THE TRIAL OF JEANNE D'ARC
TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH
FROM THE ORIGINAL LATIN AND FRENCH DOCUMENTS
BY W. P. BARRETT
WITH AN ESSAY On the Trial of Jeanne d'Arc AND Dramatis Personae,
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF THE TRIAL JUDGES AND OTHER PERSONS INVOLVED IN
THE MAID'S CAREER, TRIAL AND DEATH
By PIERRE CHAMPION
TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH BY COLEY TAYLOR AND RUTH H. KERR
ILLUSTRATIONS BY
FRANK P. RENNIE
GOTHAM HOUSE, INC.
1932
CONTENTS
Introduction vii
Here Begin the Proceedings 3
The Officers Appointed take Oath 26
The First Public Session 12
Thursday, February 22nd. Second Session 41
February 24th. Third Session 48
Tuesday, February 27th. Fourth Session 57
March 1st. Fifth Session 67
Saturday, March 3rd. Sixth Session 77
First Session in Prison 89
The Vicar of the Lord Inquisitor is Summoned 94
Tuesday, March 13th 103
Thursday, March 15th In Prison 119
Saturday, March 17th. In Prison 125
The Statements are Presented to the Assessors 133
Here Begins the Ordinary Trial 138
The Tenor of the Articles of Accusation.146
This Wednesday after Palm Sunday, 1431 181
Saturday, the Last Day of March, in Prison 240
The Digest is Submitted to the Assessors243
The Tenor of the Deliberations 252
Eleven Advocates of the Court of Rouen Give their Opinions 271
Jeanne is Charitably Exhorted 285
Public Admonition of The Maid 290
She is Threatened with Torture 303
The Deliberations of the University of Paris are Read 307
Here follow the Articles concerning the Words and Deeds of Jeanne, commonly known as The
Maid 315
The Deliberation and Doctrinal Judgment of the Venerable Faculty of Decrees 324
Jeanne's Faults are Expounded to Her 330
The Public Sermon. Jeanne Recants 341
Sentence after the Abjuration 346
The Trial for Relapse. Jeanne Resumes Man's Dress 349
Tuesday, May 29th 352
May 30th, the Last Day of This Trial 358
Subsequent Documents 367
Dramatis Personae by Pierre Champion 387
On the Trial of Jeanne d'Arc by Pierre Champion 475
Bibliography 541
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIO [Not in HTML Version]
Many came gladly, but they kissed her hands as little as she could help. frontispiece
Near the village of Domremy stands a certain large and ancient tree.35
"Go," said Robert to Jeanne, "go and come what may" 69
Jeanne entered boldly and knelt straightway before her King. 99
The Maid drove out two Daughters of Joy and thereby broke her sword 141
The Bastard of Wandomme's men seized her and tore her from her horse 169
The Demoiselle and the Lady of Beaurevoir offered her a woman's dress 199
At last she leaped and commended herself to God and Our Lady 229
She said in answer, "Men are sometimes hanged for telling the truth" 259
"Take everything peacefully, Jeanne; have no care for thy martyrdom" 289
"Bishop," said Jeanne when he came in to her, "I die through you"
319
She cried upon the name of Jesus; six times she cried out "Jhésus!" .363
INTRODUCTION
A little over five hundred years ago there was a trial in the King of England's
military headquarters and capital in France -- a trial that has become second in
importance only to the Trial of Christ. The young woman who was examined, tried and
condemned in that medieval, strong-castled town of Rouen has been the central figure of a
whole literature of controversy. Shakespeare, Voltaire, Michelet, Schiller, Quicherat,
Lang, Mark Twain, Anatole France, Frank Harris, Shaw, Paine and others far too numerous to
mention have demonstrated by their writing about her that minds throughout the centuries
from her time to the present find her as dynamic and challenging a figure as did the
people of her own time.
The Maid's followers believed that she came from God and adored her as a prophet, saint
and military idol. The Burgundians and English were stricken with fear at her success and
when she was captured condemned her as a witch and apostate. The Roman Catholic Church has
canonized her as a saint. Mr. Shaw has hailed her as the first Nationalist and the first
Protestant. Other interpretations of her personality are as completely far apart. Every
book about her adds to the controversy.
