand six hundred men. So many had escaped; the rest had
perished at the hands of the enemy, or by reason of the snow, or else disease.
At this time and place they divided the money accruing from the captives sold, and a
tithe selected for Apollo and Artemis of the Ephesians was divided between the generals,
each of whom took a portion to guard for the gods, Neon the Asinaean[1] taking on behalf
of Cheirisophus.
[1] I.e. of Asine, perhaps the place named in Thuc. iv. 13, 54; vi. 93 situated on
the western side of the Messenian bay. Strabo, however, speaks of another Asine near
Gytheum, but possibly means Las. See Arnold's note to Thuc. iv. 13, and Smith's
"Dict. Geog. (s.v.)"
Out of the portion which fell to Xenophon he caused a dedicatory ofering to Apollo to
be made and dedicated among the treasures of the Athenians at Delphi[2]. It was inscribed
with his own name and that of Proxenus, his friend, who was killed with Clearchus. The
gift for Artemis of the Ephesians was, in the first instance, left behind by him in Asia
at the time when he left that part of the world himself with Agesilaus on the march into
Boeotia[3]. He left it behind in charge of Megabyzus, the sacristan of the goddess,
thinking that the voyage on which he was starting was fraught with danger. In the event of
his coming out of it alive, he charged Megabyzus to restore to him the deposit; but should
any evil happen to him, then he was to cause to be made and to dedicate on his behalf to
Artemis, whatsoever thing he thought would be pleasing to the goddess.
[2] Cf. Herod. i. 14; Strabo. ix. 420 for such private treasuries at Delphi.
[3] I.e. in the year B.C. 394. The circumstances under which Agesilaus was recalled
from Asia, with the details of his march and the battle of Coronea, are described by
Xenophon in the fourth book of the "Hellenica."
In the days of his banishment, when Xenophon was now established by the Lacedaemonians
as a colonist in Scillus[4], a place which lies on 7 the main road to Olympia, Megabyzus
arrived on his way to Olympia as a spectator to attend the games, and restored to him the
deposit. Xenophon took the money and bought for the goddess a plot of ground at a point
indicated to him by the oracle. The plot, it so happened, had its own Selinus river
flowing through it, just as at Ephesus the river Selinus flows past the temple of Artemis,
and in both streams fish and mussels are to be found. On the estate at Scillus there is
hunting and shooting of all the beasts of the chase that are.
[4] Scillus, a town of Triphylia, a district of Elis. In B.C. 572 the Eleians had
razed Pisa and Scillus to the ground. But between B.C. 392 and 387 the Lacedaemonians,
having previously (B.C. 400, "Hell." III. ii. 30) compelled the Eleians to
renounce their supremacy over their dependent cities, colonised Scillus and eventually
gave it to Xenophon, then an exile from Athens. Xenophon resided here from fifteen to
twenty years, but was, it is said, expelled from it by the Eleians soon after the battle
of Leuctra, in B.C. 371.--"Dict. Geog. (s.v.)" The site of the place, and of
Xenophon's temple, is supposed to be in the neighbourhood of the modern village of
Chrestena, or possibly nearer Mazi. To reach Olympia, about 2 1/2 miles distant, one must
cross the Alpheus.
Here with the sacred money he built an altar and a temple, and ever after, year by
year, tithed the fruits of the land in their season and did sacrifice to the goddess,
while all the citizens and neighbours, men and women, shared in the festival. The goddess
herself provided for the banqueters meat and loaves and wine and sweetmeats, with portions
of the victims sacrificed from the sacred pasture, as also of those which were slain in
the chase; for Xenophon's own lads, with the lads of the other citizens, always made a
hunting excursion against the festival day, in which any grown men who liked might join.
The game was captured partly from the sacred district itself, partly from Pholoe[5], pigs
and gazelles and stags. The place lies on the direct road from Lacedaemon to Olympia,
about twenty furlongs from the temple of Zeus in Olympia, and within the sacred enclosure
there is meadow-land and wood-covered hills, suited to the breeding of pigs and goats and
cattle and horses, so that even the sumpter animals of the pilgrims passing to the feast
fare sumptuously. The shrine is girdled by a grove of cultivated trees, yielding dessert
fruits in their season. The temple itself is a facsimile on a small scale of the great
temple at Ephesus, and the image of the goddess is like the golden statue at Ephesus, save
only that it is made, not of gold, but of cypress wood. Beside the temple stands a column
bearing this inscription:-- THE PLACE IS SACRED TO ARTEMIS. HE WHO HOLDS IT AND ENJOYS THE
FRUITS OF IT IS BOUND TO SACRIFICE YEARLY A TITHE OF THE 13 PRODUCE. AND FROM THE RESIDUE
THEREOF TO KEEP IN REPAIR THE SHRINE. IF ANY MAN FAIL IN AUGHT OF THIS THE GODDESS HERSELF
WILL LOOK TO IT THAT THE MATTER SHALL NOT SLEEP.
[5] Pholoe. This mountain (north of the Alpheus) is an offshoot of Erymanthus,
crossing the Pisatis from east to west, and separating the waters of the Peneus and the
Ladon from those of the Alpheus --"Dict. Geog." (Elis).
IV
From Cerasus they continued the march, the same portion of the troops 1 being conveyed
by sea as before, and the rest marching by land. When they had reached the frontiers of
the Mossynoecians[1] they sent to him Timesitheus the Trapezuntine, who was the
proxenos[2] of the Mossynoecians, to inquire whether they were to pass through their
territory as friends or foes. They, trusting in their strongholds, replied that they would
not give them passage. It was then that Timesitheus informed them that the Mossynoecians
on the farther side of the country were hostile to these members of the tribe; and it was
resolved to invite the former to make an alliance, if they wished it. So Timesitheus was
sent, and came back with their chiefs. On their arrival there was a conference of the
Mossynoecian chiefs and the generals of the Hellenes, and Xenophon made a speech which
Timesitheus interpreted. He said: "Men of the Mossynoecians, our desire is to reach
Hellas in safety; and since we have no vessels we must needs go by foot, but these people
who, as we hear, are your enemies, prevent us. Will you take us for your allies? Now is
your chance to exact vengeance for any wrong, which they at any time may have put upon
you, and for the future they will be your subjects; but if you send us about our business,
consider and ask yourselves from what quarter will you ever again obtain so strong a force
to help you?" To this the chief of the Mossynoecians made answer:--that the proposal
was in accordance with their wishes and they welcomed the alliance. "Good," said
Xenophon, "but to what use do you propose to put us, if we become your allies? And
what will you in turn be able to do to assist our passage?" They replied: "We
can make an incursion into this country hostile to yourselves and us, from the opposite
side, and also send 10 you ships and men to this place, who will aid you in fighting and
conduct you on the road."
[1] I.e. dwellers in mossyns, or wooden towers. See Herod. iii. 94; vii. 78. Cf.
also Strabo, xi. 41.
[2] Or, "consul."
On this understanding, they exchanged pledges and were gone. The next day they
returned, bringing three hundred canoes, each hollowed out of a single trunk. There were
three men in each, two of whom disembarked and fell into rank, whilst the third remained.
Then the one set took the boats and sailed back again, whilst the other two-thirds who
remained marshalled themselves in the following way. They stood in rows of about a hundred
each, like the rows of dancers in a chorus, standing vis-a-vis to one another, and all
bearing wicker shields, made of white oxhide, shaggy, and shaped like an ivy leaf; in the
right hand they brandished a javelin about six cubits long, with a lance in front, and
rounded like a ball at the butt end of the shaft.
Their bodies were clad in short frocks, scarcely reaching to the knees and in texture
closely resembling that of a linen bedclothes' bag; on their heads they wore leathern
helmets just like the Paphlagonian helmet, with a tuft of hair in the middle, as like a
tiara in shape as possible. They carried moreover iron battle-axes. Then one of them gave,
as it were, the key-note and started, while the rest, taking up the strain and the step,
followed singing and marking time. Passing through the various corps and heavy armed
battalions of the Hellenes, they marched straight against the enemy, to what appeared the
most assailable of his fortresses. It was situated in front of the city, or mother city,
as it is called, which latter contains the high citadel of the Mossynoecians. This citadel
was the real bone of contention, the occupants at any time being acknowledged as the
masters of all the other Mossynoecians. The present holders (so it was explained) had no
right to its possession; for the sake of self-aggrandisement they had seized what was
really common property.
Some of the Hellenes followed the attacking party, not under the orders of the
generals, but for the sake of plunder. As they advanced, the enemy for a while kept quiet;
but as they got near the place, they 16 made a sortie and routed them, killing several of
the barbarians as well as some of the Hellenes who had gone up with them; and so pursued
them until they saw the Hellenes advancing to the rescue. Then they turned round and made
off, first cutting off the heads of the dead men and flaunting them in the face of the
Hellenes and of their own private foes, dancing the while and singing in a measured
strain. But the Hellenes were much vexed to think that their foes had only been rendered
bolder, while the Hellenes who had formed part of the expedition had turned tail and fled,
in spite of their numbers; a thing which had not happened previously during the whole
expedition. So Xenophon called a meeting of the Hellenes and spoke as follows:
"Soldiers, do not in any wise be cast down by what has happened, be sure that good no
less than evil will be the result; for to begin with, you now know certainly that those
who are going to guide us are in very deed hostile to those with whom necessity drives us
to quarrel; and, in the next place, some of our own body, these Hellenes who have made so
light of orderly array and conjoint action with ourselves, as though they must needs
achieve in the company of barbarians all they could with ourselves, have paid the penalty
and been taught a lesson, so that another time they will be less prone to leave our ranks.
But you must be prepared to show these friendly barbarians that you are of a better sort,
and prove to the enemy that battle with the undisciplined is one thing, but with men like
yourselves another."
Accordingly they halted, as they were, that day. Next day they sacrificed and finding
the victims favourable, they breakfasted, formed the companies into columns, and with
their barbarians arranged in similar order on their left, began their march. Between the
companies were the archers only slightly retired behind the front of the heavy infantry,
on account of the enemy's active light troops, who ran down and kept up volleys of stones.
These were held in check by the archers and peltasts; and steadily step by step the mass
marched on, first to the position from which the barbarians and those with them had been
driven two days back, and where the enemy were now drawn 23 up to meet them. Thus it came
to pass that the barbarians first grappled with the peltasts and maintained the battle
until the heavy infantry were close, when they turned and fled. The peltasts followed
without delay, and pursued them right up to their city, while the heavy troops in unbroken
order followed. As soon as they were up at the houses of the capital, there and then the
enemy, collecting all together in one strong body, fought valiantly, and hurled their
javelins, or else clenched their long stout spears, almost too heavy for a man to wield,
and did their best to ward off the attack at close quarters.
But when the Hellenes, instead of giving way, kept massing together more thickly, the
barbarians fled from this place also, and in a body deserted the fortress. Their king, who
sat in his wooden tower or mossyn, built on the citadel (there he sits and there they
maintain him, all at the common cost, and guard him narrowly), refused to come forth, as
did also those in the fortress first taken, and so were burnt to a cinder where they were,
their mossyns, themseves, and all. The Hellenes, pillaging and ransacking these places,
discovered in the different houses treasures and magazines of loaves, pile upon pile,
"the ancestral stores," as the Mossynoecians told them; but the new corn was
laid up apart with the straw-stalk and ear together, and this was for the most part spelt.
Slices of dolphin were another discovery, in narrow-necked jars, all properly salted and
pickled; and there was blubber of dolphin in vessels, which the Mossynoecians used
precisely as the Hellenes use oil. Then there were large stores of nuts on the upper
floor, the broad kind without a division[3]. This was also a chief article of food with
them--boiled nuts and baked loaves. Wine was also discovered. This, from its rough, dry
quality, tasted sharp when drunk pure, but mixed with water was sweet and fragrant.
[3] I.e. "chestnuts."
The Hellenes breakfasted and then started forward on their march, having first
delivered the stronghold to their allies among the Mossynoecians. As for the other
strongholds belonging to tribes allied with their foes, which they passed en route, the
most accessible were either deserted by their inhabitants or gave in their adhesion 30
voluntarily. The following description will apply to the majority of them: the cities were
on an average ten miles apart, some more, some less; but so elevated is the country and
intersected by such deep clefts that if they chose to shout across to one another, their
cries would be heard from one city to another. When, in the course of their march, they
came upon a friendly population, these would entertain them with exhibitions of fatted
children belonging to the wealthy classes, fed up on boiled chestnuts until they were as
white as white can be, of skin plump and delicate, and very nearly as broad as they were
long, with their backs variegated and their breasts tattooed with patterns of all sorts of
flowers. They sought after the women in the Hellenic army, and would fain have laid with
them openly in broad daylight, for that was their custom. The whole community, male and
female alike, were fair-complexioned and white-skinned.
It was agreed that this was the most barbaric and outlandish people that they had
passed through on the whole expedition, and the furthest removed from the Hellenic
customs, doing in a crowd precisely what other people would prefer to do in solitude, and
when alone behaving exactly as others would behave in company, talking to themselves and
laughing at their own expense, standing still and then again capering about, wherever they
might chance to be, without rhyme or reason, as if their sole business were to show off to
the rest of the world.
V
Through this country, friendly or hostile as the chance might be, the 1 Hellenes
marched, eight stages in all, and reached the Chalybes. These were a people few in number,
and subject to the Mossynoecians. Their livelihood was for the most part derived from
mining and forging iron.
Thence they came to the Tibarenians. The country of the Tibarenians was far more level,
and their fortresses lay on the seaboard and were less strong, whether by art or nature.
The generals wanted to attack these places, so that the army might get some pickings, and
they would not accept the gifts of hospitality which came in from the 2 Tibarenians, but
bidding them wait till they had taken counsel, they proceeded to offer sacrifice. After
several abortive attempts, the seers at last pronounced an opinion that the gods in no
wise countenanced war. Then they accepted the gifts of hospitality, and marching through
what was now recognised as a friendly country, in two days reached Cotyora, a Hellenic
city, and a colony of Sinope, albeit situated in the territory of the Tibarenians[1].
[1] The MSS. here read, "Up to this point the expedition was conducted on
land, and the distance traversed on foot from the battle-field near Babylon down to
Cotyora amounted to one hundred and twenty-two stages--that is to say, six hundred and
twenty parasangs, or eighteen thousand stades, or if measured in time, an eight months'
march." The words are probably the note of some editor or commentator, though it is
quite likely that the author himself may have gone through such calculations and even have
inserted them as a note to his text.
Here they halted forty-five days, during which they first of all sacrificed to the
gods, and instituted processions, each set of the Hellenes according to their several
tribes, with gymnastic contests. Provisions they got in meanwhile, partly from
Paphlagonia, partly from the estates of the Cotyorites, for the latter would neither
provide them a market nor receive their sick within their walls.
Meanwhile ambassadors arrived from Sinope, full of fears, not only for the Cotyorites
and their city, which belonged to Sinope, and brought in tribute, but also for the
territory which, as they had heard, was being pillaged. Accordingly they came to the camp
and made a speech. Hecatonymus, who was reported to be a clever orator, acted as their
spokesman: "Soldiers," he said, "the city of the Sinopeans has sent us to
offer you, as Hellenes, our compliments and congratulations on your victories over the
barbarians; and next, to express our joyful satisfaction that you have surmounted all
those terrible sufferings of which we have heard, and have reached this place in safety.
As Hellenes we claim to receive at your hands, as fellow-Hellenes, kindness and not harm.
We have certainly not ourselves set you an example heretofore of evil treatment. Now the
Cotyorites are our colonists. It was we who gave them this country to dwell in, having 10
taken it from the barbarians; for which reason also they, with the men of Cerasus and
Trapezus, pay us an appointed tribute. So that, whatever mischief you inflict on the men
of Cotyora, the city of Sinope takes as personal to herself. At the present time we hear
that you have made forcible entry into their city, some of you, and are quartered in the
houses, besides taking forcibly from the Cotyorite estates whatever you need, by hook and
by crook. Now against these things we enter protest. If you mean to go on so doing, you
will drive us to make friends with Corylas and the Paphlagonians, or any one else we can
find."
To meet these charges Xenophon, on behalf of the soldiers, rose and said: "As to
ourselves, men of Sinope, having got so far, we are well content to have saved our bodies
and our arms. Indeed it was impossible at one and the same moment to keep our enemies at
bay and to despoil them of their goods and chattels. And now, since we have reached
Hellenic cities, how has it fared with us? At Trapezus they gave us a market, and we paid
for our provisions at a fair market price. In return for the honour they did us, and the
gifts of hospitality they gave the army, we requited them with honour. Where the barbarian
was friendly to them, we stayed our hands from injury; or under their escort, we did
damage to their enemies to the utmost of our power. Ask them, what sort of people they
found us. They are here, some of them, to answer for themselves. Their fellow-citizens and
the state of Trapezus, for friendship's sake, have sent them with us to act as our guides.
"But wherever we come, be it foreign or Hellenic soil, and find no market for
provisions, we are wont to help ourselves, not out of insolence but from necessity. There
have been tribes like the Carduchians, the Taochians, the Chaldaeans, which, albeit they
were not subject to the great king, yet were no less formidable than independent. These we
had to bring over by our arms. The necessity of getting provisions forced us; since they
refused to offer us a market. Whereas some other folk, like the Macrones, in spite of
their being barbarians, we regarded as our friends, simply because they did provide us
with the best market in their power, and we took no single 18 thing of theirs by force.
But, to come to these Cotyorites, whom you claim to be your people, if we have taken aught
from them, they have themselves to blame, for they did not deal with us as friends, but
shut their gates in our faces. They would neither welcome us within nor furnish us with a
market without. The only justification they alleged was that your governor[2] had
authorised this conduct.
[2] Lit. "harmost". The term, denoting properly a governor of the islands
and foreign cities sent out by the Lacedaemonians during their supremacy, came, it would
seem, to be adopted by other Greek communities under somewhat similar circumstances.
Cotyora receives a harmost from her mother-city, Sinope. For the Greek colonies here
mentioned, see Kiepert's "Man. Anct. Geog." (Engl. tr., Mr. G. A. Macmillan), p.
63.
"As to your assertion," he continued, turning to Hecatonymus, "that we
have got in by force and have taken up quarters, this is what we did. We requested them to
receive our sick and wounded under cover; and when they refused to open their gates, we
walked in where the place itself invited us. All the violence we have committed amounts to
this, that our sick folk are quartered under cover, paying for their expenses, and we keep
a sentry at the gates, so that our sick and wounded may not lie at the mercy of your
governor, but we may have it in our power to remove them whenever we like. The rest of us,
you observe, are camping under the canopy of heaven, in regular rank and file, and we are
ready to requite kindness with kindness, but to repel evil vigorously. And as for your
threat," he said, once again turning to the spokesman, "that you will, if it
suits you, make alliance with Corylas and the Paphlagonians to attack us, for our part, we
have no objection to fighting both sets of you, if so be we must; we have already fought
others many times more numerous than you. Besides, 'if it suits us,' as you put it, to
make the Paphlagonian our friend (report says that he has a hankering after your city and
some other places on the seaboard), we can enhance the value of our friendship by helping
to win for him what he covets."
Thereupon the ambassadors showed very plainly their annoyance with Hecatonymus, on
account of the style of his remarks, and one of them stept forward to explain that their
intention in coming was not at all to raise a war, but on the contrary to demonstrate
their friendliness. 24 "And if you come to Sinope itself," the speaker
continued, "we will welcome you there with gifts of hospitality. Meanwhile we will
enjoin upon the citizens of this place to give you what they can; for we can see that
every word of what you say is true." Thereupon the Cotyorites sent gifts of
hospitality, and the generals of the Hellenes entertained the ambassadors of the
Sinopeans. Many and friendly were the topics of conversation; freely flowed the talk on
things in general; and, in particular, both parties were able to make inquiries and
satisfy their curiosity concerning the remaining portion of the march.
VI
Such was the conclusion of that day. On the following day the generals 1 summoned an
assembly of the soldiers, when it was resolved to invite the men of Sinope, and to take
advice with them touching the remainder of the journey. In the event of their having to
continue it on foot, the Sinopeans through their acquaintance with Paphlagonia would be
useful to them; while, if they had to go by sea, the services of the same people would be
at a premium; for who but they could furnish ships sufficient for the army? Accordingly,
they summoned their ambassadors, and took counsel with them, begging them, on the strength
of the sacred ties which bind Hellenes to Hellenes, to inaugurate the good reception they
had spoken of, by present kindliness and their best advice.
Hecatonymus rose and wished at once to offer an apology with regard to what he had said
about the possibility of making friends with the Paphlagonians. "The words were not
intended," he said, "to convey a threat, as though they were minded to go to war
with the Hellenes, but as meaning rather: albeit we have it in our power to be friendly
with the barbarians, we will choose the Hellenes." Then, being urged to aid them by
some advice, with a pious ejaculation, he commenced: "If I bestow upon you the best
counsel I am able, God grant that blessings in abundance may descend on me; but if the
contrary, may evil betide 4 me! 'Sacred counsel[1],' as the saying goes--well, sirs, if
ever the saying held, it should hold I think to-day; when, if I be proved to have given
you good counsel, I shall not lack panegyrists, or if evil, your imprecations will be
many-tongued.
[1] Cf. Plato, "Theages," 122.
"As to trouble, I am quite aware, we shall have much more trouble if you are
conveyed by sea, for we must provide the vessels; whereas, if you go by land, all the
fighting will evolve on you. Still, let come what may, it behoves me to state my views. I
have an intimate acquaintance with the country of the Paphlagonians and their power. The
country possesses the two features of hill and vale, that is to say, the fairest plains
and the highest mountains. To begin with the mountains, I know the exact point at which
you must make your entry. It is precisely where the horns of a mountain tower over both
sides of the road. Let the merest handful of men occupy these and they can hold the pass
with ease; for when that is done not all the enemies in the world could effect a passage.
I could point out the whole with my finger, if you like to send any one with me to the
scene.
"So much for the mountain barrier. But the next thing I know is that there are
plains and a cavalry which the barbarians themselves hold to be superior to the entire
cavalry of the great king. Why, only the other day these people refused to present
themselves to the summons of the king; their chief is too proud for that.
"But now, supposing you were able to seize the mountain barrier, by stealth, or
expedition, before the enemy could stop you; supposing further, you were able to win an
engagement in the plain against not only their cavalry but their more than one hundred and
twenty thousand infantry--you will only find yourself face to face with rivers, a series
of them. First the Thermodon, three hundred feet broad, which I take it will be difficult
to pass, especially with a host of foes in front and another following behind. Next comes
the Iris river, three hundred feet broad; and thirdly, the Halys, at least two furlongs
broad, which you could not possibly cross without vessels, and who is going to supply you
with vessels? In the same way too the Parthenius 9 is impassable, which you will reach if
you cross the Halys. For my part, then, I consider the land-journey, I will not say
difficult, but absolutely impossible for you. Whereas if you go by sea, you can coast
along from here to Sinope, and from Sinope to Heraclea. From Heraclea onwards there is no
difficulty, whether by land or by sea; for there are plenty of vessels at Heraclea."