Jeanne d'Arc was burned at the stake on May 30, 1431. It was not until some time later,
almost certainly not before 1435
[vii]
that the record of her trial was translated by Thomas de Courcelles, one of her judges,
and Guillaume Manchon, trial notary, into Latin from the minutes taken daily during the
process of the trial, together with all the forms of letters patent emanating from Pierre
Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais, Jean Le Maistre, Vice Inquisitor of the Faith, the doctors of
the University of Paris and other dignitaries.
Five copies were made of the official record. Manchon, the notary, wrote three in his
own hand: one was given to the Inquisitor, another to the King of England, a third to
Pierre Cauchon. These five copies were signed and authenticated by the notaries Manchon,
Boisguillaume and Taquel, and were given the seal of the judges.
"Of these five copies," says Pierre Champion, the greatest modern authority
on Jeanne d'Arc, "the one that Guillaume Manchon retained was given to the judges of
the Rehabilitation proceedings on December 15, 1455 and torn up by order of that tribunal.
According to the testimony of Martial d'Auvergne one of the copies had been sent to Rome;
another copy was found at Orléans in 1475. Etienne Pasquier kept one copy for four years.
To-day there are three copies at Paris:
"A. Bibliothèque de la Chambre des Députés. ms. no. 1119, the only known copy
on vellum, and of large format, which Quicherat believed destined for the King of England
by Manchon. It seems more likely, by considering the variations in certain titles and
headings, that this was Pierre Cauchon's copy . . . which Boisguillaume decorated. It was
used in the preliminary work of the Rehabilitation and was part of the library of
Parlement in the middle of the Seventeenth Century (III folios, 26x33 cm.).
"B. Bibliothèque Nationale, ms. lat. 5965, a copy carefully collated and
presenting numerous changes (erasures and
[viii]
crossings-out) and writing over in different handwriting (169 folios, paper, 29 x 20
cm., traces of seals).
"C. Bibliothèque Nationale, ms. lat. 5966, a copy in uniform handwriting, without
any writing over or scratching out, and of which the seals have fallen away since the time
when Edmond Richer consulted it (220 folios, paper, 28 x 21 cm., traces of seals).
"These manuscripts have substantially the same value; they are authenticated
copies, derived from a common original," Pierre Champion assures us, adding that the
variations betray chiefly the individual habits of the scribes who transcribed them, and
are therefore insignificant.
The original source of these manuscripts was the Trial Minutes in French (minuta in
gallico) which the notary Manchon wrote. To quote Champion further, "With his
colleagues Pierre Taquel and Boisguillaume, Manchon recorded every morning during the
trial the questions and Jeanne's answers. After déjeuner, the three notaries worked in
turn in putting the record in order. They had to do their work carefully, for Jeanne
answered with prudence. Whenever she was asked about a point already treated upon, she did
not answer anew; she had the notaries read her former answers. . . .
"These minutes, in French, formed a manuscript, paper, written entirely in
Manchon's hand; he showed it to the judges of the Rehabilitation [twenty-five years
later]. It was from this record that the Latin translation which we have to-day was made.
The French minutes, produced before the judges of the Rehabilitation, we no longer have.
As Quicherat was able so brilliantly to prove, we have only a fragment of it in the
d'Urfé manuscript, beginning with the Twelfth Session of the trial. . . .
"If we compare Manchon's minutes with the definitive version there can be no doubt
that the Latin version was built
[ ix ]
upon the minutes, of which it espouses exactly the form of the French, except for
rendering the concrete and rapid words of our quick language in the more general Latin
terms; we find here not French based upon Latin, but Latin based upon French. . . ."
M. Champion points out, as others have, that the Latin translators, "when in despair
of translating exactly, admitted the French words" used by Jeanne and her
inquisitors.
This Trial Record, inconceivable as it must seem, has never, before this present
translation, been completely given into English. Portions of it have been used. Many of
the Maid's biographers have consulted it, summarized it, or used as much of it as suited
their purposes; some have translated important and lengthy sections of it. Its details are
generally known. But the whole trial has never before been accessible to the reader who is
not either a French or a Latin scholar, and editions in those languages are extremely
difficult to procure.
Barrett's translation, notably faithful to the original in letter and spirit, takes us
into the very room with Jeanne and her judges: into the great room of the Castle of Rouen,
into the tower cell where she was in chains and had to endure the cross-questioning of
lawyer, skilled in subtle examination. We, as well as Jeanne, hear the formal letters of
authority read out in court; the legal red tape of that day was no less ornate and
magniloquent than it is at present. The court adjourns after dramatic and damning answers,
to take up the burden next day or the day after. While she was "on the stand"
questions were shot at her from all sides, as we may easily see for ourselves. Questions
that some of her judges complain of as too subtle. She has no counsel to aid her, except
her Voices, and she protests that she cannot hear Them, frequently, for the noise in the
court and her prison drowns them out.
[x]
That she was tried by an extraordinary confrèrie of experts Pierre Champion's
magnificent biographical researches, translated here in Dramatis Personae prove. Most of
her judges were graduates and members of the faculty of the University of Paris which at
that time served the church through a kind of dictatorship of the General Council. Many of
them had served the King of England or his regent the Duke of Bedford, as ambassadors or
councillors. Nearly all of them were at one time or another on the English payroll,
directly, or indirectly through ecclesiastical appointments that were in the hands of the
English King.
We see Jeanne pitted against sixty skilled politicians, lawyers, ambassadors, trained
in all the complexities of legal questioning, all of them versed in academic casuistry.
Most of them were avowedly her enemies. Her victories for Charles VII had driven many of
them, including Bishop Cauchon, out of their dioceses, away from their seats of authority
and revenue. They were of the University of Paris and Jeanne had threatened Paris. If she
had succeeded in that they would have been utterly ruined.
She was imprisoned, not in the ecclesiastical prison where women would have attended
her, but in the Castle of Rouen, at that time the English citadel, governed by the Earl of
Warwick. The little English king lived there, and the regent Bedford. Jeanne was closely
guarded and was kept in irons even when she was extremely ill. Her guards annoyed her and
abused her and she lived in constant fear of them, although Warwick restrained them
somewhat, for she was a valuable prisoner; the English had paid 10,000 livres for her. Ten
or twelve francs was the price of a horse.
There has surely been no more dramatic or horrible trial in history than hers. Sixty of
the ablest politicians and academicians, endowed with authority no less impressive because
it
[xi]
was largely usurped, were summoned by their military masters to try, under the
elaborate forms of law, a girt nineteen years old: an extraordinary girl whose military
genius had made her the wonder of Europe, a King-maker, and the archenemy of her judges.
The world had seen nothing like her since Christ. The judges and assessors at Rouen
knew as they assembled there that the eyes of Christendom were upon them and that
dynasties trembled in the balance. They also were aware that the King of Heaven spoke
through His saints. They knew that Jeanne had prophesied that she would raise the siege of
Orléans and had done so. They knew that she had prophesied would have the Dauphin crowned
at Reims. She led the Dauphin and his court through English-conquered territory to Reims,
subduing Meung, Beaugency, Jargeau and Patay, and had seen him crowned Charles VII, King
of France. She had captured the greatest English generals of the time. The judges as they
awaited the formal opening of the trial could ponder on these wonders, and her faith that
she was sent by God and Saint Michael. She was called putain, harlot, often enough by her
enemies, but her judges knew that committees of women had. examined her and found her an
intact virgin. The latest such examination had been conducted by the Duchess of Bedford
and her ladies. Her judges must have known by rumor that at Beaurevoir, the castle of Jean
de Luxembourg, who sold her to the English, the three Joans his, aunt, wife and daughter,
approved of Jeanne and begged him not to sell her. The judges knew that an ecclesiastical
examination at Poitiers, conducted by the Archbishop of Reims, then in exile, Cauchon's
superior in the Church, had found her good and a true Catholic inspired. This examination
had been held before Charles was permitted to accept her offered help. They knew, too,
that Le Maistre, Vice
[xii]
Inquisitor, was hesitant about proceeding against Jeanne. With all these things in
mind, the judges must have gone in fear and trembling to the opening of the trial in the
heart of the English military headquarters, for all their knowledge of their authority and
power. They knew what was expected of them and they knew their own abilities.
The Trial Record shows us, day by day, how they prosecuted the case, and what their
individual decisions were. It is one of the most fascinating narratives in all history.
COLEY TAYLOR.