After he had finished his remarks, some of his hearers thought they detected a certain
bias in them. He would not have spoken so, but for his friendship with Corylas, whose
official representative he was. Others guessed he had an itching palm, and that he was
hoping to receive a present for his "sacred advice." Others again suspected that
his object was to prevent their going by foot and doing some mischief to the country of
the Sinopeans. However that might be, the Hellenes voted in favour of continuing the
journey by sea. After this Xenophon said: "Sinopeans, the army has chosen that method
of procedure which you advise, and thus the matter stands. If there are sure to be vessels
enough to make it impossible for a single man to be left behind, go by sea we will; but if
part of us are to be left while part go by sea, we will not set foot on board the vessels.
One fact we plainly recognise, strength is everything to us. So long as we have the
mastery, we shall be able to protect ourselves and get provisions; but if we are once
caught at the mercy of our foes, it is plain, we shall be reduced to slavery." On
hearing this the ambassadors bade them send an embassy, which they did, to wit,
Callimachus the Arcadian, and Ariston the Athenian, and Samolas the Achaean.
So these set off, but meanwhile a thought shaped itself in the mind of Xenophon, as
there before his eyes lay that vast army of Hellene hoplites, and that other array of
peltasts, archers, and slingers, with cavalry to boot, and all in a state of thorough
efficiency from long practice, hardened veterans, and all collected in Pontus, where to
raise so large a force would cost a mint of money. Then the idea dawned upon him: how
noble an opportunity to acquire new territory and 15 power for Hellas, by the founding of
a colony--a city of no mean size, moreover, said he to himself, as he reckoned up their
own numbers--and besides themselves a population planted on the shores of Pontus. Threupon
he summoned Silanus the Ambraciot, the soothsayer of Cyrus above mentioned, and before
breathing a syllable to any of the soldiers, he consulted the victims by sacrifice.
But Silanus, in apprehension lest these ideas might embody themselves, and the army be
permanently halted at some point or other, set a tale going among the men, to the effect
that Xenophon was minded to detain the army and found a city in order to win himself a
name and acquire power, Silanus himself being minded to reach Hellas with all possible
speed, for the simple reason that he had still got the three thousand darics presented to
him by Cyrus on the occasion of the sacrifice when he hit the truth so happily about the
ten days. Silanus's story was variously received, some few of the soldiers thinking it
would be an excellent thing to stay in that country; but the majority were strongly
averse. The next incident was that Timasion the Dardanian, with Thorax the Boeotian,
addressed themselves to some Heracleot and Sinopean traders who had come to Cotyora, and
told them that if they did not find means to furnish the army with pay sufficient to keep
them in provisions on the homeward voyage, all that great force would most likely settle
down permanently in Pontus. "Xenophon has a pet idea," they continued,
"which he urges upon us. We are to wait until the ships come, and then we are
suddenly to turn round to the army and say: 'Soldiers, we now see the straits we are in,
unable to keep ourselves in provisions on the return voyage, or to make our friends at
home a little present at the end of our journey. But if you like to select some place on
the inhabited seaboard of the Black Sea which may take your fancy and there put in, this
is open to you to do. Those who like to go home, go; those who care to stay here, stay.
You have got 20 vessels now, so that you can make a sudden pounce upon any point you
choose.'"
The merchants went off with this tale and reported it to every city they came to in
turn, nor did they go alone, but Timasion the Dardanian sent a fellow-citizen of his own,
Eurymachus, with the Boeotian Thorax, to repeat the same story. So when it reached the
ears of the men of Sinope and the Heracleots, they sent to Timasion and pressed him to
accept of a gratuity, in return for which he was to arrange for the departure of the
troops. Timasion was only too glad to hear this, and he took the opportunity when the
soldiers were convened in meeting to make the following remarks: "Soldiers," he
said, "do not set your thoughts on staying here; let Hellas, and Hellas only, be the
object of your affection, for I am told that certain persons have been sacrificing on this
very question, without saying a word to you. Now I can promise you, if you once leave
these waters, to furnish you with regular monthly pay, dating from the first of the month,
at the rate of one cyzicene[2] a head per month. I will bring you to the Troad, from which
part I am an exile, and my own state is at your service. They will receive me with open
arms. I will be your guide personally, and I will take you to plces where you will get
plenty of money. I know every corner of the Aeolid, and Phrygia, and the Troad, and indeed
the whole satrapy of Pharnabazus, partly because it is my birthplace, partly from
campaigns in that region with Clearchus and Dercylidas[3]."
[2] A cyzicene stater = twenty-eight silver drachmae of Attic money B.C. 335, in
the time of Demosthenes; but, like the daric, this gold coin would fluctuate in value
relatively to silver. It contained more grains of gold than the daric.
[3] Of Dercylidas we hear more in the "Hellenica." In B.C. 411 he was
harmost at Abydos; in B.C. 399 he superseded Thimbron in Asia Minor; and was himself
superseded by Agesilaus in B.C. 396.
No sooner had he ceased than up got Thorax the Boeotian. This was a man who had a
standing battle with Xenophon about the generalship of the army. What he said was that, if
they once got fairly out of the Euxine, there was the Chersonese, a beautiful and
prosperous country, where they could settle or not, as they chose. Those who liked could
stay; and those who liked could return to their homes; how ridiculous 25 then, when there
was so much territory in Hellas and to spare, to be poking about[4] in the land of the
barbarian. "But until you find yourselves there," he added, "I, no less
than Timasion, can guarantee you regular pay." This he said, knowing what promises
had been made Timasion by the men of Heraclea and Sinope to induce them to set sail.
[4] The word {masteuein} occurs above, and again below, and in other writings of
our author. It is probably Ionic or old Attic, and occurs in poetry.
Meanwhile Xenophon held his peace. Then up got Philesius and Lycon, two Achaeans:
"It was monstrous," they said, "that Xenophon should be privately
persuading people to stop there, and consulting the victims for that end, without letting
the army into the secret, or breathing a syllable in public about the matter." When
it came to this, Xenophon was forced to get up, and speak as follows: "Sirs, you are
well aware that my habit is to sacrifice at all times; whether in your own behalf or my
own, I strive in every thought, word, and deed to be directed as is best for yourselves
and for me. And in the present instance my sole object was to learn whether it were better
even so much as to broach the subject, and so take action, or to have absolutely nothing
to do with the project. Now Silanus the soothsayer assured me by his answer of what was
the main point: 'the victims were favourable.' No doubt Silanus knew that I was not
unversed myself in his lore, as I have so often assisted at the sacrifice; but he added
that there were symptoms in the victims of some guile or conspiracy against me. That was a
happy discovery on his part, seeing that he was himself conspiring at the moment to
traduce me before you; since it was he who set the tale going that I had actually made up
my mind to carry out these projects without procuring your consent. Now, for my part, if I
saw that you 30 were in any difficulties, I should set myself to discover how you might
capture a city, on the understanding of course that all who wished might sail away at
once, leaving those who did not wish, to follow at a later date, with something perhaps in
their pockets to benefit their friends at home. Now, however, as I see that the men of
Heraclea and Sinope are to send you ships to assist you to sail away, and more than one
person guarantees to give you regular monthly pay, it is, I admit, a rare chance to be
safely piloted to the haven of our hopes, and at the same time to receive pay for our
preservation. For myself I have done with that dream, and to those, who came to me to urge
these projects, my advice is to have done with them. In fact, this is my view. As long as
you stay together united as to-day, you will command respect and procure provisions; for
might certainly exercises a right over what belongs to the weaker. But once broken up,
with your force split into bits, you will neither be able to get subsistence, nor indeed
will you get off without paying dearly for it. In fact, my resolution coincides precisely
with yours. It is that we should set off for Hellas, and if any one stops behind, or is
caught deserting before the whole army is in safety, let him be judged as an evil-doer.
Pray let all who are in favour of this proposition hold up their hands."
They all held them up; only Silanus began shouting and vainly striving to maintain the
right of departure for all who liked to depart. But the soldiers would not suffer him,
threatening him that if he were himself caught attempting to run away they would inflict
the aforesaid penalty. After this, when the Heracleots learned that the departure by sea
was resolved upon, and that the measure itself emanated from Xenophon, they sent the
vessels indeed; but as to the money which they had promised to Timasion and Thorax as pay
for the soldiers, they were not as good as their word, in fact they cheated them both.
Thus the two who had guaranteed regular monthly pay were utterly confounded, and stood in
terror of the soldiers. What they did then, was to take to them the other generals to whom
they had communicated their former transactions (that is to say, all except Neon the
Asniaean, who, as lieutenant-general, was acting for Cheirisophus during his continued
absence). This done they came in a body to Xenophon and said that 36 their views were
changed. As they had now got the ships, they thought it best to sail to the Phasis, and
seize the territory of the Phasians (whose present king was a descendant of Aeetes[5]).
Xenophon's reply was curt:--Not one syllable would he have to say himself to the army in
this matter, "But," he added, "if you like, you can summon an assembly and
have your say." Thereupon Timasion the Dardanian set forth as his opinion:--It were
best to hold no parliament at present, but first to go and conciliate, each of them, his
own officers. Thus they went away and proceeded to execute their plans.
[5] Aeetes is the patronym of the kings of Colchis from mythical times onwards;
e.g. Medea was the daughter of Aeetes.
VII
Presently the soldiers came to learn what was in course of agitation, 1 and Neon gave
out that Xenophon had persuaded the other generals to adopt his views, and had a plan to
cheat the soldiers and take them back to the Phasis. The soldiers were highly indignant;
meetings were held; little groups gathered ominously; and there seemed an alarming
probability that they would repeat the violence with which they had lately treated the
heralds of the Colchians and the clerks of the market; when all who did not save
themselves by jumping into the sea were stoned to death. So Xenophon, seeing what a storm
was brewing, resolved to anticipate matters so far as to summon a meeting of the men
without delay, and thus prevent their collecting of their own accord, and he ordered the
herald to announce an assembly. The voice of the herald was no sooner heard than they
rushed with great readiness to the place of meeting. Then Xenophon, without accusing the
generals of having come to him, made the following speech: "I hear that a charge is
brought against me. It is I apparently who am going to cheat you and carry you off to
Phasis. I beg you by all that is holy to listen to me; and if there be found any guilt in
me, let me not leave this place till I have paid the penalty of my misdoing; but if my
accusers are found guilty, treat them as they deserve. I presume, sirs, you know where the
sun rises and where he sets, and that he who would go to Hellas must needs journey towards
the sunset; whereas he who seeks the land of the barbarian must contrariwise fix 6 his
face towards the dawn. Now is that a point in which a man might hope to cheat you? Could
any one make you believe that the sun rises here and sets there, or that he sets here and
rises there? And doubtless you know this too, that it is Boreas, the north wind, who bears
the mariner out of Pontus towards Hellas, and the south wind inwards towards the Phasis,
whence the saying--
"'When the North wind doth blow Home to Hellas we will go[1].'
[1] Whether this was a local saying or a proverb I cannot say. The words have a
poetical ring about them: "When Borrhas blows, fair voyages to Hellas."
"He would be a clever fellow who could befool you into embarking with a south wind
blowing. That sounds all very well, you think, only I may get you on board during a calm.
Granted, but I shall be on board my one ship, and you on board another hundred at least,
and how am I to constrain you to voyage with me against your will, or by what cajolery
shall I carry you off? But I will imagine you so far befooled and bewitched by me, that I
have got you to the Phasis; we proceed to disembark on dry land. At last it will come out,
that wherever you are, you are not in Hellas, and the inventor of the trick will be one
sole man, and you who have been caught by it will number something like ten thousand with
swords in your hands. I do not know how a man could better ensure his own punishment than
by embarking on such a policy with regards to himself and you.
"Nay, these tales are the invention of silly fellows who are jealous of the honour
you bestow on me. A most uncalled-for jealousy! Do I hinder any of them from speaking any
word of import in his power? of striking a blow in your behalf and his own, if that is his
choice? or, finally, of keeping his eyes and ears open to secure your safety? What is it?
In your choice of leaders do I stand in the way of any one, is that it? Let him step
forward, I yield him place; he shall be your general; only he must prove that he has your
good at heart.
"For myself, I have done; but for yourselves, if any of you conceive 11 either
that he himself could be the victim of a fraud, or that he could victimise any one else in
such a thing as this, let him open his lips and explain to us how. Take your time, but
when you have sifted the matter to your hearts' content, do not go away without suffering
me to tell you of something which I see looming. If it should burst upon us and prove in
fact anything like what it gives signs of being now, it is time for us to take counsel for
ourselves and see that we do not prove ourselves to be the worst and basest of men in the
sight of gods and men, be they friends or be they foes." The words moved the
curiosity of the soldiers. They marvelled what this matter might be, and bade him explain.
Thereupon he began again: "You will not have forgotten certain places in the
hills--barbaric fastnesses, but friendly to the Cerasuntines--from which people used to
come down and sell us large cattle and other things which they possessed, and if I mistake
not, some of you went to the nearest of these places and made purchases in the market and
came back again. Clearetus the captain learnt of this place, that it was but a little one
and unguarded. Why should it be guarded since it was friendly? so the folk thought. Thus
he stole upon it in the dead of night, and meant to sack it without saying a word to any
of us. His design was, if he took the place, not to return again to the army, but to mount
a vessel which, with his messmates on board her, was sailing past at the time, and stowing
away what he had seized, to set sail and begone beyond the Euxine. All this had been
agreed upon and arranged with his comrades on board the vessel, as I now discover.
Accordingly, he summoned to his side all whom he could persuade, and set off at their head
against the little place. But dawn overtook him on his march. The men collected out of
their strongholds, and whether from a distance or close quarters, made such a fight that
they killed Clearetus and a good many of the rest, and only a few of them got safe back to
Cerasus.
"These things took place on the day on which we started to come hither on foot;
while some of those who were to go by sea were still at Cerasus, not having as yet weighed
anchor. After this, according to 17 what the Cerasuntines state, there arrived three
inhabitants of the place which had been attacked; three elderly men, seeking an interview
with our public assembly. Not finding us, they addressed themselves to the men of Cerasus,
and told them, they were astonished that we should have thought it right to attack them;
however, when, as the Cerasuntines assert, they had assured them that the occurrence was
not authorised by public consent, they were pleased, and proposed to sail here, not only
to state to us what had occurred, but to offer that those who were interested should take
up and bury the bodies of the slain.
"But among the Hellenes still at Cerasus were some of those who had escaped. They
found out in which direction the barbarians were minded to go, and not only had the face
themselves to pelt them with stones, but vociferously encouraged their neighbours to do
the same. The three men--ambassadors, mark you--were slain, stoned to death. After this
occurrence, the men of Cerasus came to us and reported the affair, and we generals, on
being informed, were annoyed at what had taken place, and took counsel with the
Cerasuntines how the dead bodies of the Hellenes might be buried. While seated in conclave
outside the camp, we suddenly were aware of a great hubbub. We heard cries: 'Cut them
down!' 'Shoot them!' 'Stone them!' and presently we caught sight of a mass of people
racing towards us with stones in their hands, and others picking them up. The
Cerasuntines, naturally enough, considering the incident they had lately witnessed,
retired in terror to their vessels, and, upon my word, some of us did not feel too
comfortable. All I could do was to go to them and inquire what it all meant. Some of them
had not the slightest notion, although they had stones in their hands, but chancing on
some one who was better informed, I was told by him that 'the clerks of the market were
treating the army most scandalously.' Just then some one got sight of the market clerk,
Zelarchus, making his way off towards the sea, and lifted up his voice aloud, and the rest
responding to the cry as if a 24 wild boar or a stag had been started, they rushed upon
him.
"The Cerasuntines, seeing a rush in their direction, thought that, without a
doubt, it was directed against themselves, and fled with all speed and threw themselves
into the sea, in which proceeding they were imitated by some few of our own men, and all
who did not know how to swim were drowned. But now, what do you think of their case, these
men of Cerasus? They had done no wrong. They were simply afraid that some madness had
seized us, like that to which dogs are liable.
"I say then, if proceedings like this are to be the order of the day, you had
better consider what the ultimate condition of the army is like to be. As a body you will
not have it in your power to undertake war against whom you like, or to conclude peace.
But in private any one who chooses will conduct the army on any quest which takes his
fancy. And when ambassadors come to you to demand peace, or whatever it may be, officious
people will put them to death and prevent your hearing the proposals which brought them to
you. The next step will be that those whom you as a body may choose as generals will be of
no account; but any one who likes to elect himself general, and will adopt the formula
'Shoot him! shoot him!' will be competent to cut down whomsoever he pleases untried, be it
general or private soldier, if only he have sufficient followers, as was the case just
now. But just consider what these self-appointed generals have achieved for you.
Zelarchus, the clerk of the market, may possibly have done you a wrong; if so, he has
sailed off and is gone without paying you any penalty; or he may be guiltless, in which
case we have driven him from the army in terror of perishing unjustly without a trial.
While those who stoned the ambassadors have contrived so cleverly that we alone of all
Hellenes cannot approach Cerasus safely without a strong force, and the corpses which the
very men who slew them themselves invited us to bury, we cannot now pick up with safety
even under a flag of truce. Who indeed would care to carry a flag of truce, or go as a
herald with 30 the blood of heralds upon his hands? All we could do was to implore the
Cerasuntines to bury them.
"If then you approve of such doings, have a resolution passed to that effect, so
that, with a prospect of like occurrences in the future, a man may privately set up a
guard and do his best to fix his tent where he can find a strong position with a
commanding site. If, however, these seem to you to be the deeds rather of wild beasts than
of human beings, bethink you of some means by which to stay them; or else, in heaven's
name, how shall we do sacrifice to the gods gladly, with impious deeds to answer for? or
how shall we, who lay the knife to each other's throats, give battle to our enemies? What
friendly city will receive us when they see rampant lawlessness in our midst? Who will
have the courage to afford us a market, when we prove our worthlessness in these
weightiest concerns? and what becomes of the praise we expect to win from the mouths of
men? who will vouchsafe it to us, if this is our behaviour? Should we not ourselves bestow
the worst of names on the perpetrators of like deeds?"
After this they rose, and, as one man, proposed that the ringleaders in these matters
should be punished; and that for the future, to set an example of lawlessness should be
forbidden. Every such ringleader was to be prosecuted on the capital charge; the generals
were to bring all offenders to the bar of justice; prosecutions for all other
misdemeanours committed since the death of Cyrus were to be instituted; and they ended by
constituting the officers into a board of dicasts[2]; and upon the strong representation
of Xenophon, with the concurrence of the soothsayers, it was resolved to purify the army,
and this purification was made.
[2] I.e. a board of judges or jurors.
VIII
It was further resolved that the generals themselves should undergo a 1 judicial
examination in reference to their conduct in past time. In course of investigation,
Philesius and Xanthicles respectively were condemned to pay a sum of twenty minae, to meet
a deficiency to that amount incurred during the guardianship of the cargoes of the
merchantmen. Sophaenetus was fined ten minae for inadeqate performance of his duty as one
of the chief officers selected. Against Xenophon a charge was brought by certain people,
who asserted that they had been beaten by him, and framed the indictment as one of
personal outrage with violence[1]. Xenophon got up and demanded that the first speaker
should state "where and when it was he had received these blows." The other, so
challenged, answered, "When we were perishing of cold and there was a great depth of
snow." Xenophon said: "Upon my word, with weather such as you describe, when our
provisions had run out, when the wine could not even be smelt, when numbers were dropping
down dead beat, so acute was the suffering, with the enemy close on our heels; certainly,
if at such a season as that I was guilty of outrage, I plead guilty to being a more
outrageous brute than the ass, which is too wanton, they say, to feel fatigue. Still, I
wish you would tell us," said he, "what led to my striking you. Did I ask you
for something and, on your refusing it to me, did I proceed to beat you? Was it a debt,
for which I demanded payment? or a quarrel about some boy or other? Was I the worse for
liquor, and behaving like a drunkard?" When the man met each of these questions with
a negative, he questioned him further: "Are you a heavy infantry soldier?"
"No," said he. "A peltast, then?" "No, nor yet a peltast";
but he had been ordered by his messmates to drive a mule, although he was a free man. 5
Then at last he recognised him, and inquired: "Are you the fellow who carried home
the sick man?" "Yes, I am," said he, "thanks to your driving; and you
made havoc of my messmates' kit." "Havoc!" said Xenophon: "Nay, I
distributed it; some to one man, some to another to carry, and bade them bring the things
safely to me; and when I got them back I delivered them all safely to you, and you, on
your side, had rendered an account to me of the man. Let me tell you," he continued,
turning to the court, "what the circumstances were; it is worth hearing:--
[1] See the "Dict. of Antiq." 622 a. HYBREOS GRAPHE. In the case of
common assaults as opposed to indecent assault, the prosecution seems to have been
allowable only when the object of a wanton attack was a free person. Cf. Arist.
"Rhet." ii. 24.
"A man was left behind from inability to proceed farther; I recognised the poor
fellow sufficiently to see that he was one of ours, and I forced you, sir, to carry him to
save his life. For if I am not much mistaken, the enemy were close at our heels?" The
fellow assented to this. "Well then," said Xenophon, "after I had sent you
forward, I overtook you again, as I came up with the rearguard; you were digging a trench
with intent to bury the man; I pulled up and said something in commendation; as we stood
by the poor fellow twitched his leg, and the bystanders all cried out, 'Why, the man's
alive!' Your remark was: 'Alive or not as he likes, I am not going to carry him' Then I
struck you. Yes! you are right, for it looked very much as if you knew him to be
alive." "Well," said he, "was he any the less dead when I reported him
to you?" "Nay," retorted Xenophon, "by the same token we shall all one
day be dead, but that is no reason why meantime we should all be buried alive?" Then
there was a general shout: "If Xenophon had given the fellow a few more blows, it
might have been better." The others were now called upon to state the grounds on
which they had been beaten in each case; but when they refused to get up, he proceeded to
state them himself.
"I confess, sirs, to having struck certain men for failure in discipline. These
were men who were quite content to owe their safety to us. Whilst the rest of the world
marched on in rank and did whatever fighting had to be done, they preferred to leave the
ranks, and rush forward to loot and enrich themselves at our expense. Now, if 13 this
conduct were to be the rule, general ruin would be the result. I do not deny that I have
given blows to this man or the other who played the poltroon and refused to get up,
helplessly abandoning himself to the enemy; and so I forced them to march on. For once in
the severe wintry weather I myself happened to sit down for a long time, whilst waiting
for a party who were getting their kit together, and I discovered how difficult it was to
get up again and stretch one's legs. After this personal experience, whenever I saw any
one else seated in slack and lazy mood, I tried to spur him on. The mere movement and
effort to play the man caused warmth and moisture, whereas it was plain that sitting down
and keeping quiet helped the blood to freeze and the toes to mortify, calamities which
really befell several of the men, as you yourselves are aware.
"I can imagine a third case, that of some straggler stopping behind, merely to
rest for rest's sake, and hindering you in front and us behind alike from pressing on the
march. If he got a blow with the fist from me it saved him a thrust with the lance from
the enemy. In fact, the opportunity they enjoy to-day of taking vengeance on me for any
treatment which I put upon them wrongfully, is derived from their salvation then; whereas,
if they had fallen into the enemy's hands, let them ask themselves for what outrage,
however great, they could expect to get satisfaction now. My defence," he continued,
"is simple: if I chastised any one for his own good, I claim to suffer the same
penalties as parents pay their children or masters their boys. Does not the surgeon also
cauterise and cut us for our good? But if you really believe that these acts are the
outcome of wanton insolence, I beg you to observe that although to-day, thank God! I am
heartier than formerly, I wear a bolder front now than then, and I drink more wine, yet I
never strike a soul; no, for I see that you have reached smooth water. When storm arises,
and a great sea strikes the vessel amidships, a mere shake of the head will make the
look-out man furious with the crew in the forecastle, or the helmsman with the men in the
stern sheets, for at such a crisis even a slight slip may ruin everything. But I appeal to
your own verdict, already recorded, in 21 proof that I was justified in striking these
men. You stood by, sirs, with swords, not voting tablets, in your hands, and it was in
your power to aid the fellows if you liked; but, to speak the honest truth, you neither
aided them nor did you join me in striking the disorderly. In other words, you enabled any
evilly-disposed person among them to give rein to his wantonness by your passivity. For if
you will be at pains to investigate, you will find that those who were then most cowardly
are the ringleaders to-day in brutality and outrage.
"There is Boiscus the boxer, a Thessalian, what a battle he fought then to escape
carrying his shield! so tired was he, and to-day I am told he has stripped several
citizens of Cotyora of the clothes on their backs. If then you are wise, you will treat
this personage in a way the contrary to that in which men treat dogs. A savage dog is tied
up on the day and loosed at night, but if you are wise you will tie this fellow up at
night and only let him loose in the day.
"But really," he added, "it does surprise me with what keenness you
remember and recount the times when I incurred the hatred of some one; but some other
occasions when I eased the burden of winter and storm for any of you, or beat off an
enemy, or helped to minister to you in sickness and want, not a soul of you remembers
these. Or when for any noble deed done by any of you I praised the doer, and according to
my ability did honour to this brave man or that; these things have slipped from your
memories, and are clean forgotten. Yet it were surely more noble, just, and holy, sweeter
and kindlier to treasure the memory of good rather than of evil."
He ended, and then one after another of the assembly got up and began recalling
incidents of the kind suggested, and things ended not so unpleasantly after all.
BOOK VI
I
After this, whilst waiting, they lived partly on supplies from the 1 market, partly on
the fruit of raids into Paphlagonia. The Paphlagonians, on their side, showed much skill
in kidnapping stragglers, wherever they could lay hands on them, and in the night time
tried to do mischief to those whose quarters were at a distance from the camp. The result
was that their relations to one another were exceedingly hostile, so much so that Corylas,
who was the chief of Paphlagonia at that date, sent ambassadors to the Hellenes, bearing
horses and fine apparel, and charged with a proposal on the part of Corylas to make terms
with the Hellenes on the principle of mutual forbearance from injuries. The generals
replied that they would consult with the army about the matter. Meanwhile they gave them a
hospitable reception, to which they invited certain members of the army whose claims were
obvious. They sacrificed some of the captive cattle and other sacrificial beasts, and with
these they furnished forth a sufficiently festal entertainment, and reclining on their
truckle beds, fell to eating and drinking out of beakers made of horn which they happened
to find in the country.
But as soon as the libation was ended and they had sung the hymn, up got first some
Thracians, who performed a dance under arms to the sound of a pipe, leaping high into the
air with much nimbleness, and brandishing their swords, till at last one man struck his
fellow, and every one thought he was really wounded, so skilfully and artistically 6 did
he fall, and the Paphlagonians screamed out. Then he that gave the blow stripped the other
of his arms, and marched off chanting the "Sitalcas[1]," whilst others of the
Thracians bore off the other, who lay as if dead, though he had not received even a
scratch.
[1] I.e. the national Thracian hymn; for Sitalcas the king, a national hero, see
Thuc. ii. 29.
After this some Aenianians[2] and Magnesians got up and fell to dancing the Carpaea, as
it is called, under arms. This was the manner of the dance: one man lays aside his arms
and proceeds to drive a yoke of oxen, and while he drives he sows, turning him about
frequently, as though he were afraid of something; up comes a cattle-lifter, and no sooner
does the ploughman catch sight of him afar, than he snatches up his arms and confronts
him. They fight in front of his team, and all in rhythm to the sound of the pipe. At last
the robber binds the countryman and drives off the team. Or sometimes the cattle-driver
binds the robber, and then he puts him under the yoke beside the oxen, with his two hands
tied behind his back, and off he drives.
[2] The Aenianians, an Aeolian people inhabiting the upper valley of the Sperchius
(the ancient Phthia); their capital was Hypata. These men belonged to the army collected
by Menon, the Thessalian. So, doubtless, did the Magnesians, another Aeolian tribe
occupying the mountainous coast district on the east of Thessaly. See Kiepert's "Man.
Anct. Geog." (Macmillan's tr.), chap. vi.. 161, 170.
After this a Mysian came in with a light shield in either hand and danced, at one time
going through a pantomime, as if he were dealing with two assailants at once; at another
plying his shields as if to face a single foe, and then again he would whirl about and
throw somersaults, keeping the shields in his hands, so that it was a beautiful spectacle.
Last of all he danced the Persian dance, clashing the shields together, crouching down on
one knee and springing up again from earth; and all this he did in measured time to the
sound of the flute. After him the Mantineans stepped upon the stage, and some other
Arcadians also stood up; they had accoutred themselves in all their warlike finery. They
marched with measured tread, pipes playing, to the tune of the 'warrior's march[3]'; the
notes of the paean rose, 11 lightly their limbs moved in dance, as in solemn procession to
the holy gods. The Paphlagonians looked upon it as something truly strange that all these
dances should be under arms; and the Mysians, seeing their astonishment persuaded one of
the Arcadians who had got a dancing girl to let him introduce her, which he did after
dressing her up magnificently and giving her a light shield. When, lithe of limb, she
danced the Pyrrhic[4], loud clapping followed; and the Paphlagonians asked, "If these
women fought by their side in battle?" to which they answered, "To be sure, it
was the women who routed the great King, and drove him out of camp." So ended the
night.
[3] See Plato, "Rep." 400 B, for this "war measure"; also
Aristoph. "Clouds," 653.
[4] For this famous dance, supposed to be of Doric (Cretan or Spartan) origin, see
Smith's "Dict. of Antiquities," "Saltatio"; also Guhl and Koner,
"The Life of the Greeks and Romans," Eng. tr.
But next day the generals introduced the embassy to the army, and the soldiers passed a
resolution in the sense proposed: between themselves and the Paphlagonians there was to be
a mutual abstinence from injuries. After this the ambassadors went on their way, and the
Hellenes, as soon as it was thought that sufficient vessels had arrived, went on board
ship, and voyaged a day and a night with a fair breeze, keeping Paphlagonia on their left.
And on the following day, arriving at Sinope, they came to moorings in the harbour of
Harmene, near Sinope[5]. The Sinopeans, though inhabitants of Paphlagonia, are really
colonists of the Milesians. They sent gifts of hospitality to the Hellenes, three thousand
measures of barley with fifteen hundred jars of wine. At this place Cheirisophus rejoined
them with a man-of-war. The soldiers certainly expected that, having come, he would have
brought them something, but he brought them nothing, except complimentary phrases, on the
part of Anaxibius, the high admiral, and the rest, who sent them their congratulations,
coupled with a promise on the part of Anaxibius that, as soon as they were outside the
Euxine, pay would be forthcoming.
[5] Harmene, a port of Sinope, between four and five miles (fifty stades) west of
that important city, itself a port town. See Smith, "Dict. Geog.,"
"Sinope"; and Kiepert, op. cit. chap. iv. 60.
At Harmene the army halted five days; and now that they seemed to be 17 so close to
Hellas, the question how they were to reach home not empty-handed presented itself more
forcibly to their minds than heretofore. The conclusion they came to was to appoint a
single general, since one man would be better able to handle the troops, by night or by
day, than was possible while the generalship was divided. If secrecy were desirable, it
would be easier to keep matters dark, or if again expedition were an object, there would
be less risk of arriving a day too late, since mutual explanations would be avoided, and
whatever approved itself to the single judgement would at once be carried into effect,
whereas previously the generals had done everything in obedience to the opinion of the
majority.
With these ideas working in their minds, they turned to Xenophon, and the officers came
to him and told him that this was how the soldiers viewed matters; and each of them,
displaying a warmth of kindly feeling, pressed him to accept the office. Xenophon partly
would have liked to do so, in the belief that by so doing he would win to himself a higher
repute in the esteem of his friends, and that his name would be reported to the city
written large; and by some stroke of fortune he might even be the discoverer of some
blessing to the army collectively.
These and the like considerations elated him; he had a strong desire to hold the
supreme command. But then again, as he turned the matter over, the conviction deepened in
his mind that the issue of the future is to every man uncertain; and hence there was the
risk of perhaps losing such reputation has he had already acquired. He was in sore
straights, and, not knowing how to decide, it seemed best to him to lay the matter before
heaven. Accordingly, he led two victims to the altar and made sacrifice to Zeus the King,
for it was he and no other who had been named by the oracle at Delphi, and his belief was
that the vision which he had beheld when he first essayed to undertake the joint
administration of the army was sent to him by that god. He also recalled to mind a
circumstance which befell him still earlier, when 23 setting out from Ephesus to associate
himself with Cyrus[6];--how an eagle screamed on his right hand from the east, and still
remained perched, and the soothsayer who was escorting him said that it was a great and
royal omen[7]; indicating glory and yet suffering; for the punier race of birds only
attack the eagle when seated. "Yet," added he, "it bodes not gain in money;
for the eagle seizes his food, not when seated, but on the wing."
[6] Cf. "Cyrop." II. i. 1; an eagle appears to Cyrus on the frontiers of
Persia, when about to join his uncle Cyaxares, king of Media, on his expedition against
the Assyrian.
[7] It is important to note that the Greek word {oionos}, a solitary or lone-flying
bird, also means an omen. "It was a mighty bird and a mighty omen."
Thus Xenophon sacrificed, and the god as plainly as might be gave him a sign, neither
to demand the generalship, nor, if chosen, to accept the office. And that was how the
matter stood when the army met, and the proposal to elect a single leader was unanimous.
After this resolution was passed, they proposed Xenophon for election, and when it seemed
quite evident that they would elect him, if he put the question to the vote, he got up and
spoke as follows:--
"Sirs, I am but mortal, and must needs be happy to be honoured by you. I thank
you, and am grateful, and my prayer is that the gods may grant me to be an instrument of
blessing to you. Still, when I consider it closer, thus, in the presence of a
Lacedaemonian, to be preferred by you as general, seems to me but ill conducive either to
your interests or to mine, since you will the less readily obtain from them hereafter
anything you may need, while for myself I look upon acceptance as even somewhat dangerous.
Do I not see and know with what persistence these Lacedaemonians prosecuted the war till
finally they forced our State to acknowledge the leadership of Lacedaemon? This confession
once extorted from their antagonists, they ceased warring at once, and the seige of the
city was at an end. If, with these facts before my eyes, I seem to be doing all I can to
neutralise their high self-esteem, I cannot escape the reflection that personally I may be
taught wisdom by a painful process. But with your own idea that under a single general
there will be less factiousness than when there were many, be assured 29 that in choosing
some other than me you will not find me factious. I hold that whosoever sets up factious
opposition to his leader factiously opposes his own safety. While if you determine to
choose me, I should not be surprised were that choice to entail upon you and me the
resentment of other people."
After those remarks on Xenophon's part, many more got up, one after another, insisting
on the propriety of his undertaking the command. One of them, Agasias the Stymphalian,
said: It was really ridiculous, if things had come to this pass that the Lacedeamonians
are to fly into a rage because a number of friends have met together to dinner, and
omitted to choose a Lacedaemonian to sit at the head of the table. "Really, if that
is how matters stand," said he, "I do not see what right we have to be officers
even, we who are only Arcadians." That sally brought down the plaudits of the
assembly; and Xenophon, seeing that something more was needed, stepped forward again and
spoke, "Pardon, sirs," he said, "let me make a clean breast of it. I swear
to you by all the gods and goddesses; verily and indeed, I no sooner perceived your
purpose, than I consulted the victims, whether it was better for you to entrust this
leadership to me, and for me to undertake it, or the reverse. And the gods vouchsafed a
sign to me so plain that even a common man might understand it, and perceive that from
such sovereignty I must needs hold myself aloof."
Under these circumstances they chose Cheirisophus, who, after his election, stepped
forward and said: "Nay, sirs, be well assured of this, that had you chosen some one
else, I for my part should not have set up factious opposition. As to Xenophon, I believe
you have done him a good turn by not appointing him; for even now Dexippus has gone some
way in traducing him to Anaxibius, as far as it lay in his power to do so, and that, in
spite of my attempts to silence him. What he said was that he believed Xenophon would
rather share the command of Clearchus's army with Timasion, a Dardanian, than with
himself, a Laconian. But," continued Cheirisophus, "since your choice has fallen
33 upon me, I will make it my endeavour to do you all the good in my power; so make your
preparations to weigh anchor to-morrow; wind and weather permitting, we will voyage to
Heraclea; every one must endeavour, therefore, to put in at that port; and for the rest we
will consult, when we are come thither."
II
The next day they weighed anchor and set sail from Harmene with a fair 1 breeze, two
days' voyage along the coast. [As they coasted along they came in sight of Jason's
beach[1], where, as the story says, the ship Argo came to moorings; and then the mouths of
the rivers, first the Thermodon, then the Iris, then the Halys, and next to it the
Parthenius.] Coasting past [the latter], they reached Heraclea[2], a Hellenic city and a
colony of the Megarians, situated in the territory of the Mariandynians. So they came to
achorage off the Acherusian Chersonese, where Heracles[3] is said to have descended to
bring up the dog Cerberus, at a point where they still show the marks of his descent, a
deep cleft more than two furlongs down. Here the Heracleots sent the Hellenes, as gifts of
hospitality, three thousand measures of barley and two thousand jars of wine, twenty
beeves and one hundred sheep. Through the flat country here flows the Lycus river, as it
is called, about two hundred feet in breadth.
[1] I have left this passage in the text, although it involves, at first sight, a
topographical error on the part of whoever wrote it, and Hug and other commentators regard
it as spurious. Jason's beach (the modern Yasoun Bouroun) and the three first-named rivers
lie between Cotyora and Sinope. Possibly the author, or one of his editors, somewhat
loosely inserted a recapitulatory note concerning the scenery of this coasting voyage at
this point. "By the way, I ought to have told you that as they coasted along,"
etc.
[2] One of the most powerful of commercial cities, distinguished as Pontica
(whence, in the middle ages, Penteraklia), now Eregli. It was one of the older Greek
settlements, and, like Kalchedon (to give that town its proper name), a Megaro-Doric
colony. See Kiepert, op. cit. chap. iv. 62.
[3] According to another version of the legend Heracles went down to bring up
Cerberus, not here, but at Taenarum.
The soldiers held a meeting, and took counsel about the remainder of the journey:
should they make their exit from the Pontus by sea or by land? and Lycon the Achaean got
up and said: "I am astonished, sirs, that the generals do not endeavour to provide us
more efficiently with provisions. These gifts of hospitality will not afford three days' 4
victuals for the army; nor do I see from what region we are to provide ourselves as we
march. My proposal, therefore, is to demand of the Heracleots at least three thousand
cyzicenes." Another speaker suggested, "not less than ten thousand. Let us at
once, before we break up this meeting, send ambassadors to the city and ascertain their
answer to the demand and take counsel accordingly." Thereupon they proceeded to put
up as ambassadors, first and foremost Cheirisophus, as he had been chosen
general-in-chief; others also named Xenophon.
But both Cheirisophus and Xenophon stoutly declined, maintaining both alike that they
could not compel a Hellenic city, actually friendly, to give anything which they did not
spontaneously offer. So, since these two appeared to be backward, the soldiers sent Lycon
the Achaean, Callimachus the Parrhasian, and Agasias the Stymphalian. These three went and
announced the resolutions passed by the army. Lycon, it was said, even went so far as to
threaten certain consequences in case they refused to comply. The Heracleots said they
would deliberate; and, without more ado, they got together their goods and chattels from
their farms and fields outside, and dismantled the market outside and transferred it
within, after which the gates were closed, and arms appeared at the battlements of the
walls.
At that check, the authors of these tumultuary measures fell to accusing the generals,
as if they had marred the proceeding; and the Arcadians and Archaeans banded together,
chiefly under the auspiecs of the two ringleaders, Callimachus the Parrhasian and Lycon
the Achaean. The language they held was to this effect: It was outrageous that a single
Athenian and a Lacedaemonian, who had not contributed a soldier to the expedition, should
rule Peloponnesians; scandalous that they themselves should bear the toils whilst others
pocketed the spoils, and that too though the preservation of the army was due to
themselves; for, as every one must admit, to the Arcadians and 10 Achaeans the credit of
that achievement was due, and the rest of the army went for nothing (which was indeed so
far true that the Arcadians and Achaeans did form numerically the larger half of the whole
army). What then did common sense suggest? Why, that they, the Arcadians and Achaeans,
should make common cause, choose generals for themselves independently, continue the
march, and try somewhat to better their condition. This proposal was carried. All the
Arcadians and Achaeans who chanced to be with Cheirisophus left him and Xenophon, setting
up for themselves and choosing ten generals of their own. These ten, it was decreed, were
to put into effect such measures as approved themselves to the majority. Thus the absolute
authority vested in Cheirisophus was terminated there and then, within less than a week of
his appointment.
Xenophon, however was minded to prosecute the journey in their campany, thinking that
this would be a safer plan than for each to start on his own account. But Neon threw in
his weight in favour of separate action. "Every one for himself," he said, for
he had heard from Cheirisophus that Cleander, the Spartan governor-general at Byzantium,
talked of coming to Calpe Haven with some war vessels. Neon's advice was due to his desire
to secure a passage home in these war vessels for themselves and their soldiers, without
allowing any one else to share in their good-fortune. As for Cheirisophus, he was at once
so out of heart at the turn things had taken, and soured with the whole army, that he left
it to his subordinate, Neon, to do just what he liked. Xenophon, on his side, would still
have been glad to be quit of the expedition and sail home; but on offering sacrifice to
Heracles the Leader, and seeking advice, whether it were better and more desirable to
continue the march in charge of the soldiers who had remained faithful, or to take his
departure, the god indicated to him by the victims that he should adopt the former course.
In this way the army was now split up into three divisions[4]. First, the Arcadians and
Achaeans, over four thousand five hundred men, all heavy infantry. Secondly, Cheirisophus
and his men, viz. one thousand 16 four hundred heavy infantry and the seven hundred
peltasts, or Clearchus's Thracians. Thirdly, Xenophon's division of one thousand seven
hundred heavy infantry, and three hundred peltasts; but then he alone had the
cavalry--about forty troopers.
[4] The total now amounted to 8640 and over.
The Arcadians, who had bargained with the Heracleots and got some vessels from them,
were the first to set sail; they hoped, by pouncing suddenly on the Bithynians, to make as
large a haul as possible. With that object they disembarked at Calpe Haven[5], pretty
nearly at the middle point in Thrace. Cheirisophus setting off straight from Heraclea,
commenced a land march through the country; but having entered into Thrace, he preferred
to cling to the seaboard, health and strength failing him. Xenophon, lastly, took vessels,
and disembarking on the confines of Thrace and the Heracleotid, pushed forward through the
heart of the country[6].
[5] The Haven of Calpe = Kirpe Liman or Karpe in the modern maps. The name is
interesting as being also the ancient name of the rock fortress of Gibraltar.
[6] Some MSS. here read, "In the prior chapter will be found a description of
the manner in which the absolute command of Cheirisophus was abruptly terminated and the
army of the Hellenes broken up. The sequel will show how each of these divisions
fared." The passage is probably one of those commentators' notes, with which we are
now familiar.
III
The Arcadians, disembarking under cover of night at Calpe Haven, 1 marched against the
nearest villages about thirty furlongs from the sea; and as soon as it was light, each of
the ten generals led his company to attack one village, or if the village were large, a
couple of companies advanced under their combined generals. They further agreed upon a
certain knoll, where they were all eventually to assemble. So sudden was their attack that
they seized a number of captives and enclosed a multitude of small cattle. But the
Thracians who escaped began to collect again; for being light-armed troops they had
slipped in large numbers through the hands of the heavy infantry; and now that they were
got together they first attacked the company of the Arcadian general, Smicres, who had
done his work and was retiring to the appointed meeting-place, driving along a large train
of captives and cattle. For a good while the Hellenes maintained a running fight[1]; but
at the passage of a gorge the enemy routed them, 5 slaying Smicres himself and those with
him to a man. The fate of another company under command of Hegesander, another of the ten,
was nearly as bad; only eight men escaped, Hegesander being one of them. The remaining
captains eventually met, some with somewhat to show for their pains, others empty-handed.
[1] Lit. "marched and fought," as did the forlorn hope under Sir C.
Wilson making its way from Abu Klea to the Nile in Jan. 1885.
The Thracians, having achieved this success, kept up a continual shouting and clatter
of conversation to one another during the night; but with day-dawn they marshalled
themselves right round the knoll on which the Hellenes were encamped--both cavalry in
large numbers and light-armed troops--while every minute the stream of new-comers grew
greater. Then they commenced an attack on the heavy infantry in all security, for the
Hellenes had not a single bowman, javelin-man, or mounted trooper amongst them; while the
enemy rushed forward on foot or galloped up on horseback and let fly their javelins. It
was vain to attempt to retaliate, so lightly did they spring back and escape; and ever the
attack renewed itself from every point, so that on one side man after man was wounded, on
the other not a soul was touched; the result being that they could not stir from their
position, and the Thracians ended by cutting them off even from their water. In their
despair they began to parley about a truce, and finally various concessions were made and
terms agreed to between them; but the Thracians would not hear of giving hostages in
answer to the demand of the Hellenes; at that point the matter rested. So fared it with
the Arcadians.
As to Cheirisophus, that general prosecuted his march along the 10 seaboard, and
without check reached Calpe Haven. Xenophon advanced through the heart of the country; and
his cavalry pushing on in front, came upon some old men pursuing their road somewither,
who were brought to him, and in answer to his question, whether they had caught sight of
another Hellenic army anywhere, told him all that had already taken place, adding that at
present they were being besieged upon a knoll with all the Thracians in close circle round
them. Thereupon he kept the old men under strict guard to serve as guides in case of need;
next, having appointed outposts, he called a meeting of the soldiers, and addressed them:
"Soldiers, some of the Arcadians are dead and the rest are being besieged upon a
certain knoll. Now my own belief is, that if they are to perish, with their deaths the
seal is set to our own fate: since we must reckon with an enemy at once numerous and
emboldened. Clearly our best course is to hasten to their rescue, if haply we may find
them still alive, and do battle by their side rather than suffer isolation, confronting
danger single-handed.