[xiii]
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THE TRIAL OF JEANNE D'ARC
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IN THE NAME OF THE LORD, AMEN
HERE BEGIN THE PROCEEDINGS IN MATTER OF FAITH AGAINST A DEAD WOMAN, JEANNE, COMMONLY
KNOWN AS THE MAID.
To all those who shall see these present letters or public instrument, Pierre, by
divine mercy Bishop of Beauvais, and brother Jean Le Maistre, of the order of Preaching
brothers, deputy in the diocese of Rouen, and especially appointed in this trial to the
office of the pious and venerable master Jean Graverent of the same order, renowned doctor
of theology, by apostolic authority Inquisitor of the Faith and of Heretical Error in all
the kingdom of France: greeting in the author and consummator of the faith, Our Lord Jesus
Christ.
It has pleased divine Providence that a woman of the name of Jeanne, commonly called
The Maid, should be taken and apprehended by famous warriors within the boundaries and
limits of our diocese and jurisdiction. The reputation of this woman had already gone
forth into many parts: how, wholly forgetful of womanly honesty, and having thrown off the
bonds of shame, careless of all the modesty of womankind, she wore with an astonishing and
monstrous brazenness, immodest garments belonging to the male sex; how moreover, her
presumptuousness had grown until she was not afraid to
[3]
perform, to speak, and to disseminate many things contrary to the Catholic faith and
hurtful to the articles of the orthodox belief. And by so doing, as well in our diocese as
in several other districts of this kingdom, she was said to be guilty of no inconsiderable
offenses. These things having come to the knowledge of our mother the University of Paris,
and of brother Martin Billorin, vicar-general of the lord Inquisitor of Heretical Error,
they immediately summoned the illustrious prince, the Duke of Burgundy and the noble lord
Jean de Luxembourg, who at this time held the said woman in their power and authority, in
the name of the vicar-general above mentioned, and under penalty of law, to surrender and
dispatch to us, as ordinary judge, the woman so defamed and suspected of heresy.
We, the said Bishop, according to our pastoral office, desirous of promoting with all
our might the exaltation and increase of the Christian faith, did resolve to institute a
proper inquiry into these facts so commonly known, and so far as law and reason should
persuade us, to proceed with mature deliberation to such further decisions as were
incumbent upon us. We required the said prince and the said lord Jean also, under
penalties of law, to surrender for trial the said woman to our spiritual jurisdiction;
whilst the very serene and most Christian prince, our lord the King of France and England,
summoned them to the same effect. Finally, the most illustrious lord Duke of Burgundy and
the lord Jean de Luxembourg graciously consenting to these demands, and solicitous in
their Catholic souls of the accomplishment of what appeared to them as helpful to the
growth of the faith, surrendered and dispatched the woman to our lord the King and his
commissioners. Thereafter the King in his providence, burning with a desire to succor the
orthodox faith, surrendered this woman
[4]
to us, that we might, hold a complete inquiry into her acts and sayings before
proceeding further, according to the ecclesiastical laws. When that was done, we requested
the distinguished and notable chapter of the church of Rouen, charged with the
administration of all spiritual jurisdiction in the vacancy of the archiepiscopal seat, to
grant us territory in the town of Rouen for us to make this inquiry: which was graciously
and freely given. But before preferring any further charge against this woman we held it
wise to consult, with prolonged and mature deliberation, the opinion of experienced
authorities in canon and civil law, of which, by God's grace, the number in the town of
Rouen was considerable.
January 9th (1431). The First day of the Proceedings
And on Tuesday the ninth day of January in the year of our Lord fourteen hundred and
thirty-one, according to the rite and computation of the Church of France, in the
fourteenth year of the most Holy Father in Christ Martin V, by divine providence Pope, we
the aforesaid bishop, in the house of the King's Counsel, summoned the doctors and masters
whose names follow: my lord abbots Gilles of Ste. Trinité de Fécamp, doctor of sacred
theology, and Nicolas de Jumièges, doctor of canon law; Pierre, prior of Longueville,
doctor of theology; Raoul Roussel, treasurer of the Cathedral of Rouen, doctor of both
canon and civil law; Nicolas de Venderès, archdeacon of Eu, licentiate in canon law;
Robert Le Barbier, licentiate in canon and civil law; Nicolas Couppequesne, bachelor of
theology, and Nicolas Loiseleur, master of arts.