"Let us then at once push forward as far as may seem opportune till supper-time,
and then encamp. As long as we are marching, let Timasion, with the cavalry, gallop on in
front, but without losing sight of us; and let him examine all closely in front, so that
nothing may escape our observation." (At the same time too, he sent out some nimble
fellows of the light-armed troops to the flanks and to the high tops, who were to give a
signal if they espied anything anywhere; ordering them to burn everything inflammable
which lay in their path.) "As for ourselves," he continued, "we need not
look to find cover in any direction; for it is a long step back to Heraclea and a long
leap across to Chrysopolis, and the enemy is at the door. The shortest road is to Calpe
Haven, where we suppose Cheirisophus, if safe, to be; but then, when we get there, at
Calpe Haven there are no vessels for us to sail away in; and if we stop here, we have not
provisions for a single day. Suppose the beleaguered Arcadians left to their fate, we
shall find it but a sorry alternative to run the gauntlet with Cheirisophus's detachment
alone; better to save them if we can, and 17 with united forces work out our deliverance
in common. But if so, we must set out with minds prepared, since to-day either a glorious
death awaits us or the achievement of a deed of noblest emprise in the rescue of so many
Hellene lives. Maybe it is God who leads us thus, God who chooses to humble the proud
boaster, boasting as though he were exceedingly wise, but for us, the beginning of whose
every act is by heaven's grace, that same God reserves a higher grade of honour. One duty
I would recall to you, to apply your minds to the execution of the orders with
promptitude."
With these words he led the way. The cavalry, scattering as far in advance as was
prudent, wherever they set foot, set fire. The peltasts moving parallel on the high ground
were similarly employed, burning everything combustible they could discover. While the
main army, wherever they came upon anything which had accidentally escaped, completed the
work, so that the whole country looked as if it were ablaze; and the army might easily
pass for a larger one. When the hour had come, they turned aside to a knoll and took up
quarters; and there they espied the enemy's watch-fires. He was about forty furlongs
distant. On their side also they kindled as many watch-fires as possible; but as soon as
they had dined the order was passed to quench all the fires. So during the night they
posted guards and slept. But at daybreak they offered prayers to the gods, and drawing up
in order of battle, began marching with what speed they might. Timasion and the cavalry,
who had the guides with them, and were moving on briskly in front, found themselves
without knowing it at the very knoll upon which the Hellenes had been beleaguered. But no
army could they discover, whether of friend or foe; only some starveling old women and
men, with a few sheep and oxen which had been left behind. This news they reproted to
Xenophon and the main body. At first the marvel was what had happened; but ere long they
found out by inquiries from the folk who had been left behind, that the Thracians had set
off immediately after sundown, and were gone; the Hellenes had waited till morning before
they made off, but in what direction, they could not 23 say.
On hearing this, Xenophon's troops first breakfasted, and then getting their kit
together began their march, desiring to unite with the rest at Calpe's Haven without loss
of time. As they continued their march, they came across the track of the Arcadians and
Achaeans along the road to Calpe, and both divisions arriving eventually at the same
place, were overjoyed to see one another again, and they embraced each other like
brothers. Then the Arcadians inquired of Xenophon's officers--why they had quenched the
watch-fires? "At first," said they, "when we lost sight of your
watch-fires, we expected you to attack the enemy in the night; and the enemy, so at least
we imagined, must have been afraid of that and so set off. The time at any rate at which
they set off would correspond. But when the requisite time had elapsed and you did not
come, we concluded that you must have learnt what was happening to us, and in terror had
made a bolt for it to the seaboard. We resolved not to be left behind by you; and that is
how we also came to march hither."
IV
During this day they contented themselves with bivouacking there on 1 the beach at the
harbour. The place which goes by the name of Calpe Haven is in Asiatic Thrace, the name
given to a region extending from the mouth of the Euxine all the way to Heraclea, which
lies on the right hand as you sail into the Euxine. It is a long day's voyage for a
war-ship, using her three banks of oars, from Byzantium to Heraclea, and between these two
there is not a single Hellenic or friendly city, but only these Bithynian Thracians, who
have a bad reputation for the savagery with which they treat any Hellenes cast ashore by
shipwreck or otherwise thrown into their power.
Now the haven of Calpe lies exactly midway, halving the voyage between Byzantium and
Heraclea. It is a long promontory running out into the sea; the seaward portion being a
rocky precipice, at no point less than twenty fathons high; but on the landward side there
is a neck 3 about four hundred feet wide; and the space inside the neck is capable of
accommodating ten thousand inhabitants, and there is a haven immediately under the crag
with a beach facing the west. Then there is a copious spring of fresh water flowing on the
very marge of the sea commanded by the stronghold. Again, there is plenty of wood of
various sorts; but most plentiful of all, fine shipbuilding timber down to the very edge
of the sea. The upland stretches into the heart of the country for twenty furlongs at
least. It is good loamy soil, free from stones. For a still greater distance the seaboard
is thickly grown with large timber trees of every description. The surrounding country is
beautiful and spacious, containing numerous well populated villages. The soil produces
barley and wheat, and pulse of all sorts, millet and sesame, figs in ample supply, with
numerous vines producing sweet wines, and indeed everything else except olives. Such is
the character of the country.
The tents were pitched on the seaward-facing beach, the soldiers being altogether
averse to camping on ground which might so easily be converted into a city. Indeed, their
arrival at the place at all seemed very like the crafty design of some persons who were
minded to form a city. The aversion was not unnatural, since the majority of the soldiers
had not left their homes on so long a voyage from scantiness or subsistence, but attracted
by the fame of Cyrus's virtues; some of them bringing followers, while others had expended
money on the expedition. And amongst them was a third set who had run away from fathers
and mothers; while a different class had left children behind, hoping to return to them
with money or other gains. Other people with Cyrus won great success, they were told[1];
why should it not be so with them? Being persons then of this description, the one longing
of their hearts was to reach Hellas safely.
[1] I.e. "his society was itself a passport to good fortune."
It was on the day after their meeting that Xenophon sacrificed as a preliminary to a
military expedition; for it was needful to march out in search of provisions, besides
which he designed burying the dead. 9 As soon as the victims proved favourable they all
setout, the Arcadians following with the rest. The majority of the dead, who had lain
already five days, they buried just where they had fallen, in groups; to remove their
bodies now would have been impossible. Some few, who lay off the roads, they got together
and buried with what splendour they could, considering the means in their power. Others
they could not find, and for these they erected a great cenotaph[2], and covered it with
wreaths. When it was all done, they returned home to camp. At that time they supped, and
went to rest.
[2] "Cenotaph", i.e. "an empty tomb." The word is interesting
as occuring only in Xenophon, until we come to the writers of the common dialect. Compare
"hyuscyamus," hogbean, our henbane, which we also owe to Xenophon.
"Oecon." i. 13, see Sauppe, "Lexil. Xen." s.vv.
Next day there was a general meeting of the soldiers, collected chiefly by Agasias the
Stymphalian, a captain, and Hieronymus, an Eleian, also a captain, and other seniors of
the Arcadians; and they passed a resolution that, for the future, whoever revived the idea
of breaking up the army should be punished by death. And the army, it was decided, would
now resume its old position under the command of its former generals. Though Cheirisophus,
indeed, had already died under medical treatment for fever[3]; and Neon the Asinaean had
taken his place.
[3] This I take to be the meaning of the words, which are necessarily ambiguous,
since {pharmakon}, "a drug," also means "poison." Did Cheirisophus
conceivably die of fever brought on by some poisonous draught? or did he take poison
whilst suffering from fever? or did he die under treatment?
After these resolutions Xenophon got up and said: "Soldiers, the journey must now,
I presume, be conducted on foot; indeed, this is clear, since we have no vessels; and we
are driven to commence it at once, for we have no provisions if we stop. We then," he
continued, "will sacrifice, and you must prepare yourselves to fight now, if ever,
for the spirit of the enemy has revived."
Thereupon the generals sacrificed, in the presence of the Arcadian seer, Arexion; for
Silanus the Ambraciot had chartered a vessel at Heraclea and made his escape ere this.
Sacrificing with a view to 13 departure, the victims proved unfavourable to them.
Accordingly they waited that day. Certain people were bold enough to say that Xenophon,
out of his desire to colonise the place, had persuaded the seer to say that the victims
were unfavourable to departure. Consequently he proclaimed by herald next morning that any
one who liked should be present at the sacrifice; or if he were a seer he was bidden to be
present and help to inspect the victims. Then he sacrificed, and there were numbers
present; but though the sacrifice on the question of departure was repeated as many as
three times, the victims were persistently unfavourable. Thereat the soldiers were in high
dudgeon, for the provisions they had brought with them had reached the lowest ebb, and
there was no market to be had.
Consequently there was another meeting, and Xenophon spoke again: "Men," said
he, "the victims are, as you may see for yourselves, not yet favourable to the march;
but meanwhile, I can see for myself that you are in need of provisions; accordingly we
must narrow the sacrifice to the particular point." Some one got up and said:
"Naturally enough the victims are unfavourable, for, as I learnt from some one on a
vessel which arrived here yesterday by accident, Cleander, the governor at Byzantium,
intends coming here with ships and men-of-war." Thereat they were all in favour of
stopping; but they must needs go out for provisions, and with this object he again
sacrificed three times, and the victims remained adverse. Things had now reached such a
pass that the men actually came to Xenophon's tent to proclaim that they had no
provisions. His sole answer was that he would not lead them out till the victims were
favourable.
So again the next day he sacrificed; and nearly the whole army, so strong was the
general anxiety, flocked round the victims; and now the very victims themselves failed. So
the generals, instead of leading out the army, called the men together. Xenophon, as was
incumbent on him, spoke: "It is quite possible that the enemy are collected in a
body, and we shall have to fight. If we were to leave our baggage in the strong
place" (pointing overhead) "and sally forth prepared for battle, the victims
might favour us." But the soldiers, on hearing 22 this proposal, cried out, "No
need to take us inside that place; better sacrifice with all speed." Now sheep there
were none any longer. So they purchased oxen from under a wagon and sacrificed; and
Xenophon begged Cleanor the Arcadian to superintend the sacrifice on his behalf, in case
there might be some change now. But even so there was no improvement.
Now Neon was general in place of Cheirisophus, and seeing the men suffering so cruelly
from want, he was willing to do them a good turn. So he got hold of some Heracleot or
other who said he knew of villages close by from which they could get provisions, and
proclaimed by herald: "If any one liked to come out and get provisions, be it known
that he, Neon, would be their leader." So out came the men with spears, and wine
skins and sacks and other vessels--two thousand strong in all. But when they had reached
the villages and began to scatter for the purpose of foraging, Pharnabazus's cavalry were
the first to fall upon them. They had come to the aid of the Bithynians, wishing, if
possible, in conjunction with the latter, to hinder the Hellenes from entering Phrygia.
These troopers killed no less than five hundred of the men; the rest fled for the lives up
into the hill country.
News of the catastrophe was presently brought into camp by one of those who had
escaped, and Xenophon, seeing that the victims had not been favourable on that day, took a
wagon bullock, in the absence of other sacrificial beasts, offered it up, and started for
the rescue, he and the rest under thirty years of age to the last man. Thus they picked up
the remnant of Neon's party and returned to camp. It was now about sunset; and the
Hellenes in deep despondency were making their evening meal, when all of a sudden, through
bush and brake, a party of Bithynians fell upon the pickets, cutting down some and chasing
the rest into camp. In the midst of screams and shouts the Hellenes ran to their arms, one
and all; yet to pursue or move the camp in the night seemed hardly safe, for the ground
was thickly grown with bush; all they could do was to strengthen the outposts and keep
watch under arms the livelong night.
V
And so they spent the night, but with day-dawn the generals led the 1 way into the
natural fastness, and the others picked up their arms and baggage and followed the lead.
Before the breakfast-hour arrived, they had fenced off with a ditch the only side on which
lay ingress into the place, and had palisaded off the whole, leaving only three gates.
Anon a ship from Heraclea arrived bringing barleymeal, victim animals, and wine.
Xenophon was up betimes, and made the usual offering before starting on an expedition,
and at the first victim the sacrifice was favourable. Just as the sacrifice ended, the
seer, Arexion the Parrhasian, caught sight of an eagle, which boded well, and bade
Xenophon lead on. So they crossed the trench and grounded arms. Then proclamation was made
by herald for the soldiers to breakfast and start on an expedition under arms; the mob of
sutlers and the captured slaves would be left in camp. Accordingly the mass of the troops
set out. Neon alone remained; for it seemed best to leave that general and his men to
guard the contents of the camp. But when the officers and soldiers had left them in the
lurch, they were so ashamed to stop in camp while the rest marched out, that they too set
out, leaving only those above five-and-forty years of age.
These then stayed, while the rest set out on the march. Before they had gone two miles,
they stumbled upon dead bodies, and when they had brought up the rear of the column in a
line with the first bodies to be seen, they began digging graves and burying all included
in the column from end to end. After burying the first batch, they advanced, and again
bringing the rear even with the first unburied bodies which appeared, they buried in the
same way all which the line of troops included. Finally, reaching the road that led out of
the villages where the bodies lay thick together, they collected them and laid them in a
common grave.
It was now about midday, when pushing forward the troops up to the villages without
entering them, they proceeded to seize prvoisions, laying hands on everything they could
set eyes on under cover of their 7 lines; when suddenly they caught sight of the enemy
cresting certain hillocks in front of them, duly marshalled in line--a large body of
cavalry and infantry. It was Spithridates and Rhathines, sent by Pharnabazus with their
forec at their backs. As soon as the enemy caught sight of the Hellenes, they stood still,
about two miles distant. Then Arexion the seer sacrificed, and at the first essay the
victims were favourable. Whereupon Xenophon addressed the other generals: "I would
advise, sirs, that we should detach one or more flying columns to support our main attack,
so that in case of need at any point we may have reserves in readiness to assist our main
body, and the enemy, in the confusion of battle, may find himself attacking the unbroken
lines of troops not hitherto engaged." These views approved themselves to all.
"Do you then," said he, "lead on the vanguard straight at the enemy. Do not
let us stand parleying here, now that we have caught sight of him and he of us. I will
detach the hindmost companies in the way we have decided upon and follow you." After
that they quietly advanced, and he, withdrawing the rear-rank companies in three brigades
consisting of a couple of hundred men apiece, commissioned the first on the right to
follow the main body at the distance of a hundred feet. Samolas the Achaean was in command
of this brigade. The duty of the second, under the command of Pyrrhias the Arcadian, was
to follow in the centre. The last was posted on the left, with Phrasias, an Athenian, in
command. As they advanced, the vanguard reached a large and difficult woody glen, and
halted, not knowing whether the obstacle needed to be crossed or not. They passed down the
word for the generals and officers to come forward to the front. Xenophon, wondering what
it was that stopped the march, and presently hearing the above order passed along the
ranks, rode up with all speed. As soon as they were met, Sophaenetus, as the eldest
general, stated his opinion that the question, whether a gully of that kind ought to be
crossed or not, was not worth discussing. Xenophon, with some ardour, retorted: "You
know, sirs, I have not been in the habit hitherto of introducing you to danger which you
might avoid. It is not your reputation for courage surely that is at stake, but your 14
safe return home. But now the matter stands thus: It is impossible to retire from this
point without a battle; if we do not advance against the enemy ourselves, he will follow
us as soon as we have turned our backs and attack us. Consider, then; is it better to go
and meet the foe with arms advanced, or with arms reversed to watch him as he assails us
on our rear? You know this at any rate, that to retire before an enemy has nothing
glorious about it, whereas attack engenders courage even in a coward. For my part, I would
rather at any time attack with half my men than retreat with twice the number. As to these
fellows, if we attack them, I am sure you do not really expect them to await us; though,
if we retreat, we know for certain they will be emboldened to pursue us. Nay, if the
result of crossing is to place a difficult gully behind us when we are on the point of
engaging, surely that is an advantage worth seizing. At least, if it were left to me, I
would choose that everything should appear smooth and passable to the enemy, which may
invite retreat; but for ourselves we may bless the ground which teaches us that except in
victory we have no deliverance. It astonishes me that any one should deem this particular
gully a whit more terrible than any of the other barriers which we have successfully
passed. How impassable was the plain, had we failed to conquer their cavalry! how
insurmountable the mountains already traversed by us, with all their peltasts in hot
pursuit at our heels! Nay, when we have safely reached the sea, the Pontus will present a
somewhat formidable gully, when we have neither vessels to convey us away nor corn to keep
us alive whilst we stop. But we shall no sooner be there than we must be off again to get
provisions. Surely it is better to fight to-day after a good breakfast than to-morrow on
an empty stomach. Sirs, the offerings are favourable to us, the omens are propitious, the
victims more than promising; let us attack the enemy! Now that they have had a good look
at us, these fellows must not be allowed to enjoy their dinners or choose a camp at their
own sweet will."
After that the officers bade him lead on. None gainsaid, and he led the way. His orders
were to cross the gully, where each man chanced to 22 find himself. By this method, as it
seemed to him, the troops would more quickly mass themselves on the far side than was
possible, if they defiled along[1] the bridge which spanned the gully. But once across he
passed along the line and addressed the troops: "Sirs, call to mind what by help of
the gods you have already done. Bethink you of the battles you have won at close quarters
with the foe; of the fate which awaits those who flee before their foes. Forget not that
we stand at the very doors of Hellas. Follow in the steps of Heracles, our guide, and
cheer each the other onwards by name. Sweet were it surely by some brave and noble word or
deed, spoken or done this day, to leave the memory of oneself in the hearts of those one
loves."
[1] Lit. "had they wound off thread by thread"; the metaphor is from
unwinding a ball of wool.
These words were spoken as he rode past, and simultaneously he began leading on the
troops in battle line; and, placing the peltasts on either flank of the main body, they
moved against the enemy. Along the line the order had sped "to keep their spears at
rest on the right shoulder until the bugle signal; then lower them for the charge, slow
march, and even pace, no one to quicken into a run." Lastly, the watchword was
passed, "Zeus the Saviour, Heracles our Guide." The enemy waited their approach,
confident in the excellence of his position; but as they drew closer the Hellene light
troops, with a loud alala! without waiting for the order, dashed against the foe. The
latter, on their side, came forward eagerly to meet the charge, both the cavalry and the
mass of the Bithynians; and these turned the peltasts. But when with counter-wave the
phalanx of the heavy infantry rapidly advancing, faced them, and at the same time the
bugle sounded, and the battle hymn rose from all lips, and after this a loud cheer rose,
and at the same instant they couched their spears;--at this conjuncture the enemy no
longer welcomed them, but fled. Timasion with his cavalry followed close, and, considering
their scant numbers, they did great execution. It was the left wing of the enemy, in a
line with which the Hellene cavalry were posted, that was so speedily scattered. But the
right, which was not so hotly pursued, collected upon a knoll; 28 and when the Hellenes
saw them standing firm, it seemed the easiest and least dangerous course to go against
them at once. Raising the battle hymn, they straightway fell upon them, but the others did
not await their coming. Thereupon the peltasts gave chase until the right of the enemy was
in its turn scattered, though with slight loss in killed; for the enemy's cavalry was
numerous and threatening.
But when the Hellenes saw the cavalry of Pharnabazus still standing in compact order,
and the Bithynian horsemen massing together as if to join it, and like spectators gazing
down from a knoll at the occurrences below; though weary, they determined to attack the
enemy as best they could, and not suffer him to recover breath with reviving courage. So
they formed in compact line and advanced. Thereupon the hostile cavalry turned and fled
down the steep as swiftly as if they had been pursued by cavalry. In fact they sought the
shelter of a gully, the existence of which was unknown to the Hellenes. The latter
accordingly turned aside too soon and gave up the chase, for it was too late. Returning to
the point where the first encounter took place they erected a trophy, and went back to the
sea about sunset. It was something like seven miles to camp.
VI
After this the enemy confined themselves to their own concerns, and 1 removed their
households and property as far away as possible. The Hellenes, on their side, were still
awaiting the arrival of Cleander with the ships of war and transports, which ought to be
there soon. So each day they went out with the baggage animals and slaves and fearlessly
brought in wheat and barley, wine and vegetables, millet and figs; since the district
produced all good things, the olive alone excepted. When the army stayed in camp to rest,
pillaging parties were allowed to go out, and those who went out appropriated the spoils;
but when the whole army went out, if any one went off apart and seized 2 anything, it was
voted to be public property. Ere long there was an ample abundance of supplies of all
sorts, for marketables arrived from Hellenic cities on all sides, and marts were
established. Mariners coasting by, and hearing that a city was being founded and that
there was a harbour, were glad to put in. Even the hostile tribes dwelling in the
neighbourhood presently began to send envoys to Xenophon. It was he who was forming the
place into a city, as they understood, and they would be glad to learn on what terms they
might secure his friendship. He made a point of introducing these visitors to the
soldiers.
Meanwhile Cleander arrived with two ships of war, but not a single transport. At the
moment of his arrival, as it happened, the army had taken the field, and a separate party
had gone off on a pillaging expedition into the hills and had captured a number of small
cattle. In thir apprehension of being deprived of them, these same people spoke to
Dexippus (this was the same man who had made off from Trapezus with the fifty-oared
galley), and urged him to save their sheep for them. "Take some for yourself,"
said they, "and give the rest back to us." So, without more ado, he drove off
the soldiers standing near, who kept repeating that the spoil was public property. Then
off he went to Cleander. "Here is an attempt," said he, "at robbery."
Cleander bade him to bring up the culprit to him. Dexippus seized on some one, and was for
haling him to the Spartan governor. Just then Agasias came across him and rescued the man,
who was a member of his company; and the rest of the soldiers present set to work to stone
Dexippus, calling him "traitor." Things looked so ill that a number of the crew
of the ships of war took fright and fled to the sea, and with the rest Cleander himself.
Xenophon and the other generals tried to hold the men back, assuring Cleander that the
affair signified nothing at all, and that the origin of it was a decree pased by the army.
That was to blame, if anything. But Cleander, goaded by Dexippus, and personally annoyed
at the fright which he had experienced, threatened to sail away and publish an interdict
against them, forbidding any city to receive them, as being public enemies. 9 For at this
date the Lacedaemonians held sway over the whole Hellenic world.
Thereat the affair began to wear an ugly look, and the Hellenes begged and implored
Cleander to reconsider his intention. He replied that he would be as good as his word, and
that nothing should stop him, unless the man who set the example of stoning, with the
other who rescued the prisoner, were given up to him. Now, one of the two whose persons
were thus demanded--Agasias--had been a friend to Xenophon throughout; and that was just
why Dexippus was all the more anxious to accuse him. In their perplexity the generals
summoned a full meeting of the soldiers, and some speakers were disposed to make very
light of Cleander and set him at naught. But Xenophon took a more serious view of the
matter; he rose and addressed the meeting thus: "Soldiers, I cannot say that I feel
disposed to make light of this business, if Cleander be allowed to go away, as he
threatens to do, in his present temper towards us. There are Hellenic cities close by; but
then the Lacedaemonians are the lords of Hellas, and they can, any one of them, carry out
whatever they like in the cities. If then the first thing this Lacedaemonian does is to
close the gates of Byzantium, and next to pass an order to the other governors, city by
city, not to receive us because we are a set of lawless ruffians disloyal to the
Lacedaemonians; and if, further, this report of us should reach the ears of their admiral,
Anaxibius, to stay or to sail away will alike be difficult. Remember, the Lacedaemonians
at the present time are lords alike on land and on sea. For the sake then of a single man,
or for two men's sake, it is not right that the rest of us should be debarred from Hellas;
but whatever they enjoin we must obey. Do not the cities which gave us birth yield them
obedience also? For my own part, inasmuch as Dexippus, I believe, keeps telling Cleander
that Agasias would never have done this had not I, Xenophon, bidden him, I absolve you of
all complicity, and Agasias too, if Agasias himself states that I am in any way a prime
mover in this matter. If I have set the fashion of stone-throwing or any other sort of
violence I condemn myself--I say that I deserve the extreme penalty, and I will submit to
undergo it. I 15 further say that if any one else is accused, that man is bound to
surrender himself to Cleander for judgement, for by this means you will be absolved
entirely from the accusation. But as the matter now stands, it is cruel that just when we
were aspiring to win praise and honour throughout Hellas, we are destined to sink below
the level of the rest of the world, banned from the Hellenic cities whose common name we
boast."
After him Agasias got up, and said, "I swear to you, sirs, by the gods and
goddesses, verily and indeed, neither Xenophon nor any one else among you bade me rescue
the man. I saw an honest man--one of my own company--being taken up by Dexippus, the man
who betrayed you, as you know full well. That I could not endure; I rescued him, I admit
the fact. Do not you deliver me up. I will surrender myself, as Xenophon suggests, to
Cleander to pass what verdict on me he thinks right. Do not, for the sake of such a
matter, make foes of the Lacedaemonians; rather God grant that[1] each of you may safely
reach the goal of his desire. Only do you choose from among yourselves and send with me to
Cleander those who, in case of any omission on my part, may by their words and acts supply
what is lacking." Thereupon the army granted him to choose for himself whom he would
have go with him and to go; and he at once chose the generals. After this they all set off
to Cleander--Agasias and the generals and the man who had been rescued by Agasias--and the
generals spoke as follows: "The army has sent us to you, Cleander, and this is their
bidding: 'If you have fault to find with all, they say, you ought to pass sentence on all,
and do with them what seems best; or if the charge is against one man or two, or possibly
several, what they expect of these people is to surrender themselves to you for
judgement.' Accordingly, if you lay anything to the charge of us generals, here we stand
at your bar. Or do you impute the fault to some one not here? tell us whom. Short of
flying in the face of our authority, there is no one who will absent himself."
[1] Reading with the best MSS., {sozoisthe}. Agasias ends his sentence with a
prayer. Al. {sozesthe}, "act so that each," etc.
At this point Agasias stepped forward and said: "It was I, Cleander, 21 who
rescued the man before you yonder from Dexippus, when the latter was carrying him off, and
it was I who gave the order to strike Dexippus. My plea is that I know the prisoner to be
an honest man. As to Dexippus, I know that he was chosen by the army to command a
fifty-oared galley, which we had obtained by request from the men of Trapezus for the
express purpose of collecting vessels to carry us safely home. But this same Dexippus
betrayed his fellow-soldiers, with whom he had been delivered from so many perils, and
made off into hiding like a runaway slave, whereby we have robbed the Trapezuntines of
their frigate, and must needs appear as knaves in their eyes for this man's sake. As to
ourselves, as far as he could, he has ruined us; for, like the rest of us, he had heard
how all but impossible it was for us to retreat by foot across the rivers and to reach
Hellas in safety. That is the stamp of man whom I robbed of his prey. Now, had it been you
yourself who carried him off, or one of your emissaries, or indeed any one short of a
runaway from ourselves, be sure that I should have acted far otherwise. Be assured that if
you put me to death at this time you are sacrificing a good, honest man for the sake of a
coward and a scamp."
When he had listened to these remarks, Cleander replied that if such had been the
conduct of Dexippus, he could not congratulate him. "But still," he added,
turning to the generals, "were Dexippus ever so great a scamp he ought not to suffer
violence; but in the language of your own demand he was entitled to a fair trial, and so
to obtain his deserts. What I have to say at present therefore is: leave your friend here
and go your way, and when I give the order be present at the trial. I have no further
charge against the army or any one, since the prisoner himself admits that he rescued the
man." Then the man who had been rescued said: "In behalf of myself, Cleander, if
possibly you think that I was being taken up for some misdeed, it is not so; I neither
struck nor shot; I merely said, 'The sheep are public property;' for it was a resolution
of the soldiers that whenever the army went out as a body any booty privately obtained was
to be public property. That was all I said, and thereupon yonder fellow seized me 28 and
began dragging me off. He wanted to stop our mouths, so that he might have a share of the
things himself, and keep the rest for these buccaneers, contrary to the ordinance."
In answer to that Cleander said: "Very well, if that is your disposition you can stay
behind too, and we will take your case into consideration also."
Thereupon Cleander and his party proceeded to breakfast; but Xenophon collected the
army in assembly, and advised their sending a deputation to Cleander to intercede in
behalf of the men. Accordingly it was resolved to send some generals and officers with
Dracontius the Spartan, and of the rest those who seemed best fitted to go. The deputation
was to request Cleander by all means to release the two men. Accordingly Xenophon came and
addressed him thus: "Cleander, you have the men; the army has bowed to you and
assented to do what you wished with respect to these two members of their body and
themselves in general. But now they beg and pray you to give up these two men, and not to
put them to death. Many a good service have these two wrought for our army in past days.
Let them but obtain this from you, and in return the army promises that, if you will put
yourself at their head and the gracious gods approve, they will show you how orderly they
are, how apt to obey their general, and, with heaven's help, to face their foes
unflinchingly. They make this further request to you, that you will present yourself and
take command of them and make trial of them. 'Test us ourselves,' they say, 'and test
Dexippus, what each of us is like, and afterwards assign to each his due.'" When
Cleander heard these things, he answered: "Nay, by the twin gods, I will answer you
quickly enough. Here I make you a present of the two men, and I will as you say present
myself, and then, if the gods vouchsafe, I will put myself at your head and lead you into
Hellas. Very different is your language from the tale I used to hear concerning you from
certain people, that you wanted to withdraw the army from allegiance to the
Lacedaemonians."
After this the deputation thanked him and retired, taking with them the two men; then
Cleander sacrificed as a preliminary to marching and consorted friendlily with Xenophon,
and the two struck up an alliance. 35 When the Spartan saw with what good discipline the
men carried out their orders, he was still more anxious to become their leader. However,
in spite of sacrifices repeated on three successive days, the victims steadily remained
unfavourable. So he summoned the generals and said to them: "The victims smile not on
me, they suffer me not to lead you home; but be not out of heart at that. To you it is
given, as it would appear, to bring your men safe home. Forwards then, and for our part,
whenever you come yonder, we will bestow on you as warm a welcome as we may."
Then the soldiers resolved to make him a present of the public cattle, which he
accepted, but again gave back to them. So he sailed away; but the soldiers made division
of the corn which they had collected and of the other captured property, and commenced
their homeward march through the territory of the Bithynians.
At first they confined themselves to the main road; but not chancing upon anything
whereby they might reach a friendly territory with something in their pockets for
themselves, they resolved to turn sharp round, and marched for one day and night in the
opposite direction. By this proceeding they captured many slaves and much small cattle;
and on the sixth day reached Chrysopolis in Chalcedonia[2]. Here they halted seven days
while they disposed of their booty by sale.
[2] The name should be written "Calchedonia." The false form drove out
the more correct, probably through a mispronunciation, based on a wrong derivation, at
some date long ago. The sites of Chrysopolis and Calchedon correspond respectively to the
modern Scutari and Kadikoi.
BOOK VII
[In the earlier portion of the narrative will be found a detailed history of the
fortunes of the Hellenes during their march up country with Cyrus down to the date of the
battle; and, subsequently to his death, until they reached the Euxine; as also of all
their doings in their efforts to escape from the Euxine, partly by land marches and partly
under sail by sea, until they found themselves outside the mouth of the Black Sea (south
of the Bosphorus) at Chrysopolis in Asia.]
I
At this point Pharnabazus, who was afraid that the army might 1 undertake a campaign
against his satrapy, sent to Anaxibius, the Spartan high admiral, who chanced to be in
Byzantium, and begged him to convey the army out of Asia, undertaking to comply with his
wishes in every respect. Anaxibius accordingly sent to summon the generals and officers to
Byzantium, and promised that the soldiers should not lack pay for service, if they crossed
the strait. The officers said that they would deliberate and return an answer. Xenophon
individually informed them that he was about to quit the army at once, and was only
anxious to set sail. Anaxibius pressed him not to be in so great a hurry: "Cross over
with the rest," he said, "and then it will be time enough to think about
quitting the army." This the other undertook to do.
Now Seuthes the Thracian sent Medosades and begged Xenophon to use his influence to get
the army across. "Tell Xenophon, if he will do his best for me in this matter, he
will not regret it." Xenophon answered: "The army is in any case going to cross;
so that, as far as that is concerned, Seuthes is under no obligation to me or to any one
else; 6 but as soon as it is once across, I personally shall be quit of it. Let Seuthes,
therefore, as far as he may deem consistent with prudence, apply to those who are going to
remain and will have a voice in affairs."
After this the whole body of troops crossed to Byzantium. But Anaxibius, instead of
proceeding to give pay, made proclamation that, "The soldiers were to take up their
arms and baggage and go forth," as if all he wished were to ascertain their numbers
and bid them god-speed at the same moment. The soldiers were not well pleased at that,
because they had no money to furnish themselves with provisions for the march; and they
sluggishly set about getting their baggage together. Xenophon meanwhile, being on terms of
intimacy with the governor, Cleander, came to pay his host a final visit, and bid him
adieu, being on the point of setting sail. But the other protested; "Do not do so, or
else," said he, "you will be blamed, for even now certain people are disposed to
hold you to account because the army is so slow in getting under weigh." The other
answered, "Nay, I am not to blame for that. It is the men themselves, who are in want
of provisions; that is why they are out of heart at their exodus." "All the
same," he replied, "I advise you to go out, as if you intended to march with
them, and when you are well outside, it will be time enough to take yourself off."
"Well then," said Xenophon, "we will go and arrange all this with
Anaxibius." They went and stated the case to the admiral, who insisted that they must
do as he had said, and march out, bag and baggage, by the quickest road; and as an
appendix to the former edict, he added, "Any one absenting himself from the review
and the muster will have himself to blame for the consequences." This was peremptory.
So out marched, the generals first, and then the rest; and now, with the exception of here
a man and there, they were all outside; it was a "clean sweep"; and Eteonicus
stood posted near the gates, ready to close them, as soon as the men were fairly out, and
to thrust in the bolt pin.
Then Anaxibius summoned the generals and captains, and addressed them: "Provisions
you had better get from the Thracian villages; you will 13 find plenty of barley, wheat,
and other necessaries in them; and when you have got them, off with you to the Chersonese,
where Cyniscus will take you into his service." Some of the soldiers overheard what
was said, or possibly one of the officers was the medium of communication; however it was,
the news was handed on to the army. As to the generals, their immediate concern was to try
and gain some information as to Seuthes: "Was he hostile or friendly? also, would
they have to march through the Sacred mountain[1], or round about through the middle of
Thrace?"
[1] So the mountain-range is named which runs parallel to the Propontis (Sea of
Marmora) from lat. 41 degress N. circa to lat. 40 degrees 30'; from Bisanthe (Rhodosto) to
the neck of the Chersonese (Gallipoli).
While they were discussing these points, the soldiers snatched up their arms and made a
rush full speed at the gates, with the intention of getting inside the fortification
again. But Eteonicus and his men, seeing the heavy infantry coming up at a run promptly
closed the gates and thrust in the bolt pin. Then the soldiers fell to battering the
gates, exclaiming that it was iniquitous to thrust them forth in this fashion into the
jaws of their enemies. "If you do not of your own accord open the gates," they
cried, "we will split them in half"; and another set rushed down to the sea, and
so along the break-water and over the wall into the city; while a third set, consisting of
those few who were still inside, having never left the city, seeing the affair at the
gates, severed the bars with axes and flung the portals wide open; and the rest came
pouring in.
Xenophon, seeing what was happening, was seized with alarm lest the army betake itself
to pillage, and ills incurable be wrought to the city, to himself, and to the soldiers.
Then he set off, and, plunging into the throng, was swept through the gates with the
crowd. The Byzantines no sooner saw the soldiers forcibly rushing in than they left the
open square, and fled, some to the shipping, others to their homes, while those already
indoors came racing out, and some fell to dragging down their ships of war, hoping
possibly to be safe on board these; while there was not a soul who doubted but that the
city was 19 taken, and that they were all undone. Eteonicus made a swift retreat to the
citadel. Anaxibius ran down to the sea, and, getting on board a fisherman's smack, sailed
round to the acropolis, and at once sent off to fetch over the garrison troops from
Chalcedon, since those already in the acropolis seemed hardly sufficient to keep the men
in check.
The soldiers, catching sight of Xenophon, threw themselves upon him, crying: "Now,
Xenophon, is the time to prove yourself a man. You have got a city, you have got triremes,
you have got money, you have got men; to-day, if you only chose, you can do us a good
turn, and we will make you a great man." He replied: "Nay, I like what you say,
and I will do it all; but if that is what you have set your hearts on, fall into rank and
take up position at once." This he said, wishing to quiet them, and so passed the
order along the lines himself, while bidding the rest to do the same: "Take up
position; stand easy." But the men themselves, by a species of self-marshalling, fell
into rank, and were soon formed, the heavy infantry eight deep, while the light infantry
had run up to cover either wing. The Thracian Square, as it is called, is a fine site for
manouvering, being bare of buildings and level. As soon as the arms were stacked and the
men's tempers cooled, Xenophon called a general meeting of the soldiers, and made the
following speech:--
"Soldiers, I am not surprised at your wrath, or that you deem it monstrous
treatment so to be cheated; but consider what will be the consequences if we gratify our
indignation, and in return for such deception, avenge ourselves on the Lacedaemonians here
present, and plunder an innocent city. We shall be declared enemies of the Lacedaemonians
and their allies; and what sort of war that will be, we need not go far to conjecture. I
take it, you have not forgotten some quite recent occurrences. We Athenians entered into
war against the Lacedaemonians and their allies with a fleet consisting of not less than
three hundred line-of-battle ships, including those in dock as well as those afloat. We
had vast treasures stored up in the city, and a yearly income which, derived from home or
foreign sources, amounted to no less than a thousand talents. Our empire included all the
27 islands, and we were possessed of numerous cities both in Asia and in Europe. Amongst
others, this very Byzantium, where we are now, was ours; and yet in the end we were
vanquished, as you all very well know.
"What, must we anticipate, will now be our fate? The Lacedaemonians have not only
their old allies, but the Athenians and those who were at that time allies of Athens are
added to them. Tissaphernes and all the rest of the Asiatics on the seaboard are our foes,
not to speak of our arch-enemy, the king himself, up yonder, whom we came to deprive of
his empire, and to kill, if possible. I ask then, with all these banded together against
us, is there any one so insensate as to imagine that we can survive the contest? For
heaven's sake, let us not go mad or loosely throw away our lives in war with our own
native cities--nay, our own friends, our kith and our kin; for in one or other of the
cities they are all included. Every city will march against us, and not unjustly, if,
after refusing to hold one single barbarian city by right of conquest, we seize the first
Hellenic city that we come to and make it a ruinous heap. For my part, my prayer is that
before I see such things wrought by you, I, at any rate, may lie ten thousand fathoms
under ground! My counsel to you, as Hellenes, is to try and obtain your just rights,
through obedience to those who stand at the head of Hellas; and if so be that you fail in
those demands, why, being more sinned against than sinning, need we rob ourselves of
Hellas too? At present, I propose that we should send to Anaxibius and tell him that we
have made an entrance into the city, not meditating violence, but merely to discover if he
and his will show us any good; for if so, it is well; but of otherwise, at least we will
let him see that he does not shut the door upon us as dupes and fools. We know the meaning
of discipline; we turn our backs and go."
This resolution was passed, and they sent Hieronymus an Eleian, with two others,
Eurylochus an Arcadian and Philesius an Achaean, to deliver the message. So these set off
on their errand. But while the soldiers were still seated in conclave, Coeratadas, of
Thebes, 33 arrived. He was a Theban not in exile, but with a taste for generalship, who
made it his business to see if any city or nation were in need of his services. Thus, on
the present occasion, he presented himself, and begged to state that he was ready to put
himself at their head, and lead them into the Delta of Thrace[2], as it is called, where
they would find themselves in a land of plenty; but until they got there, he would provide
them with meat and drink enough and to spare. While they were still listening to this
tale, the return message from Anaxibius came. His answer was: "The discipline, they
had spoken of, was not a thing they would regret; indeed he would report their behaviour
to the authorities at home; and for himself, he would take advice and do the best he could
for them."
[2] The exact locality, so called, is not known; doubtless it lay somewhere between
Byzantium and Salmydessus, possibly at Declus (mod. Derkos); or possibly the narrow
portion of Thrace between the Euxine, Bosphorus, and Propontis went by this name. See note
in Pretor ad. loc., and "Dict. Geog." "Thracia."
Thereupon the soldiers accepted Coeratadas as their general, and retired without the
walls. Their new general undertook to present himself to the troops next day with
sacrificial beasts and a soothsayer, with eatables also and drinkables for the army. Now,
as soon as they were gone out, Anaxibius closed the gates and issued a proclamation to the
effect that "any of the soldiers caught inside should be knocked down to the hammer
and sold at once." Next day, Coeratadas arrived with the victims and the soothsayer.
A string of twenty bearers bearing barleymeal followed at his heels, succeeded by other
twenty carrying wine, and three laden with a supply of olives, and two others carrying,
the one about as much garlic as a single man could lift, and the other a similar load of
onions. These various supplies he set down, apparently for distribution, and began to
sacrifice.
Now Xenophon sent to Cleander, begging him to arrange matters so that he might be
allowed to enter the walls, with a view to starting from Byzantium on his homeward voyage.
Cleander came, and this is what he 39 said: "I have come; but I was barely able to
arrange what you want. Anaxibius insisted: 'It was not convenient that Xenophon should be
inside while the soldiers are close to the walls without; the Byzantines at sixes and
sevens moreover; and no love lost between the one party of them and the other.' Still, he
ended by bidding you to come inside, if you were really minded to leave the town by sea
with himself." Accordingly Xenophon bade the soldiers good-bye, and returned with
Cleander within the walls.
To return to Coeratadas. The first day he failed to get favourable signs at the
sacrifice, and never a dole of rations did he make to the soldiers. On the second day the
victims were standing ready near the altar, and so was Coeratadas, with chaplet crowned,
all ready to sacrifice, when up comes Timasion the Dardanian, with Neon the Asinaean, and
Cleanor of Orchomenus, forbidding Coeratadas to sacrifice: "He must understand there
was an end to his generalship, unless he gave them provisions." The other bade them
measure out the supplies, "Pray, dole them out." But when he found that he had a
good deal short of a single day's provisions for each man, he picked up his paraphernalia
of sacrifice and withdrew. As to being general, he would have nothing more to say to it.
II
Now these five were left--Neon the Asinaean, Phryniscus the Achaean, 1 Philesius the
Achaean, Xanthicles the Achaean, Timasion the Dardanian--at the head of the army, and they
pushed on to some villages of the Thracians facing Byzantium, and there encamped. Now the
generals could not agree. Cleanor and Phryniscus wished to march to join Seuthes, who had
worked upon their feelings by presenting one with a horse and the other with a woman to
wife. But Neon's object was to come to the Chersonese: "When we are under the wing of
the Lacedaemonians," he thought, "I shall step to the front and command the
whole army."
Timasion's one ambition was to cross back again into Asia, hoping to be reinstated at
home and end his exile. The soldiers shared the wishes of the last general. But, as time
dragged on, many of the men sold their arms at different places and set sail as best they
could; others [actually gave away their arms, some here, some there, and[1]] 3 became
absorbed in the cities. One man rejoiced. This was Anaxibius, to whom the break-up of the
army was a blessing. "That is the way," he said to himself, "I can best
gratify Pharnabazus."
[1] The MSS. give the words so rendered--{oi de kai [didontes ta opla kata tous
khorous]}, which some critics emend {diadidontes}, others bracket as suspected, others
expunge.
But Anaxibius, while prosecuting his voyage from Byzantium, was met at Cyzicus by
Aristarchus, the new governor, who was to succeed Cleander at Byzantium; and report said
that a new admiral, Polus, if he had not actually arrived, would presently reach the
Hellespont and relieve Anaxibius. The latter sent a parting injunction to Aristarchus to
be sure and sell all the Cyreian soldiers he could lay hands on still lingering in
Byzantium; for Cleander had not sold a single man of them; on the contrary, he had made it
his business to tend the sick and wounded, pitying them, and insisting on their being
received in the houses. Aristarchus changed all that, and was no sooner arrived in
Byzantium than he sold no less than four hundred of them. Meanwhile Anaxibius, on his
coasting voyage, reached Parium, and, according to the terms of their agreement, he sent
to Pharnabazus. But the latter, learning that Aristarchus was the new governor at
Byzantim, and that Anixibius had ceased to be admiral, turned upon him a cold shoulder,
and set out concocting the same measures concerning the Cyreian army with Aristarchus, as
he had lately been at work upon with Anaxibius.
Anaxibius thereupon summoned Xenophon and bade him, by every manner of means, sail to
the army with the utmost speed, and keep it together. "He was to collect the
scattered fragments and march them down to Perinthus, and thence convey them across to
Asia without loss of time." And herewith he put a thirty-oared galley at his srrvice,
and gave him a letter of authority and an officer to accompany him, with an order to the
Perinthians "to escort Xenophon without delay on horseback to the army." So it
was that Xenophon sailed across and eventually reached the army. The soldiers gave him a
joyous welcome, and would have been only too glad to cross from Thrace into Asia under his
leadership.