Now when these men, as numerous as famous, were gathered together at the same time and
place, we demanded of their wisdom the manner and the order to be followed herein,
[5]
after having shown as related above what diligence had been brought to the matter. The
doctors and masters, having reached full knowledge thereof, decided that it was meet first
to inquire into the acts and sayings publicly imputed to this woman; and decently
deferring to their advice we declared that already certain information had been obtained
at our command, and similarly decided to order more to be collected; all of which, at a
certain day determined by us, should be presented to the council, that it might be more
clearly informed upon the subsequent procedure necessary in the trial. And, the better and
more conveniently to effect and achieve the collection of the information, it was this day
decided by the aforesaid lords and masters that there was need of certain especial
officers to whom this particular duty should be given. Consequently, at the counsel and
deliberation of those present it was decided and decreed by us that the venerable and
discreet person master Jean d'Estivet, canon of the cathedral churches of Beauvais and
Bayeux, should exercise in the trial the office of Promoter or Procurator General. Master
Jean de La Fontaine, master of arts and licentiate of canon law, was ordained councillor,
commissary, and examiner. To the office of notaries or secretaries were designated the
prudent and honest master Guillaume Colles, also called Boisguillaume, and Guillaume
Manchon, priests, notaries by apostolic and imperial authority at the archiepiscopal court
of Rouen; and master Jean Massieu, priest, ecclesiastical dean of Rouen, was appointed
executor of the commands and convocations emanating from our authority. Further, we have
had here inserted and transcribed at their order the tenor of all these letters, secret or
public, that the sequence of the said acts might appear with greater clarity.
[6]
And first follows the tenor of the letter from our mother the University of Paris,
addressed to the most illustrious lord Duke of Burgundy
"Most high and most puissant prince and our much feared and honored lord, we
commend ourselves in all humility to your highness. Notwithstanding, most feared and
honored lord, our recent letter to your highness, beseeching you in all humility that this
woman known as The Maid, being by God's grace in your subjection, should be transferred
into the hands of the justice of the Church that due trial might be made of her idolatries
and other matters concerning our holy faith, and to repair the scandals that have arisen
therefrom in our Kingdom, likewise the evils and unnumbered inconveniences which have
therefrom resulted: nevertheless we have had no reply nor have we learned that any
provision has been made to obtain in the affair of this woman a fitting discussion. But we
greatly fear lest through the falsity and seduction of the enemy of Hell and through the
malice and subtlety of evil persons, your enemies and adversaries, who put their whole
might, as it is said, to effect the deliverance of this woman by subtle means, she may in
some manner be taken from your subjection (which may God prevent!). For in truth in the
judgment of all good informed Catholics, such a great lesion in the holy faith, such an
enormous peril, obstacle or hurt to all the estate of this realm, has not occurred within
human memory to compare with the escape of this woman by such damned ways without fitting
reparation; but it would be in truth greatly to the prejudice of your honor and of the
most Christian name of the house of France, of which you and your most noble progenitors
have been and still are loyal protectors and the most noble principal members. For these
reasons, most feared and sovereign lord, we beseech you again
[7]
in all humility on behalf of Our Saviour's faith, and for the conservation of the Holy
Church and the protection of the divine honor, and also for the great benefit of this most
Christian realm, that it may please your highness to transfer this woman into the hands of
the Inquisitor of the Faith, and to dispatch her safely thither, as we formerly besought,
or to surrender this woman or have her surrendered to the reverend father in God my lord
bishop of Beauvais in whose spiritual jurisdiction she was apprehended, that he may try
her in matter of faith, as it is reasonable and fitting for him to do to the glory of God,
to the exaltation of our said holy faith, and to the profit of the good and loyal
Catholics and the estate of this realm, and also to the honor and praise of your highness,
whom may God keep in good prosperity and in the end grant His glory. Written. . . ."
[no date].
Then follows the tenor of the letter from our said mother the University of Paris,
addressed to the noble and puissant lord Jean de Luxembourg
"Most noble, honored and puissant lord, we commend ourselves lovingly to your high
nobility. Your noble prudence knows well and recognizes that all good Catholic knights
should employ their strength and puissance first to the service of God and then to the
profit of the state. And most especially the first oath of the order of chivalry is to
keep and protect the honor of God, the Catholic faith and His Holy Church. This oath you
well remembered when you employed your noble power and personal presence to apprehend this
woman who is called The Maid, by whom God's honor has been immeasurably offended, the
Catholic faith wounded and the Church much dishonored; for through her, idolatries,
errors, false doctrines and other evils and inestimable hurts have spread through the
realm. In truth all loyal Christians
[8]
must cordially thank you for having rendered so great a service to our holy faith and
to all the kingdom; and for our part we thank with our whole heart God and your prowess.
But it would be a little thing to have done this if it were not followed by what is
necessary to remedy the offense perpetrated by this woman against our sweet Creator, His
faith and His Holy Church, with the other numberless misdeeds which have been told. And it
would be a greater evil than ever, and a worse error would remain among the people; it
would be an intolerable offense against the divine Majesty if it were to come to pass that
this woman were set free, lost to us, which certain of our adversaries, it is said, would
endeavor to obtain, setting to that end all their knowledge by the most subtle means, and
what is worse, attempting it by silver or ransom. But we hope that God will not permit
such a misfortune to visit His people, and that your good and noble providence will not
suffer it, but will be able to meet the occasion fittingly; for if her deliverance took
place, without appropriate reparation, it would be an irreparable dishonor to your
nobility and to every one concerned: such a scandal must of necessity cease as soon as
possible. And since in this matter delay is most perilous and prejudicial to the realm, on
behalf of the divine honor, and for the conservation of the holy Catholic faith, and for
the good and exaltation of the whole realm, we most humbly and heartily beseech that it
may please your puissant and honored highness to dispatch this woman to the Inquisitor of
the faith, who has urgently required and demanded her, in order to weigh the heavy charges
which burden her, to the pleasure of God, and the proper edification of the people,
according to good and sacred doctrine: or that it may please you to have her surrendered
and delivered to the reverend father in God our most honored lord bishop of Beauvais who
likewise has demanded her, and in whose jurisdiction, as has
[9]
been said, she was apprehended. The which prelate and Inquisitor are her judges in
matter of faith; and every Christian is bound to obey them whatever his estate, in this
case, under great legal penalties. And by so doing you gain the grace a love of the high
deity; you become the instrument of the exaltation of the holy faith, and so increase the
glory of your most high and noble name, with that of the high and most puissant prince our
most feared lord and your own, my lord Duke of Burgundy. And every one will be charged to
pray for the prosperity of your most noble person, which may 0ur Saviour, by His grace,
lead and keep in all its doings and the end reward with an everlasting joy. Written . [at
Paris, July 14th, 1431]
Then follows the tenor of the letter of the Vicar-General the Inquisitor addressed to
the said lord Duke of Burgundy
"To the most high and puissant prince Philippe Duke of Burgundy, count of
Flanders, of Artois, of Burgundy and Namur, and to all others concerned, Brother Martin,
master sacred theology, and Vicar-General of the Inquisitor of the faith in the kingdom of
France, greeting in Jesus Christ of true Saviour. Whereas all loyal and Christian princes
and all other true Catholics are charged with extirpation of error arising against the
faith, as well as scandals resulting there from among the private Christian folk, and
whereas at this time it is reported and commonly said that through a certain woman named
Jeanne, whom the adversaries of the kingdom call The Maid, at her instance in many cities,
good towns and other places of this realm, many and diverse errors have beer sown,
uttered, published and spread abroad, and still continued to be so, whence many hurts and
scandals against the divine honor and against the holy faith have resulted and do result,
causing the loss of souls and of many private Christians: which
[10]
cannot and must not be dissimulated nor pass without a fair and appropriate reparation.
Now since it so happens that by God's grace the said Jeanne is at this time in your power
and subjection, or in that of your noble and loyal vassals: for these reasons, puissant
prince, we most lovingly beseech you and pray your said noble vassals to surrender the
said Jeanne, through you or through them, safely and soon; and we hope that you will so do
as true defenders of the faith and protectors of God's honor, and that none shall hinder
or delay you (which God prevent). And with the rights of our office and the authority
committed to us by the Holy See of Rome, we urgently summon and enjoin for the sake of the
Catholic faith and under penalty of law all the above-said and every person of what state,
condition, preëminence and authority so ever, as soon as possible with safety and fitness
to send and bring captive to us the said Jeanne vehemently suspected of many crimes, and
tainted with heresy, that she may appear before us against the Procurator of the Holy
Inquisition, and may reply and proceed rightly according to the counsel, favor and aid of
the good doctors and masters of the University of Paris, and other notable counselors
therefrom. Given at Paris under our seal of office of the Holy Inquisition, the year 1430,
the 26th day of May."