But Seuthes, hearing that Xenophon had arrived, sent Medosades again, 10 by sea to meet
him, and begged him to bring the army to him; and whatever he thought would make his
speech persuasive, he was ready to promise him. But the other replied, that none of these
things were open to him to do; and with this answer Medosades departed, and the Hellenes
proceeded to Perinthus. Here on arrival Neon withdrew his troops and encamped apart,
having about eight hundred men; while the remainder of the army lay in one place under the
walls of Perinthus.
After this, Xenophon set himself to find vessels, so as to lose no time in crossing.
But in the interval Aristarchus, the governor from Byzantium, arrived with a couple of
war-ships, being moved to do so by Pharnabazus. To make doubly sure, he first forbade the
skippers and shipmasters to carry the troops across, and then he visited the camp and
informed the soldiers that their passage into Asia was forbidden. Xenophon replied that he
was acting under the orders of Anaxibius, who had sent him thither for this express
purpose; to which Aristarchus retorted, "For the matter of that, Anaxibius is no
longer admiral, and I am governor in this quarter; if I catch any of you at sea, I will
sink you." With these remarks he retired within the walls of Perinthus.
Next day, he sent for the generals and officers of the army. They had already reached
the fortification walls, when some one brought word to Xenophon that if he set foot
inside, he would be seized, and either meet some ill fate there or more likely be
delivered up to Pharnabazus. On hearing this Xenophon sent forward the rest of the party,
but for himself pleaded that there was a sacrifice which he wished to offer. In this way
he contrived to turn back and consult the victims, "Would the gods allow him to try
and bring the army over to Seuthes?" On the one hand it was plain that the idea of
crossing over to Asia in the face of this man with his ships of war, who meant to bar the
passage, was too dangerous. Nor did he altogether like the notion of being blocked up in
the Chersonese with an army in dire need of everything; where, besides being at the beck
and call of the 15 governor of the place, they would be debarred from the necessities of
life.
While Xenophon was thus employed, the generals and officers came back with a message
from Aristarchus, who had told them they might retire for the present, but in the
afternoon he would expect them. The former suspicions of a plot had now ripened to a
certainty. Xenophon meantime had ascertained that the victims were favourable to his
project. He personally, and the army as a whole, might with safety proceed to Seuthes,
they seemed to say. Accordingly, he took with him Polycrates, the Athenian captain, and
from each of the generals, not including Neon, some one man whom they could in each case
trust, and in the night they set off to visit the army of Seuthes, sixty furlongs distant.
As they approached, they came upon some deserted watch-fires, and their first
impression was that Seuthes had shifted his position; but presently perceiving a confused
sound (the voices of Seuthes' people signalling to one another), the explanation dawned on
him: Seuthes kept his watch-fires kindled in front of, instead of behind, his night
pickets, in order that the outposts, being in the dark, might escape notice, their numbers
and position thus being a mystery; whilst any party approaching from the outside, so far
from escaping notice, would, through the glare of the fire, stand out conspicuously.
Perceiving how matters stood, Xenophon sent forward his interpreter, who was one of the
party, and bade him inform Seuthes that Xenophon was there and craved conference with him.
The others asked if he were an Athenian from the army yonder, and no sooner had the
interpreter replied, "Yes, the same," than up they leapt and galloped off; and
in less time than it takes to tell a couple of hundred peltasts had come up who seized and
carried off Xenophon and those with him and brought them to Seuthes. The latter was in a
tower right well guarded, and there were horses round it in a circle, standing all ready
bitted and bridled; for his alarm was so great that he gave his horses their provender
during the day[2], and during the nights he kept watch and 21 ward with the brutes thus
bitted and bridled. It was stated in explanation that in old days an ancestor of his,
named Teres, had been in this very country with a large army, several of whom he had lost
at the hands of the native inhabitants, besides being robbed of his baggage train. The
inhabitants of the country are Thynians, and they are reputed to be far the most warlike
set of fighters--especially at night.
[2] I.e. "instead of letting them graze."
When they drew near, Seuthes bade Xenophon enter, and bring with him any two he might
choose. As soon as they were inside, they first greeted one another warmly, and then,
according to the Thracian custom, pledged themselves in bowls of wine. There was further
present at the elbow of Seuthes, Medosades, who on all occasions acted as his
ambassador-in-chief. Xenophon took the initiative and spoke as follows: "You have
sent to me, Seuthes, once and again. On the first occasion you sent Medosades yonder, to
Chalcedon, and you begged me to use my influence in favour of the army crossing over from
Asia. You promised me, in return for this conduct on my part, various kindnesses; at least
that is what Medosades stated"; and before proceeding further he turned to Medosades
and asked, "Is not that so?" The other assented. "Again, on a second
occasion, the same Medosades came when I had crossed over from Parium to rejoin the army;
and he promised me that if I would bring you the army, you would in various respects treat
me as a friend and brother. He said especially with regard to certain seaboard places of
which you are the owner and lord, that you were minded to make me a present of them."
At this point he again questioned Medosades, "Whether the words attributed to him
were exact?" and Medosades once more fully assented. "Come now," proceeded
Xenophon, "recount what answer I made you, and first at Chalcedon." "You
answered that the army was, in any case, about to cross over to Byzantium; and as far as
that went, there was no need to pay you or any one else anything; and for yourself, you
added, that once across you were minded to leave the army, which thing came to pass even
as you said." "Well! what did I say," he asked, "at your next visit,
when 28 you came to me in Selybria?" "You said that the proposal was impossible;
you were all going to Perinthus to cross into Asia." "Good," said Xenophon,
"and in spite of it all, at the present moment, here I am myself, and Phryniscus, one
of my colleagues, and Polycrates yonder, a captain; and outside, to represent the other
generals (all except Neon the Laconian), the trustiest men they could find to send. So
that if you wish to give these transactions the seal of still greater security, you have
nothing to do but to summon them also; and do you, Polycrates, go and say from me, that I
bid them leave their arms outside, and you can leave your own sword outside before you
enter with them on your return."
When Seuthes had heard so far, he interposed: "I should never mistrust an
Athenian, for we are relatives already[3], I know; and the best of friends, I believe, we
shall be." After that, as soon as the right men entered, Xenophon first questioned
Seuthes as to what use he intended to make of the army, and he replied as follows:
"Maesades was my father; his sway extended over the Melanditae, the Thynians, and the
Tranipsae. Then the affairs of the Odrysians took a bad turn, and my father was driven out
of this country, and later on died himself of sickness, leaving me to be brought up as an
orphan at the court of Medocus, the present king. But I, when I had grown to man's estate,
could not endure to live with my eyes fixed on another's board. So I seated myself on the
seat by him as a suppliant, and begged him to give me as many men as he could spare, that
I might wreak what mischief I could on those who had driven us forth from our land; that
thus I might cease to live in dependence upon another's board, like a dog watching his
master's hand. In answer to my petition, he gave me 34 the men and the horses which you
will see at break of day, and nowadays I live with these, pillaging my own ancestral land.
But if you would join me, I think, with the help of heaven, we might easily recover my
empire. That is what I want of you." "Well then," said Xenophon,
"supposing we came, what should you be able to give us? the soldiers, the officers,
and the generals? Tell us that these witnesses may report your answer." And he
promised to give "to the common soldiers a cyzicene[4], to a captain twice as much,
and to a general four times as much, with as much land as ever they liked, some yoke of
oxen, and a fortified place upon the seaboard." "But now supposing," said
Xenophon, "we fail of success, in spite of our endeavours; suppose any intimidation
on the part of the Lacedaemonians should arise; will you receive into your country any of
us who may seek to find a refuge with you?" He answered: "Nay, not only so, but
I shall look upon you as my brothers, entitled to share my seat, and the joint possessors
of all the wealth which we may be able to acquire. And to you yourself, O Xenophon! I will
give my daughter, and if you have a daughter, I will buy her in Thracian fashion; and I
will give you Bisanthe as a dwelling-place, which is the fairest of all my possessions on
the seaboard[5]."
[3] Tradition said that the Thracians and Athenians were connected, through the
marriage of a former prince Tereus (or Teres) with Procne, the daughter of Pandion. This
old story, discredited by Thucydides, ii. 29, is referred to in Arist. "Birds,"
368 foll. The Birds are about to charge the two Athenian intruders, when Epops, king of
the Birds, formerly Tereus, king of Thrace, but long ago transformed into a hoopoe,
intercedes in behalf of two men, {tes emes gunaikos onte suggene kai phuleta}, "who
are of my lady's tribe and kin." As a matter of history, the Athenians had in the
year B.C. 431 made alliance with Sitalces, king of the Odrysians (the son of Teres, the
first founder of their empire), and made his son, Sadocus, an Athenian citizen. Cf. Thuc.
ib.; Arist. Acharnians, 141 foll.
[4] A cyzicene monthly is to be understood.
[5] Bisanthe, one of the Ionic colonies founded by Samos, with the Thracian name
Rhaedestus (now Rodosto), strongly placed so as to command the entrance into the Sacred
mountain.
III
After listening to these proposals, they gave and accepted pledges of 1 good faith; and
so the deputation rode off. Before day they were back again in camp, and severally
rendered a report to those who sent them. At dawn Aristarchus again summoned the generals
and officers, but the latter resolved to have done with the visit to Aristarchus, and to
summon a meeting of the army. In full conclave the soldiers met, with the exception of
Neon's men, who remained about ten furlongs off. When they were met together Xenophon
rose, and made the following announcement: "Men, Aristarchus with his ships of war
hinders us from sailing where we fain would go; it is not even safe to set foot on 3 board
a vessel. But if he hinders us here, he hastens us there. 'Be off to the Chersonese,' says
he, 'force a passage through the Sacred mountain.' If we master it and succeed in getting
to that place, he has something in store for us. He promises that he will not sell you any
more, as he did at Byzantium; you shall not be cheated again; you shall have pay; he will
no longer, as now, suffer you to remain in want of provisions. That is his proposal. But
Seuthes says that if you will go to him he will treat you well. What you have now to
consider is, whether you will stay to debate this question, or leave its settlement till
we have gone up into a land of provisions. If you ask me my opinion, it is this: Since
here we have neither money to buy, nor leave to take without money what we need, why
should we not go up into these villages where the right to help ourselves is conferred by
might? There, unhampered by the want of bare necessaries, you can listen to what this man
and the other wants of you and choose whichever sounds best. Let those," he added,
"who agree to this, hold up their hands." They all held them up. "Retire
then," said he, "and get your kit together, and at the word of command, follow
your leader."
After this, Xenophon put himself at the head and the rest followed. Neon, indeed, and
other agents from Aristarchus tried to turn them from their purpose, but to their
persuasions they turned a deaf ear. They had not advanced much more than three miles, when
Seuthes met them; and Xenophon, seeing him, bade him ride up. He wished to tell him what
they felt to be conducive to their interests, and in the presence of as many witnesses as
possible. As soon as he had approached, Xenophon said: "We are going where the troops
will have enough to live upon; when we are there, we will listen to you and to the
emissaries of the Laconian, and choose between you both whatever seems best. If then you
will lead us where provisions are to be got in plenty, we shall feel indebted to you for
your hospitality." And Seuthes answered: "For the matter of that, I know many
villages, close-packed and stocked with all kinds of provisions, just far enough 9 off to
give you a good appetite for your breakfasts." "Lead on then!" said
Xenophon. When they had reached the villages in the afternoon, the soldiers met, and
Seuthes made the following speech: "My request to you, sirs, is that you will take
the field with me, and my promise to you is that I will give every man of you a cyzicene,
and to the officers and generals at the customary rate; besides this I will honour those
who show special merit. Food and drink you shall get as now for yourselves from the
country; but whatever is captured, I shall claim to have myself, so that by distribution
of it I may provide you with pay. Let them flee, let them creep into hiding-places, we
shall be able to pursue after them, we will track them out; or if they resist, along with
you we will endeavour to subdue them to our hands." Xenophon inquired: "And how
far from the sea shall you expect the army to follow you?" "Nowhere more than
seven days' journey," he answered, "and in many places less."
After this, permission was given for all who wished to speak, and many spoke, but ever
to one and the same tune: "What Seuthes said, was very right. It was winter, and for
a man to sail home, even if he had the will to do so, was impossible. On the other hand,
to continue long in a friendly country, where they must depend upon what they could
purchase, was equally beyond their power. If they were to wear away time and support life
in a hostile country, it was safer to do so with Seuthes than by themselves, not to speak
of all these good things; but if they were going to get pay into the bargain, that indeed
was a godsend." To complete the proceedings, Xenophon said: "If any one opposes
the measure, let him state his views; if not, let the officer put the proposition to the
vote." No one opposed; they put it to the vote, and the resolution was carried; and
without loss of time, he informed Seuthes that they would take the field with him.
After this the troops messed in their separate divisions, but the generals and officers
were invited by Seuthes to dinner at a neighbouring village which was in his possession.
When they were at the doors, and on the point of stepping in to dinner, they were met by
16 a certain Heracleides, of Maronea[1]. He came up to each guest, addressing himself
particularly to those who, as he conjectured, ought to be able to make a present to
Seuthes. He addressed himself first to some Parians who were there to arrange a friendship
with Medocus, the king of the Odrysians, and were bearers of presents to the king and to
his wife. Heracleides reminded them: "Medocus is up country twelve days' journey from
the sea; but Seuthes, now that he has got this army, will be lord on the sea-coast; as
your neighbour, then, he is the man to do you good or do you ill. If you are wise, you
will give him whatever he askes of you. On the whole, it will be laid out at better
interest than if you have it to Medocus, who lives so far off." That was his mode of
persuasion in their case. Next he came to Timasion the Dardanian, who, some one had told
him, was the happy possessor of certain goblets and oriental carpets. What he said to him
was: "It is customary when people are invited to dinner by Seuthes for the guests to
make him a present; now if he should become a great person in these parts, he will be able
to restore you to your native land, or to make you a rich man here." Such were the
solicitations which he applied to each man in turn whom he accosted. Presently he came to
Xenophon and said: "You are at once a citizen of no mean city, and with Seuthes also
your own name is very great. Maybe you expect to obtain a fort or two in this country,
just as others of your countrymen have done[2], and territory. It is only right and proper
therefore that you should honour Seuthes in the most magnificent style. Be sure, I give
this advice out of pure friendliness, for I know that the greater the gift that you are
ready to bestow on him, the better the treatment you will receive at his hands."
Xenophon, on hearing this, was in a sad dilemma, for he had brought with him, when he
crossed from Parium, nothing but one boy and just enough to pay his travelling expenses.
[1] A Greek colony in Thrace. Among Asiatico-Ionian colonies were Abdera, founded
by Teos, and Maroneia, celebrated for its wine, founded by Chios about 540 B.C.--Kiepert,
"Man. Anct. Geog." viii. 182.
[2] Notably Alcibiades, who possessed two or three such fortresses.
As soon as the company, consisting of the most powerful Thracians 21 there present,
with the generals and captains of the Hellenes, and any embassy from a state which might
be there, had arrived, they were seated in a circle, and the dinner was served. Thereupon
three-legged stools were brought in and placed in front of the assembled guests. They were
laden with pieces of meat, piled up, and there were huge leavened-loaves fastened on to
the pieces of meat with long skewers. The tables, as a rule, were set beside the guests at
intervals. That was the custom; and Seuthes set the fashion of the performance. He took up
the loaves which lay by his side and broke them into little pieces, and then threw the
fragments here to one and there to another as seemed to him good; and so with the meat
likewise, leaving for himself the merest taste. Then the rest fell to following the
fashion set them, those that is who had tables placed beside them.
Now there was an Arcadian, Arystas by name, a huge eater; he soon got tired of throwing
the pieces about, and seized a good three-quarters loaf in his two hands, placed some
pieces of meat upon his knees, and proceeded to discuss his dinner. Then beakers of wine
were brought round, and every one partook in turn; but when the cupbearer came to Arystas
and handed him the bowl, he looked up, and seeing that Xenophon had done eating:
"Give it him," quoth he, "he is more at leisure. I have something better to
do at present." Seuthes, hearing a remark, asked the cupbearer what was said, and the
cupbearer, who knew how to talk Greek, explained. Then followed a peal of laughter.
When the drinking had advanced somewhat, in came a Thracian with a white horse, who
snatched the brimming bowl and said: "Here's a health to thee, O Seuthes! Let me
present thee with this horse. Mounted on him, thou shalt capture whom thou choosest to
pursue, or retiring from battle, thou shalt not dread the foe." He was followed by
one who brought in a boy, and presented him in proper style with "Here's a health to
thee, O Seuthes!" A third had "clothes for his wife." Timasion, the
Dardanian, pledged Seuthes, and presented a silver bowl[3] and a carpet worth ten minae.
Gnesippus, an Athenian, got up 28 and said: "It was a good old custom, and a fine one
too, that those who had, should give to the king for honour's sake, but to those who had
not, the king should give; whereby, my lord," he added, "I too may one day have
the wherewithal to give thee gifts and honour." Xenophon the while was racking his
brains what he was to do; he was not the happier because he was seated in the seat next
Seuthes as a mark of honour; and Heracleides bade the cupbearer hand him the bowl. The
wine had perhaps a little mounted to his head; he rose, and manfully seized the cup, and
spoke: "I also, Seuthes, have to present you with myself and these my dear comrades
to be your trusty friends, and not one of them against his will. They are more ready, one
and all, still more than I, to be your friends. Here they are; they ask nothing from you
in return, rather they are forward to labour in your behalf; it will be their pleasure to
bear the brunt of battle in voluntary service. With them, God willing, you will gain vast
territory; you will recover what was once your forefathers'; you will win for yourself new
lands; and not lands only, but horses many, and of men a multitude, and many a fair dame
besides. You will not need to seize upon them in robber fashion; it is your friends here
who, of their own accord, shall take and bring them to you, they shall lay them at your
feet as gifts." Up got Seuthes and drained with him the cup, and with him sprinkled
the last drops fraternally[4].
[3] Or rather "saucer" ({phiale}).
[4] For the Thracian custom, vide Suidas, s.v. {kataskedazein}.
At this stage entered musicians blowing upon horns such as they use for signal calls,
and trumpeting on trumpets, made of raw oxhide, tunes and airs, like the music of the
double-octave harp[5]. Seuthes himself got up and shouted, trolling forth a war song; then
he sprang from his place and leapt about as though he would guard himself against a
missile, in right nimble style. Then came in a set of clowns and jesters.
[5] Or, "magadis." This is said to have been one of the most perfect
instruments. It comprised two full octaves, the left hand playing the same notes as the
right an octave lower. Guhl and Koner, p. 203, Engl. transl. See also "Dict.
Antiq." "Musica"; and Arist. "Polit." xix. 18, {Dia ti e dia
pason sumphonia adetai mone; magasizousi gar tauten, allen de oudemian}, i.e. "since
no interval except the octave ({dia pason}) could be 'magidised' (the effect of any other
is well known to be intolerable), therefore no other interval was employed at all."
But when the sun began to set, the Hellenes rose from their seats. It 33 was time, they
said, to place the night sentinels and to pass the watchword; further, they begged of
Seuthes to issue an order that none of the Thracians were to enter the Hellenic camp at
night, "since between your Thracian foes and our Thracian friends there might be some
confusion." As they sallied forth, Seuthes rose to accompany them, like the soberest
of men. When they were outside, he summoned the generals apart and said: "Sirs, our
enemies are not aware as yet of our alliance. If, therefore, we attack them before they
take precautions not to be caught, or are prepared to repel assault, we shall make a fine
haul of captives and other stock." The generals fully approved of these views, and
bade him lead on. He answered: "Prepare and wait; as soon as the right time comes I
will be with you. I shall pick up the peltasts and yourselves, and with the help of the
gods, I will lead on." "But consider one point," urged Xenophon; "if
we are to march by night, is not the Hellenic fashion best? When marching in the daytime
that part of the army leads the van which seems best suited to the nature of the country
to be traversed--heavy or light infantry, or cavalry; but by night our rule is that the
slowest arm should take the lead. Thus we avoid the risk of being pulled to pieces: and it
is not so easy for a man to give his neighbour the slip without intending, whereas the
scattered fragments of an army are apt to fall foul of one another, and to cause damage or
incur it in sheer ignorance." To this Seuthes replied: "You reason well, and I
will adopt your custom. I will furnish you with guides chosen from the oldest experts of
the country, and I will myself follow with the cavalry in the rear; it will not take me
long, if need be, to present myself at the front." Then, for kinship's sake, they
chose "Athenaia[6]" as their watchword. With this, they turned and sought
repose.
[6] "Our Lady of Athens."
It was about midnight when Seuthes presented himself with his cavalry troopers armed
with corselets, and his light infantry under arms. As 40 soon as he had handed over to
them the promised guides, the heavy infantry took the van, followed by the light troops in
the centre, while the cavalry brought up the rear. At daybreak Seuthes rode up to the
front. He complimented them on their method: so often had he himself, while marching by
night with a mere handful of men, been separated with his cavalry from his infantry.
"But now," said he, "we find ourselves at dawn of day all happily together,
just as we ought to be. Do you wait for me here," he proceeded, "and recruit
yourselves. I will take a look round and rejoin you." So saying he took a certain
path over hill and rode off. As soon as he had reached deep snow, he looked to see whether
there were footprints of human beings leading forward or in the opposite direction; and
having satisfied himself that the road was untrodden, back he came, exclaiming: "God
willing, sirs, it will be all right; we shall fall on the fellows, before they know where
they are. I will lead on with the cavalry; so that if we catch sight of any one, he shall
not escape and give warning to the enemy. Do you follow, and if you are left behind, keep
to the trail of the horses. Once on the other side of the mountains, we shall find
ourselves in numerous thriving villages."
By the middle of the day he had already gained the top of the pass and looked down upon
the villages below. Back he came riding to the heavy infantry and said: "I will at
once send off the cavalry into the plain below, and the peltasts too, to attack the
villages. Do you follow with what speed you may, so that in case of resistance you may
lend us your aid." Hearing this, Xenophon dismounted, and the other asked: "Why
do you dismount just when speed is the thing we want?" The other answered: "But
you do not want me alone, I am sure. The hoplites will run all the quicker and more
cheerily if I lead them on foot."
Thereupon Seuthes went off, and Timasion with him, taking the Hellene squadron of
something like forty troopers. Then Xenophon passed the order: the active young fellows up
to thirty years of age from the different companies to the front; and off with these he
went himself, bowling along[7]; while Cleanor led the other Hellenes. When they had 46
reached the villages, Seuthes, with about thirty troopers, rode up, exclaiming:
"Well, Xenophon, this is just what you said! the fellows are caught, but now look
here. My cavalry have gone off unsupported; they are scattered in pursuit, one here, one
there, and upon my word, I am more than half afraid the enemy will collect somewhere and
do them a mischief. Some of us must remain in the villages, for they are swarming with
human beings." "Well then," said Xenophon, "I will seize the heights
with the men I have with me, and do you bid Cleanor extend his line along the level beside
the villages." When they had done so, there were enclosed--of captives for the slave
market, one thousand; of cattle, two thousand; and of other small cattle, ten thousand.
For the time being they took up quarters there.
[7] {etropkhaze}, a favourite word with our author. Herodotus uses it; so does
Aristot.; so also Polybius; but the Atticists condemn it, except of course in poetry.
IV
But the next day Seuthes burnt the villages to the ground; he left not 1 a single
house, being minded to inspire terror in the rest of his enemies, and to show them what
they also were to expect, if they refused obedience; and so he went back again. As to the
booty, he sent off Heracliedes to Perinthus to dispose of it, with a view to future pay
for the soldiers. But for himself he encamped with the Hellenes in the lowland country of
the Thynians, the natives leaving the flats and betaking themselves in flight to the
uplands.
There was deep snow, and cold so intense that the water brought in for dinner and the
wine within the jars froze; and many of the Hellenes had their noses and ears
frost-bitten. Now they came to understand why the Thracians wear fox-skin caps on their
heads and about their ears; and why, on the same principle, they are frocked not only
about the chest and bust but so as to cover the loins and thighs as well; and why on
horseback they envelop themselves in long shawls which reach down to the feet, instead of
the ordinary short rider's cloak. Seuthes sent off some of the prisoners to the hills with
a message to say that if they did not come down to their homes, and live quietly and obey
him, he would burn down their villages and their corn, and leave them 5 to perish with
hunger. Thereupon down they came, women and children and the older men; the younger men
preferred to quarter themselves in the villages on the skirts of the hills. On discovering
this, Seuthes bade Xenophon take the youngest of the heavy infantry and join him on an
expedition. They rose in the night, and by daybreak had reached the villages; but the
majority of the inhabitants made good their escape, for the hills were close at hand.
Those whom he did catch, Seuthes unsparingly shot down.
Now there was a certain Olynthian, named Episthenes; he was a great lover of boys, and
seeing a handsome lad, just in the bloom of youth, and carrying a light shield, about to
be slain, he ran up to Xenophon and supplicated him to rescue the fair youth. Xenophon
went to Seuthes and begged him not to put the boy to death. He explained to him the
disposition of Episthenes; how he had once enrolled a company, the only qualification
required being that of personal beauty; and with these handsome young men at his side
there were none so brave as he. Seuthes put the question, "Would you like to die on
his behalf, Episthenes?" whereat the other stretched out his neck, and said,
"Strike, if the boy bids you, and will thank his preserver." Seuthes, turning to
the boy, asked, "Shall I smite him instead of you?" The boy shook his head,
imploring him to slay neither the one nor the other, whereupon Episthenes caught the lad
in his arms, exclaiming, "It is time you did battle with me, Seuthes, for my boy;
never will I yield him up," and Seuthes laughed: "what must be must," and
so consented.
In these villages he decided that they must bivouac, so that the men on the mountains
might be still further deprived of subsistence. Stealthily descending he himself found
quarters in the plain; while Xenophon with his picked troops encamped in the highest
village on the skirts of the hills,; and the rest of the Hellenes hard by, among the
highland Thracians[1], as they are called.
[1] Cf. "Highlanders."
After this, not many days had idly slipt away before the Thracians from the mountains
came down and wished to arrange with Seuthes for 12 terms of truce and hostages.
Simultaneously came Xenophon and informed Seuthes that they were camped in bad quarters,
with the enemy next door; "it would be pleasanter too," he added, "to
bivouac in a strong position in the open, than under cover on the edge of
destruction." The other bade him take heart and pointed to some of their hostages, as
much as to say "Look there!" Parties also from the mountaineers came down and
pleaded with Xenophon himself, to help arrange a truce for them. This he agreed to do,
bidding them to pluck up heart, and assuring them that they would meet with no mischief,
if they yielded obedience to Seuthes. All their parleying, however, was, as it turned out,
merely to get a closer inspection of things. This happened in the day, and in the
following night the Thynians descended from the hill country and made an attack. In each
case, the guide was the master of the house attacked; otherwise it would have taxed their
powers to discover the houses in the dark, which, for the sake of their flocks and herds,
were palisaded all round with great stockades. As soon as they had reached the doors of
any particular house, the attack began, some hurling in their spears, others belabouring
with their clubs, which they carried, it was said, for the purpose of knocking off the
lance points from the shaft. Others were busy setting the place on fire; and they kept
calling Xenophon by name: "Come out, Xenophon, and die like a man, or we will roast
you alive inside."
By this time too the flames were making their appearance through the roof, and Xenophon
and his followers were within, with their coats of mail on, and big shields, swords, and
helmets. Then Silanus, a Macistian[2], a youth of some eighteen years, signalled on the
trumpet; and in an instant, out they all leapt with their drawn swords, and the inmates of
other quarters as well. The Thracians took to their heels, according to their custom,
swinging their light shields round their backs. As they leapt over the stockade some were
captured, hanging on the top with their shields caught in the palings; others missed the
way out, and so were slain; and the Hellenes chased them hotly, till they were outside the
village.
[2] "Of Macistus," a town in the Triphylia near Scillus.
A party of Thynians turned back, and as the men ran past in bold 18 relief against a
blazing house, they let fly a volley of javelins, out of the darkness into the glare, and
wounded two captains, Hieronymus, an Euodean[3], and Theogenes, a Locrian. No one was
killed, only the clothes and baggage of some of the men were consumed in the flames.
Presently up came Seuthes to the rescue with seven troopers, the first to hand, and his
Thracian trumpeteer by his side. Seeing that something had happened, he hastened to the
rescue, and ever the while his bugler wound his horn, which music added terror to the foe.
Arrived at length, he greeted them with outstretched hand, exclaiming, "I thought to
find you all dead men."
[3] If this is the same man as Hieronymus of Elis, who has been mentioned two or
three times already, possibly the word {Euodea} points to some town or district of Elis;
or perhaps the text is corrupt.
After that, Xenophon begged him to hand over the hostages to himself, and if so
disposed, to join him on an expedition to the hills, or if not, to let him go alone.
Accordingly the next day Seuthes delivered up the hostages. They were men already advanced
in years, but the pick of the mountaineers, as they themselves gave out. Not merely did
Seuthes do this, but he came himself, with his force at his back (and by this time he had
treble his former force, for many of the Odrysians, hearing of his proceedings, came down
to join in the campaign); and the Thynians, espying from the mountains the vast array of
heavy infantry and light infantry and cavalry, rank upon rank, came down and supplicated
him to make terms. "They were ready," they professed, "to do all that he
demanded; let him take pledges of their good faith." So Seuthes summoned Xenophon and
explained their proposals, adding that he should make no terms with them, if Xenophon
wished to punish them for their night attack. The latter replied: "For my part, I
should think their punishment is great enough already, if they are to be slaves instead of
free men; still," he added, "I advise you for the future to take as hostages
those who are most capable of doing mischief, and to let the old men abide in peace at
home." So to a man they gave in their adhesion in that quarter of the country.
V
Crossing over in the direction of the Thracians above Byzantium, they 1 reached the
Delta, as it is called. Here they were no longer in the territory of the Maesades, but in
the country of Teres the Odrysian [an ancient worthy[1]]. Here Heracleides met them with
the proceeds of the spoil, and Seuthes picked out three pairs of mules (there were only
three, the other teams being oxen); then he summoned Xenophon and bade him take them, and
divide the rest between the generals and officers, to which Xenophon replied that for
himself, he was content to receive his share another time, but added: "Make a present
of these to my friends here, the generals who have served with me, and to the
officers." So of the pairs of mules Timasion the Dardanian received one, Cleanor the
Orchomenian one, and Phryniscus the Achaean one. The teams of oxen were divided among the
officers. Then Seuthes proceeded to remit pay due for the month already passed, but all he
could give was the equivalent of twenty days. Heracleides insisted that this was all he
had got by his trafficking. Whereupon Xenophon with some warmth exclaimed: "Upon my
word, Heracleides, I do not think you care for Seuthes' interest as you should. If you
did, you have been at pains to bring back the full amount of the pay, even if you had had
to raise a loan to do so, and, if by no other means, by selling the coat off your own
back."
[1] See above re previous Teres. The words "an ancient worthy" may
possibly be an editor's or commentator's note.
What he said annoyed Heracleides, who was afraid of being ousted from the friendship of
Seuthes, and from that day forward he did his best to calumniate Xenophon before Seuthes.
The soldiers, on their side, laid the blame of course on Xenophon: "Where was their
pay?" and Seuthes was vexed with him for persistently demanding it for them. Up to
this date he had frequently referred to what he would do when he got to the seaboard
again; how he intended to hand over to him Bisanthe, Ganos, and Neontichos[2]. But from
this time forward he never mentioned one of them again. The slanderous tongue of
Heracleides had whispered him:--it was not safe to hand over fortified 8 towns to a man
with a force at his back.
[2] For Bisanthe see above. Ganos, a little lower down the coast, with Neontichos
once belonged to Alcibiades, if we may believe Cornelius Nepos, "Alc." vii. 4,
and Plutarch, "Alc." c. 36. See above.
Consequently Xenophon fell to considering what he ought to do as regards marching any
further up the country; and Heracleides introduced the other generals to Seuthes, urging
them to say that they were quite as well able to lead the army as Xenophon, and promising
them that within a day or two they should have full pay for two months, and he again
implored them to continue the campaign with Seuthes. To which Timasion replied that for
his part he would continue no campaign without Xenophon; not even if they were to give him
pay for five months; and what Timasion said, Phryniscus and Cleanor repeated; the views of
all three coincided.
Seuthes fell to upbraiding Heracleides in round terms. "Why had he not invited
Xenophon with the others?" and presently they invited him, but by himself alone. He,
perceiving the knavery of Heracleides, and that his object was to calumniate him with the
other generals, presented himself; but at the same time he took care to bring all the
generals and the officers. After their joint consent had been secured, they continued the
campaign. Keeping the Pontus on their right, they passed through the millet-eating[3]
Thracians, as they are called, and reached Salmydessus. This is a point at which many
trading vessels bound for the Black Sea run aground and are wrecked, owing to a sort of
marshy ledge or sandbank which runs out for a considerable distance into the sea[4]. The
Thracians, who dwell in these parts, have set up pillars as boundary marks, and each set
of them has the pillage of its own flotsom and jetsom; for in old days, before they set up
these landmarks, the wreckers, it is said, used freely to fall foul of and slay one
another. Here was a rich treasure trove, of beds and boxes 14 numberless, with a mass of
written books, and all the various things which mariners carry in their wooden chests.
Having reduced this district, they turned round and went back again. By this time the army
of Seuthes had grown to be considerably larger than the Hellenic army; for on the one
hand, the Odrysians flocked down in still larger numbers, and on the other, the tribes
which gave in their adhesion from time to time were amalgamated with his armament. They
got into quarters on the flat country above Selybria at about three miles[5] distance from
the sea. As to pay, not a penny was as yet forthcoming, and the soldiers were cruelly
disaffected to Xenophon, whilst Seuthes, on his side, was no longer so friendlily
disposed. If Xenophon ever wished to come face to face with him, want of leisure or some
other difficulty always seemed to present itself.
[3] Or, "the Melinophagi."
[4] See, for a description of this savage coast, Aesch. "Prom." vinc.
726, etc.--
"{trakheia pontou Salmudesia gnathos ekhthroxenos nautaisi, metruia
neon.}"
"The rugged Salmudesian jaw of the Black Sea, Inhospitable to sailors,
stepmother of ships."
But the poet is at fault in his geography, since he connects "the Salmydesian
jaw" with the Thermodon.
[5] Lit. "thirty stades." Selybria is about fourty-four miles from
Byzantium, two-thirds of the way to Perinthus.
VI
At this date, when nearly two months had already passed, an embassy 1 arrived. These
were two agents from Thibron--Charminus, a Lacedaemonian, and Polynicus. They were sent to
say that the Lacedaemonians had resolved to open a campaign against Tissaphernes, and that
Thibron, who had set sail to conduct the war, was anxious to avail himself of the troops.
He could guarantee that each soldier should receive a daric a month as pay, the officers
double pay, and the generals quadruple. The Lacedaemonian emissaries had no sooner arrived
than Heracleides, having learnt that they had come in search of the Hellenic troops, goes
off himself to Seuthes and says: "The best thing that could have happened; the
Lacedaemonians want these troops and you have done with them, so that if you hand over the
troops to them, you will do the Lacedaemonians a good turn and will cease to be bothered
for pay any more. The country will be quit of them once and for ever."
On hearing this Seuthes bade him introduce the emissaries. As soon as they had stated
that the object of their coming was to treat for the Hellenic troops, he replied that he
would willingly give them up, that his one desire was to be the friend and ally of
Lacedaemon. So he invited them to partake of hospitality, and entertained them 3
magnificently; but he did not invite Xenophon, nor indeed any of the other generals.
Presently the Lacedaemonians asked: "What sort of man is Xenophon?" and Seuthes
answered: "Not a bad fellow in most respects; but he is too much the soldiers'
friend; and that is why it goes ill with him." They asked: "Does he play the
popular leader?" and Heracleides answered: "Exactly so." "Well
then," said they, "he will oppose our taking away the troops, will he not?"
"To be sure he will," said Heracleides; "but you have only to call a
meeting of the whole body, and promise them pay, and little further heed will they pay to
him; they will run off with you." "How then are we to get them collected?"
they asked. "Early to-morrow," said Heracleides, "we will bring you to
them; and I know," he added once more, "as soon as they set eyes on you, they
will flock to you with alacrity." Thus the day ended.
The next day Seuthes and Heracleides brought the two Laconian agents to the army, and
the troops were collected, and the agents made a statement as follows: "The
Lacedaemonians have resolved on war with Tissaphernes, who did you so much wrong. By going
with us therefore you will punish your enemy, and each of you will get a daric a month,
the officers twice that sum, and the generals quadruple." The soldiers lent willing
ears, and up jumped one of the Arcadians at once, to find fault with Xenophon. Seuthes
also was hard by, wishing to know what was going to happen. He stood within ear shot, and
his interpreter by his side; not but what he could understand most of what was said in
Greek himself. At this point the Arcadian spoke: "For the matter of that,
Lacedaemonians, we should have been by your sides long ago, if Xenophon had not persuaded
us and brought us hither. We have never ceased campaigning, night and day, the dismal
winter through, but he reaps the fruit of our toils. Seuthes has enriched him privately,
but deprives us of our honest earnings; so that, standing here as I do to address you
first, all I can say is, that if I might see the fellow stoned to death as a penalty for
all the long dance he has led us, I 10 should feel I had got my pay in full, and no longer
grudge the pains we have undergone." The speaker was followed by another and then
another in the same strain; and after that Xenophon made the following speech:--
"True is the old adage; there is nothing which mortal man may not expect to see.
Here am I being accused by you to-day, just where my conscience tells me that I have
displayed the greatest zeal on your behalf. Was I not actually on my road home when I
turned back? Not, God knows, because I learned that you were in luck's way, but because I
heard that you were in sore straits, and I wished to help you, if in any way I could. I
returned, and Seuthes yonder sent me messenger after messenger, and made me promise upon
promise, if only I could persuade you to come to him. Yet, as you yourselves will bear me
witness, I was not to be diverted. Instead of setting my hand to do that, I simply led you
to a point from which, with least loss of time, I thought you could cross into Asia. This
I believed was the best thing for you, and you I knew desired it.
"But when Aristarchus came with his ships of war and hindered our passage across,
you will hardly quarrel with me for the step I then took in calling you together that we
might advisedly consider our best course. Having heard both sides--first Aristarchus, who
ordered you to march to the Chersonese, then Seuthes, who pleaded with you to undertake a
campaign with himself--you all proposed to go with Seuthes; and you all gave your votes to
that effect. What wrong did I commit in bringing you, whither you were eager to go? If,
indeed, since the time when Seuthes began to tell lies and cheat us about the pay, I have
supported him in this, you may justly find fault with me and hate me. But if I, who at
first was most of all his friend, to-day am more than any one else at variance with him,
how can I, who have chosen you and rejected Seuthes, in fairness be blamed by you for the
very thing which has been the ground of quarrel between him and me? But you will tell me,
perhaps, that I get from Seuthes what is by right yours, and that I deal subtly by you?
But is it not clear that, if Seuthes has paid me anything, he has at any rate not done so
with 16 the intention of losing by what he gives me, whilst he is still your debtor? If he
gave to me, he gave in order that, by a small gift to me, he might escape a larger payment
to yourselves. But if that is what you really think has happened, you can render this
whole scheme of ours null and void in an instant by exacting from him the money which is
your due. It is clear, Seuthes will demand back from me whatever I have got from him, and
he will have all the more right to do so, if I have failed to secure for him what he
bargained for when I took his gifts. But indeed, I am far removed from enjoying what is
yours, and I swear to you by all the gods and goddesses that I have not taken even what
Seuthes promised me in private. He is present himself and listening, and he is aware in
his own heart whether I swear falsely. And what will surprise you the more, I can swear
besides, that I have not received even what the other generals have received, no, nor yet
what some of the officers have received. But how so? why have I managed my affairs no
better? I thought, sirs, the more I helped him to bear his poverty at the time, the more I
should make him my friend in the day of his power. Whereas, it is just when I see the star
of his good fortune rising, that I have come to divine the secret of his character.
"Some one may say, are you not ashamed to be so taken in like a fool? Yes, I
should be ashamed, if it had been an open enemy who had so decieved me. But, to my mind,
when friend cheats friend, a deeper stain attaches to the perpetrator than to the victim
of deceit. Whatever precaution a man may take against his friend, that we took in full. We
certainly gave him no pretext for refusing to pay us what he promised. We were perfectly
upright in our dealings with him. We did not dawdle over his affairs, nor did we shrink
from any work to which he challenged us.
"But you will say, I ought to have taken security of him at the time, so that had
he fostered the wish, he might have lacked the ability to decieve. To meet that retort, I
must beg you to listen to certain things, which I should never have said in his presence,
except for your utter want of feeling towards me, or your extraordinary ingratitude. Try
and recall the posture of your affairs, when I 24 extricated you and brought you to
Seuthes. Do you not recollect how at Perinthus Aristarchus shut the gates in your faces
each time you offered to approach the town, and how you were driven to camp outside under
the canopy of heaven? It was midwinter; you were thrown upon the resources of a market
wherein few were the articles offered for sale, and scanty the wherewithal to purchase
them. Yet stay in Thrace you must, for there were ships of war riding at anchor in the
bay, ready to hinder your passage across; and what did that stay imply? It meant being in
a hostile country, confronted by countless cavalry, legions of light infantry. And what
had we? A heavy infantry force certainly, with which we could have dashed at villages in a
body possibly, and seized a modicum of food at most; but as to pursuing the enemy with
such a force as ours, or capturing men or cattle, the thing was out of the question; for
when I rejoined you your original cavalry and light infantry divisions had disappeared. In
such sore straits you lay!
"Supposing that, without making any demands for pay whatever, I had merely won for
you the alliance of Seuthes--whose cavalry and light infantry were just what you
needed--would you not have thought that I had planned very well for you? I presume, it was
through your partnership with him and his that you were able to find such complete stores
of corn in the villages, when the Thracians were driven to take to their heels in such hot
haste, and you had so large a share of captives and cattle. Why! from the day on which his
cavalry force was attached to us, we never set eyes on a single foeman in the field,
though up to that date the enemy with his cavalry and his light infantry used undauntedly
to hang on our heels, and effectually prevented us from scattering in small bodies and
reaping a rich harvest of provisions. But if he who partly gave you this security has
failed to pay in full the wages due to you therefrom, is not that a terrible misfortune?
So monstrous indeed that you think I ought not to go forth alive[1].
[1] I.e. the fate of a scape-goat is too good for me.
"But let me ask you, in what condition do you turn your backs on this 31 land
to-day? Have you not wintered here in the lap of plenty? Whatever you have got from
Seuthes has been surplus gain. Your enemies have had to meet the bill of your expenses,
whilst you led a merry round of existence, in which you have not once set eyes on the dead
body of a comrade or lost one living man. Again, if you have achieved any, (or rather
many) noble deeds against the Asiatic barbarian, you have them safe. And in addition to
these to-day you have won for yourselves a second glory. You undertook a campaign against
the European Thracians, and have mastered them. What I say then is, that these very
matters which you make a ground of quarrel against myself, are rather blessings for which
you ought to show gratitude to heaven.
"Thus far I have confined myself to your side of the matter. Bear with me, I beg
you, while we examine mine. When I first essayed to part with you and journey homewards, I
was doubly blest. From your lips I had won some praise, and, thanks to you, I had obtained
glory from the rest of Hellas. I was trusted by the Lacedaemonians; else would they not
have sent me back to you. Whereas to-day I turn to go, calumniated before the
Lacedaemonians by yourselves, detested in your behalf by Seuthes, whom I meant so to
benefit, by help of you, that I should find in him a refuge for myself and for my
children, if children I might have, in after time. And you the while, for whose sake I
have incurred so much hate, the hate of people far superior to me in strength, you, for
whom I have not yet ceased to devise all the good I can, entertain such sentiments about
me. Why? I am no renegade or runaway slave, you have got hold of. If you carry out what
you say, be sure you will have done to death a man who has passed many a vigil in watching
over you; who has shared with you many a toil and run many a risk in turn and out of turn;
who, thanks to the gracious gods! has by your side set up full many a trophy over the
barbarian; who, lastly, has strained every nerve in his body to protect you against
yourselves. And so it is, that to-day you can move freely, where you choose, by sea or by
land, and no one can say you nay; and you, on 37 whom this large liberty dawns, who are
sailing to a long desired goal, who are sought after by the greatest of military powers,
who have pay in prospect, and for leaders these Lacedaemonians, our acknowledged chiefs:
now is the appointed time, you think, to put me to a speedy death. But in the days of our
difficulties it was very different, O ye men of marvellous memory! No! in those days you
called me 'father!' and you promised you would bear me ever in mind, 'your benefactor.'
Not so, however, not so ungracious are those who have come to you to-day; nor, if I
mistake not, have you bettered yourselves in their eyes by your treatment of me."
With these words he paused, and Charminus the Lacedaemonian got up and said: "Nay,
by the Twins, you are wrong, surely, in your anger against this man; I myself can bear
testimony in his favour. When Polynicus and I asked Seuthes, what sort of a man he was?
Seuthes answered:--he had but one fault to find with him, that he was too much the
soldiers' friend, which also was the cause why things went wrong with him, whether as
regards us Lacedaemonians or himself, Seuthes."
Upon that Eurylochus of Lusia, an Arcadian, got up and said (addressing the two
Lacedaemonians), "Yes, sirs; and what strikes me is that you cannot begin your
generalship of us better than by exacting from Seuthes our pay. Whether he like it or no,
let him pay in full; and do not take us away before."
Polycrates the Athenian, who was put forward by Xenophon, said: "If my eyes do not
deceive me, sirs, there stands Heracleides, yonder, the man who received the property won
by our toil, who took and sold it, and never gave back either to Seuthes or to us the
proceeds of the sale, but kept the money to himself, like the thief he is. If we are wise,
we will lay hold of him, for he is no Thracian, but a Hellene; and against Hellenes is the
wrong he has committed."