So signed: Lefourbeur. Hébert.
Then follows the tenor of the summons presented by us Bishop of Beauvais to the said
lords, the Duke of Burgundy and Jean de Luxembourg
"This is the summons of the Bishop of Beauvais to my lord Duke of Burgundy, Jean
de Luxembourg and to the Bastard of Wandomme, on behalf of the King our sovereign and of
himself as Bishop of Beauvais:
"Let this woman commonly known as The Maid, a prisoner,
[11]
be sent to the King to be delivered to the Church, that she may be tried, as being
suspected of and slandered with having committed many crimes, such as sorceries,
idolatries, calling-up of evil spirits and many other instances touching and opposed to
our faith. And although she ought not to be considered as a prisoner of war (as it appears
from what is said), nevertheless to reward those who captured and held her, the King is
bountifully pleased to grant them up to the sum of 6,000 francs, and to the said bastard,
who captured her, will grant and assign a pension for the upkeep of his estate of 200 or
300 pounds.
"And the said Bishop himself requires the aforesaid each and every one, since the
woman was captured in his diocese and under his spiritual jurisdiction, to deliver her to
him that he may fittingly try her. This he is ready to undertake with the assistance of
the Inquisitor of the faith, and if need be, with the assistance of doctors of theology
and of decrees, and other notable persons versed in judicial matters, as the case
requires, in order that it be performed in a mature, holy and due manner to the exaltation
of the faith and to the instruction of many who have been deceived and abused through this
woman.
"And finally, if in the above manner they do not wish or consent to obey this
injunction, and although the taking of this woman is not similar to the capture of a king,
of princes and others of high estate (yet if such person were captured, whether king,
dauphin or other prince, the King could at his pleasure ransom him by sending to the
captor ten thousand francs, according to the law and custom of France), the bishop summons
and requires the abovesaid in his name and the King's to deliver The Maid to him, giving
as surety the above sum of 10,000 francs, for everything whatever. And the said bishop, in
his own name and according to the form and penalties
[12]
of the law, requires her to be given and delivered to him in this manner."
Then follows the instrument of the summons for the surrender of the Maid
"In the year of our Lord 1430, the 14th day of July, indiction 8, the 13th year of
the pontificate of our most Holy Father the Pope Martin V, in the castle of the very
illustrious prince my lord Duke of Burgundy, in his camp before Compiègne, in presence of
the noble lords Nicolas de Mailly, Bailly of Vermandois and Jean de Pressy, knights, and
of many other noble witnesses, in great number, there was presented by the reverend father
in God my lord Pierre, by the grace of God bishop and count of Beauvais, to the very
illustrious prince my lord Duke of Burgundy, a certain schedule on paper containing word
for word the five articles transcribed above: the which my lord Duke gave to the noble
Nicolas Rollin, knight, his chancellor, who was present; and commanded him to convey it to
the noble and puissant lord Jean de Luxembourg, knight, lord of Beaurevoir, to whom, when
he came, the chancellor gave the schedule, which it appeared to me he read."
So signed: "This was done in my presence, Triquellot, by apostolic authority
public notary."
Follows the tenor of the letters of the University of Paris addressed to us, Bishop
"To the reverend father in God and lord bishop and count of Beauvais. We observe
with amazement, reverend father and lord, the great delay in the surrender of this woman
commonly called The Maid, which is so prejudicial to the faith and ecclesiastical
jurisdiction, especially as she is said to be now in the hands of our lord the King.