When Heracleides heard these words, he was in great consternation; so he came to
Seuthes and said: "If we are wise we will get away from here out of reach of these
fellows." So they mounted their horses and were gone in a trice, galloping to their
own camp. Subsequently 42 Seuthes sent Abrozelmes, his private interpreter, to Xenophon,
begging him to stay behind with one thousand heavy tropps; and engaging duly to deliver to
him the places on the seaboard, and the other things which he had promised; and then, as a
great secret, he told him, that he had heard from Polynicus that if he once got into the
clutches of the Lacedaemonians, Thibron was certain to put him to death. Similar messages
kept coming to Xenophon by letter or otherwise from several quarters, warning him that he
was calumniated, and had best be on his guard. Hearing which, he took two victims and
sacrificed to Zeus the King: "Whether it were better and happier to stay with Seuthes
on the terms proposed, or depart with the army?" The answer he received was,
"Depart."
VII
After this, Seuthes removed his camp to some considerable distance; 1 and the Hellenes
took up their quarters in some villages, selecting those in which they could best supply
their commissariat, on the road to the sea. Now these particular villages had been given
by Seuthes to Medosades. Accordingly, when the latter saw his property in the villages
being expended by the Hellenes, he was not over well pleased; and taking with him an
Odrysian, a powerful person amongst those who had come down from the interior, and about
thirty mounted troopers, he came and challenged Xenophon to come forth from the Hellenic
host. He, taking some of the officers and others of a character to be relied upon, came
forward. Then Medosades, addressing Xenophon, said: "You are doing wrong to pillage
our villages; we give you fair warning--I, in behalf of Seuthes, and this man by my side,
who comes from Medocus, the king up country--to begone out of the land. If you refuse,
understand, we have no notion of handing it over to you; but if you injure our country we
will retaliate upon you as foes."
Xenophon, hearing what they had to say, replied: "Such language addressed to us by
you, of all people, is hard to answer. Yet for the sake of the young man with you, I will
attempt to do so, that at least he may learn how different your nature is from ours.
We," he continued, "before we were your friends, had the free run of this
country, moving this way or that, as it took our fancy, pillaging and 5 burning just as we
chose; and you yourself, Medosades, whenever you came to us on an embassy, camped with us,
without apprehension of any foe. As a tribe collectively you scarcely approached the
country at all, or if you found yourselves in it, you bivouacked with your horses bitted
and bridled, as being in the territory of your superiors. Presently you made friends with
us, and, thanks to us, by God's help you have won this country, out of which to-day you
seek to drive us; a country which we held by our own strength and gave to you. No hostile
force, as you well know, was capable of expelling us. It might have been expected of you
personally to speed us on our way with some gift, in return for the good we did you. Not
so; even though our backs are turned to go, we are too slow in our movements for you. You
will not suffer us to take up quarters even, if you can help it, and these words arouse no
shame in you, either before the gods, or this Odrysian, in whose eyes to-day you are man
of means, though until you cultivated our friendship you lived a robber's life, as you
have told us. However, why do you address yourself to me? I am no longer in command. Our
generals are the Lacedaemonians, to whom you and yours delivered the army for withdrawal;
and that, without even inviting me to attend, you most marvellous of men, so that if I
lost their favour when I brought you the troops, I might now win their gratitude by
restoring them."
As soon as the Odrysian had heard this statement, he exclaimed: "For my part,
Medosades, I sink under the earth for very shame at what I hear. If I had known the truth
before, I would never have accompanied you. As it is, I return at once. Never would King
Medocus applaud me, if I drove forth his benefactors." With these words, he mounted
his horse and rode away, and with him the rest of his horsemen, except four or five. But
Medosades, still vexed by the pillaging of the country, urged Xenophon to summon the two
Lacedaemonians; and he, taking the pick of his men, came to Charminus and Polynicus and
informed them that they were summoned by Medosades; probably they, like himself, would be
warned to leave the country; "if so," he added, 14 "you will be able to
recover the pay which is owing to the army. You can say to them, that the army has
requested you to assist in exacting their pay from Seuthes, whether he like it or not;
that they have promised, as soon as they get this, cheerfully to follow you; that the
demand seems to you to be only just, and that you have accordingly promised not to leave,
until the soldiers have got their dues." The Lacedaemonians accepted the suggestion:
they would apply these arguments and others the most forcible they could hit upon; and
with the proper representatives of the army, they immediately set off.
On their arrival Charminus spoke: "If you have anything to say to us, Medosades,
say it; but if not, we have something to say to you." And Medosades submissively made
answer: "I say," said he, "and Seuthes says the same: we think we have a
right to ask that those who have become our friends should not be ill-treated by you;
whatever ill you do to them you really do to us, for they are a part of us."
"Good!" replied the Lacedaemonians, "and we intend to go away as soon as
those who won for you the people and the territory in question have got their pay. Failing
that, we are coming without further delay to assist them and to punish certain others who
have broken their oaths and done them wrong. If it should turn out that you come under
this head, when we come to exact justice, we shall begin with you." Xenophon added:
"Would you prefer, Medosades, to leave it to these people themselves, in whose
country we are (your friends, since this is the designation you prefer), to decide by
ballot, which of the two should leave the country, you or we?" To that proposal he
shook his head, but he trusted the two Laconians might be induced to go to Seuthes about
the pay, adding, "Seuthes, I am sure, will lend a willing ear;" or if they could
not go, then he prayed them to send Xenophon with himself, promising to lend the latter
all the aid in his power, and finally he begged them not to burn the villages. Accordingly
they sent Xenophon, and with him a serviceable staff. Being arrived, he addressed Seuthes
thus:--
"Seuthes, I am here to advance no claims, but to show you, if I can, 21 how unjust
it was on your part to be angered with me because I zealously demanded of you on behalf of
the soldiers what you promised them. According to my belief, it was no less to your
interest to deliver it up, than it was to theirs to receive it. I cannot forget that, next
to the gods, it was they who raised you up to a conspicuous eminence, when they made you
king of large territory and many men, a position in which you cannot escape notice,
whether you do good or do evil. For a man so circumstanced, I regarded it as a great thing
that he should avoid the suspicion even of ungrateful parting with his benefactors. It was
a great thing, I thought, that you should be well spoken of by six thousand human beings;
but the greatest thing of all, that you should in no wise discredit the sincerity of your
own word. For what of the man who cannot be trusted? I see that the words of his mouth are
but vain words, powerless, and unhonoured; but with him who is seen to regard truth, the
case is otherwise. He can achieve by his words what another achieves by force. If he seeks
to bring the foolish to their senses--his very frown, I perceive, has a more sobering
effect than the chastisement inflicted by another. Or in negotiations the very promises of
such an one are of equal weight with the gifts of another.
"Try and recall to mind in your own case, what advance of money you made to us to
purchase our alliance. You know you did not advance one penny. It was simply confidence in
the sincerity of your word which incited all these men to assist you in your campaign, and
so to acquire for you an empire, worth many times more than thirty talents, which is all
they now claim to receive. Here then, first of all, goes the credit which won for you your
kingdom, sold for so mean a sum. Let me remind you of the great importance which you then
attached to the acquisition of your present conquests. I am certain that to achieve what
stands achieved to-day, you would willingly have foregone the gain of fifty times that
paltry sum. To me it seems that to lose your present fortune were a more serious loss than
never to have won it; since surely it is harder to be poor after being rich than never to
28 have tasted wealth at all, and more painful to sink to the level of a subject, being a
king, then never to have worn a crown.
"You cannot forget that your present vassals were not persuaded to become your
subjects out of love for you, but by sheer force; and but for some restraining dread they
would endeavour to be free again to-morrow. And how do you propose to stimulate their
sense of awe, and keep them in good behaviour towards you? Shall they see our soldiers so
disposed towards you that a word on your part would suffice to keep them now, or if
necessary would bring them back again to-morrow? while others hearing from us a hundred
stories in your praise, hasten to present themselves at your desire? Or will you drive
them to conclude adversely, that through mistrust of what has happened now, no second set
of soldiers will come to help you, for even these troops of ours are more their friends
than yours? And indeed it was not because they fell short of us in numbers that they
became your subjects, but from lack of proper leaders. There is a danger, therefore, now
lest they should choose as their protectors some of us who regard ourselves as wronged by
you, or even better men than us--the Lacedaemonians themselves; supposing our soldiers
undertake to serve with more enthusiasm, if the debt you owe to them be first exacted; and
the Lacedaemonians, who need their services, consent to this request. It is plain, at any
rate, that the Thracians, now prostrate at your feet, would display far more enthusiasm in
attacking, than in assisting you; for your mastery means their slavery, and your defeat
their liberty.
"Again, the country is now yours, and from this time forward you have to make
provision for what is yours; and how will you best secure it an immunity from ill? Either
these soldiers receive their dues and go, leaving a legacy of peace behind, or they stay
and occupy an enemy's country, whilst you endeavour, by aid of a still larger army, to
open a new campaign and turn them out; and your new troops will also need provisions. Or
again, which will be the greater drain on your purse? to pay off your present debt, or,
with that still owing, to bid for more troops, and of a better quality?
"Heracleides, as he used to prove to me, finds the sum excessive. But 35 surely it
is a far less serious thing for you to take and pay it back to-day than it would have been
to pay the tithe of it, before we came to you; since the limit between less and more is no
fixed number, but depends on the relative capacity of payer and recipient, and your yearly
income now is larger than the whole property which you possessed in earlier days.
"Well, Seuthes, for myself these remarks are the expression of friendly
forethought for a friend. They are expressed in the double hope that you may show yourself
worthy of the good things which the gods have given you, and that my reputation may not be
ruined with the army. For I must assure you that to-day, if I wished to injure a foe, I
could not do so with this army. Nor again, if I wished to come and help you, should I be
competent to the task; such is the disposition of the troops towards me. And yet I call
you to witness, along with the gods who know, that never have I received anything from you
on account of the soldiers. Never to this day have I, to my private gain, asked for what
was theirs, nor even claimed the promises which were made to myself; and I swear to you,
not even had you proposed to pay me my dues, would I have accepted them, unless the
soldiers also had been going to receive theirs too; how could I? How shameful it would
have been in me, so to have secured my own interests, whilst I disregarded the disastrous
state of theirs, I being so honoured by them. Of course to the mind of Heracleides this is
all silly talk; since the one great object is to keep money by whatever means. That is not
my tenet, Seuthes. I believe that no fairer or brighter jewel can be given to a man, and
most of all a prince, than the threefold grace of valour, justice, and generosity. He that
possesses these is rich in the multitude of friends which surround him; rich also in the
desire of others to be included in their number. While he prospers, he is surrounded by
those who will rejoice with him in his joy; or if misfortune overtake him, he has no lack
of sympathisers to give him help. However, if you have failed to learn from my deeds that
I was, heart and soul, your friend; if my words are powerless to reveal the fact to-day, I
would at least direct your attention to what the 43 soldiers said; you were standing by
and heard what those who sought to blame me said. They accused me to the Lacedaemonians,
and the point of their indictment was that I set greater store by yourself than by the
Lacedaemonians; but, as regards themselves, the charge was that I took more pains to
secure the success of your interests than their own. They suggested that I had actually
taken gifts from you. Was it, do you suppose, because they detected some ill-will in me
towards you that they made the allegation? Was it not rather, that they had noticed my
abundant zeal on your behalf?
"All men believe, I think, that a fund of kindly feeling is due to him from whom
we accept gifts. But what is your behaviour? Before I had ministered to you in any way, or
done you a single service, you welcomed me kindly with your eyes, your voice, your
hospitality, and you could not sate yourself with promises of all the fine things that
were to follow. But having once achieved your object, and become the great man you now
are, as great indeed as I could make you, you can stand by and see me degraded among my
own soldiers! Well, time will teach you--that I fully believe--to pay whatever seems to
you right, and even without the lessons of that teacher you will hardly care to see whose
who have spent themselves in benefiting you, become your accusers. Only, when you do pay
your debt, I beg of you to use your best endeavour to right me with the soldiers. Leave me
at least where you found me; that is all I ask."
After listening to this appeal, Seuthes called down curses on him, whose fault it was,
that the debt had not long ago been paid, and, if the general suspicion was correct, this
was Heracleides. "For myself," said Seuthes, "I never had any idea of
robbing you of your just dues. I will repay." Then Xenophon rejoined: "Since you
are minded to pay, I only ask that you will do so through me, and will not suffer me on
your account to hold a different position in the army from what I held when we joined
you." He replied: "As far as that goes, so far from holding a less honoured
position among your own men on my account, if you will stay with me, keeping only a
thousand heavy infantry, I will deliver to you the fortified places and everything I
promised." The other answered: "On these terms I may not accept them, only let
us go 51 free." "Nay, but I know," said Seuthes, "that it is safer for
you to bide with me than to go away." Then Xenophon again: "For your forethought
I thank you, but I may not stay. Somewhere I may rise to honour, and that, be sure, shall
redound to your gain also." Thereupon Seuthes spoke: "Of silver I have but
little; that little, however, I give to you, one talent; but of beeves I can give you six
hundred head, and of sheep four thousand, and of slaves six score. These take, and the
hostages besides, who wronged you, and begone." Xenophon laughed and said: "But
supposing these all together do not amount to the pay; for whom is the talent, shall I
say? It is a little dangerous for myself, is it not? I think I had better be on the
look-out for stones when I return. You heard the threats?"
So for the moment he stayed there, but the next day Seuthes gave up to them what he had
promised, and sent an escort to drive the cattle. The soldiers at first maintained that
Xenophon had gone to take up his abode with Seuthes, and to receive what he had been
promised; so when they saw him they were pleased, and ran to meet him. And Xenophon,
seeing Charminus and Polynicus, said: "Thanks to your intervention, this much has
been saved for the army. My duty is to deliver this fraction over to your keeping; do you
divide and distribute it to the soldiers." Accordingly they took the property and
appointed official vendors of the booty, and in the end incurred considerable blame.
Xenophon held aloof. In fact it was no secret that he was making his preparations to
return home, for as yet the vote of banishment had not been passed at Athens[1]. But the
authorities in the camp came to him and begged him not to go away until he had conducted
the army to its destination, and handed it over to Thibron.
[1] I.e. "at this moment the vote of banishment had not been passed which
would prevent his return to Athens." The natural inference from these words is, I
think, that the vote of banishment was presently passed, at any rate considerably earlier
than the battle of Coronea in B.C. 394, five years and a half afterwards.
VIII
From this place they sailed across to Lampsacus, and here Xenophon was 1 met by
Eucleides the soothsayer, a Phliasian, the son of Cleagoras, who painted "the
dreams[1]" in the Lycium. Eucleides congratulated Xenophon upon his safe return, and
asked him how much gold he had got? and Xenophon had to confess: "Upon my word, I
shall have barely enough to get home, unless I sell my horse, and what I have about my
person." The other could not credit the statement. Now when the Lampsacenes sent
gifts of hospitaliry to Xenophon, and he was sacrificing to Apollo, he requested the
presence of Eucleides; and the latter, seeing the victims, said: "Now I believe what
you said about having no money. But I am certain," he continued, "if it were
ever to come, there is an obstacle in the way. If nothing else, you are that obstacle
yourself." Xenophon admitted the force of that remark. Then the other: "Zeus
Meilichios[2] is an obstacle to you, I am sure," adding in another tone of voice,
"have you tried sacrificing to that god, as I was wont to sacrifice and offer whole
burnt offerings for you at home?" Xenophon replied that since he had been abroad, he
had not sacrificed to that god. Accordingly Eucleides counselled him to sacrifice in the
old customary way: he was sure that his fortune would improve. The nexy day Xenophon went
on to Ophrynium and sacrificed, offering a holocaust of swine, after the custom of his
family, and the signs which he obtained were favourable. That very day Bion and
Nausicleides arrived laden with gifts for the army. These two were hospitably entertained
by Xenophon, and were kind enough to repurchase the horse he had sold in Lampsacus for
fifty darics; suspecting that he had parted with it out of need, and hearing that he was
fond of the beast they restored it to him, refusing to be remunerated.
[1] Reading {ta enupnia}, or if {ta entoikhia} with Hug and others, translate
"the wall-paintings" or the "frescoes." Others think that a writing,
not a painting, is referred to.
[2] Zeus Meilichios, or the gentle one. See Thuc. i. 126. The festival of the
Diasia at Athens was in honour of that god, or rather of Zeus under that aspect. Cf.
Arist. "Clouds," 408.
From that place they marched through the Troad, and, crossing Mount Ida, arrived at
Antandrus, and then pushed along the seaboard of Mysia to the plain of Thebe[3]. Thence
they made their way through 8 Adramytium and Certonus[4] by Atarneus, coming into the
plain of the Caicus, and so reached Pergamus in Mysia.
[3] Thebe, a famous ancient town in Mysia, at the southern foot of Mt. Placius,
which is often mentioned in Homer ("Il." i. 366, vi. 397, xxii. 479, ii. 691).
See "Dict. Geog." s.v. The name {Thebes pedion} preserves the site. Cf. above
{Kaustrou pedion}, and such modern names as "the Campagna" or "Piano di
Sorrento."
[4] The site of Certonus is not ascertained. Some critics have conjectured that the
name should be Cytonium, a place between Mysia and Lydia; and Hug, who reads {Kutoniou},
omits {odeusantes par 'Atanea}, "they made their way by Atarneus," as a gloss.
Here Xenophon was hospitably entertained at the house of Hellas, the wife of Gongylus
the Eretrian[5], the mother of Gorgion and Gongylus. From her he learnt that Asidates, a
Persian notable, was in the plain. "If you take thirty men and go by night, you will
take him prisoner," she said, "wife, children, money, and all; of money he has a
store;" and to show them the way to these treasures, she sent her own cousin and
Daphnagoras, whom she set great store by. So then Xenophon, with these two to assist, did
sacrifice; and Basias, an Eleian, the soothsayer in attendance, said that the victims were
as promising as could be, and the great man would be an easy prey. Accordingly, after
dinner he set off, taking with him the officers who had been hs staunchest friends and
confidants throughout; as he wished to do them a good turn. A number of others came
thrusting themselves on their company, to the number of six hundred, but the officers
repelled them: "They had no notion of sharing their portion of the spoil," they
said, "just as though the property lay already at their feet."
[5] Cf. Thuc. i. 128; also "Hell." III. i. 6.
Ahout midnight they arrived. The slaves occupying the precincts of the tower, with the
mass of goods and chattles, slipped through their fingers, their sole anxiety being to
capture Asidates and his belongings. So they brought their batteries to bear, but failing
to take the tower by assault (since it was high and solid, and well supplied with
ramparts, besides having a large body of warlike defenders), they endeavoured to undermine
it. The wall was eight clay bricks thick, but by daybreak the passage was effected and the
wall undermined. At the first cleam of light through the aperture, one of 14 the
defendants inside, with a large ox-spit, smote right through the thigh of the man nearest
the hole, and the rest discharged their arrows so hotly that it was dangerous to come
anywhere near the passage; and what with their shouting and kindling of beacon fires, a
relief party at length arrived, consisting of Itabelius at the head of his force, and a
body of Assyrian heavy infantry from Comania, and some Hyrcanian cavalry[6], the latter
also being mercenaries of the king. There were eighty of them, and another detachment of
light troops, about eight hundred, and more from Parthenium, and more again from Apollonia
and the neighbouring places, also cavalry.
[6] The Hyrcanian cavalry play an important part in the "Cyropaedeia."
They are the Scirites of the Assyrian army who came over to Cyrus after the first battle.
Their country is the fertile land touching the south-eastern corner of the Caspian. Cf.
"Cyrop." IV. ii. 8, where the author (or an editor) appends a note on the
present status of the Hyrcanians.
It was now high time to consider how they were to beat a retreat. So seizing all the
cattle and sheep to be had, with the slaves, they put them within a hollow square and
proceed to drive them off. Not that they had a thought to give to the spoils now, but for
precaution's sake and for fear lest if they left the goods and chattels behind and made
off, the retreat would rapidly degenerate into a stampede, the enemy growing bolder as the
troops lost heart. For the present then they retired as if they meant to do battle for the
spoils. As soon as Gongylus espied how few the Hellenes were and how large the attacking
party, out he came himself, in spite of his mother, with his private force, wishing to
share in the action. Another too joined in the rescue--Procles, from Halisarna and
Teuthrania, a descendant of Damaratus. By this time Xenophon and his men were being sore
pressed by the arrows and slingstones, though they marched in a curve so as to keep their
shields facing the missles, and even so, barely crossed the river Carcasus, nearly half of
them wounded. Here it was that Agasias the Stymphalian, the captain, received his wound,
while keeping up a steady unflagging fight against the enemy from beginning to end. And so
they reached home in safety with about two hundred captives, and sheep enough for
sacrifices.
The next day Xenophon sacrificed and led out the whole army under the 20 cover of
night, intending to pierce far into the heart of Lydia with a view to lulling to sleep the
enemy's alarm at his proxmity, and so in fact to put him off his guard. But Asidates,
hearing that Xenophon had again sacrificed with the intention of another attack, and was
approaching with his whole army, left his tower and took up quarters in some villages
lying under the town of Parthenium. Here Xenophon's party fell in with him, and took him
prisoner, with his wife, his children, his horses, and all that he had; and so the promise
of the earlier victims was literally fulfilled. After that they returned again to
Pergamus, and here Xenophon might well thank God with a warm heart, for the Laconians, the
officers, the other generals, and the soldiers as a body united to give him the pick of
horses and cattle teams, and the rest; so that he was now in a position himself to do
another a good turn.
Meanwhile Thibron arrived and received the troops which he incorporated with the rest
of his Hellenic forces, and so proceeded to prosecute a war against Tissaphernes and
Pharnabazus[7].
[7] The MSS. add: "The following is a list of the governors of the several
territories of the king which were traversed by us during the expedition: Artimas,
governor of Lydia; Artacamas, of Phrygia; Mithridates, of Lycaonia and Cappadocia;
Syennesis, of Cilicia; Dernes, of Phoenicia and Arabia; Belesys, of Syria and Assyria;
Rhoparas, of Babylon; Arbacus, of Media; Tiribazus, of the Phasians and Hesperites. Then
some independent tribes--the Carduchians or Kurds, and Chalybes, and Chaldaeans, and
Macrones, and Colchians, and Mossynoecians, and Coetians, and Tibarenians. Then Corylas,
the governor of Paphlagonia; Pharnabazus, of the Bithynians; Seuthes, of the European
Thracians. The entire journey, ascent and descent, consisted of two hundred and fifteen
stages = one thousand one hundred and fifty-five parasangs = thirty-four thousand six
hundred and fifty stades. Computed in time, the length of ascent and descent together
amounted to one year and three months." The annotator apparently computes the
distance from Ephesus to Cotyora.
End of The Project Gutenberg Etext of Anabasis by Xenophon
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