Christian princes in
[13]
their zeal for the interests of the Church and the orthodox faith are wont, when a rash
assault is made upon the dogmas of this same Catholic faith, to surrender the prisoner to
the ecclesiastical judges so that they may hold and punish him forthwith; and doubtless if
your paternity had lent more active diligence to the pursuit of this matter, the trial of
this woman would already be proceeding before an ecclesiastical court. It greatly concerns
you, since you are so great a prelate of the Church, to abolish the scandals committed in
our Christian religion, especially when it is a matter of the judgment of a case which
chance has brought into your own diocese. Therefore, to protect the Church from the grave
injury of a longer delay, will your paternity deign in its zeal to endeavor with extreme
diligence to see that this woman is delivered as soon as possible into your power and that
of the lord Inquisitor of Heretical Error. When you have done this, be so good as to have
her safely conducted to this town of Paris, where there are many wise and learned persons,
so that the trial may be diligently examined and competently conducted, to the salutary
edification of the Christian people and the honor of God: may He grant you especial aid in
all things, reverend father. Written at Paris in our general assembly solemnly held at St.
Mathurin, November 21st, 1431. The rector and the University of Paris."
Signed: Hébert.
Follows the tenor of the letter addressed by our mother the University of Paris to our
Lord the King of France and England
"To the most excellent prince, the King of France and of England, our most feared
lord and father. We have recently heard that the woman called The Maid is now delivered
into your power, whereat we are extremely joyful, trusting in your
[14]
good ordinance to deal with this woman according to law in order to atone for the great
harm and scandals she has notoriously occasioned in this kingdom, to the great prejudice
of the divine honor, our holy faith and all your good people. And because it is
particularly our task as it is our profession to extirpate such manifest iniquities,
especially when our Catholic faith is involved, we cannot hide the long delay in justice
which must displease every good Christian, and your Majesty more than any other because of
your great obligations in gratitude for the high honors, goods and dignities God has
bestowed upon your excellence. But although we have several times written to you in this
connection, and do so by these presents, we must humbly beseech you, most feared and
sovereign lord, with our humble and loyal recommendation, to avoid the reputation of
negligence in so favorable and essential a matter, and for the honor of Our Lord Jesus
Christ to command that this woman shall be shortly delivered into the hands of the justice
of the Church that is to the reverend father in God our most honored lord and count of
Beauvais and to the Inquisitor of France, whom it particularly concerns to know these
misdeeds touching our faith; for then reasonable discussion of the charges imputed to her
can be made, and such reparation brought as the case demands in order to protect the holy
truth of our faith and remove every false error and scandalous opinion from the hearts of
your good, loyal and Christian subjects. It appears meet to us, if it were your highness's
pleasure, to send this woman to this city where her trial could be notably and competently
conducted: for the discussion would resound farther from here than elsewhere if it were
led by the masters, doctors, and other notable persons already present, and it is proper
for the reparation of the scandals to take place there where her deeds have been published
and excessively notorious. By doing
[15]
this your royal majesty will remain loyal to the sovereign and divine Majesty: may He
grant your excellency continual prosperity and never-ending felicity. Written at Paris in
our general assembly held at St. Mathurin, November 21st 1431. Your most humble and pious
daughter, the University of Paris."
Signed: Hébert
Here follows the tenor of a royal letter upon the surrender of the said woman to us,
bishop of Beauvais
"Henry, by the grace of God king of France and England, to all those who shall see
these present letters, greeting. It is well known how for some time a woman calling
herself Jeanne the Maid, putting off the habit and dress of the female sex (which is
contrary to divine law, abominable to God, condemned and prohibited by every law), has
dressed and armed herself in the state and habit of man, has wrought and occasioned cruel
murders, and it is said, to seduce and deceive the simple people, has given them to
understand that she was sent from God and that she had knowledge of His divine secrets,
with many other dangerous dogmatizations most prejudicial and scandalous to our holy
faith. Whilst pursuing these abuses and exercising hostilities against us and our people,
she was captured in arms before Compiègne by certain of our loyal subjects and has
subsequently been led prisoner towards us. And because she has been reputed, charged and
defamed by many people on the subject of superstitions, false dogmas and other crimes of
divine treason, we have been most urgently required by our well beloved and loyal
counselor the bishop of Beauvais, the ecclesiastical and ordinary judge of the said
Jeanne, who was taken and apprehended in the boundaries and limits of his diocese, and
have similarly
[16]
been exhorted by our very dear and well loved daughter the University of Paris, to
surrender, present and deliver this Jeanne to the said reverend father in God, so that he
may question and examine her and proceed against her according to ordinances and
dispositions of canon and divine laws, when the proper assembly shall be called together.
Therefore, for the respect and honor of God's name, for the protection and exaltation of
His Holy Church and Catholic faith, we devoutly desire as true and humble sons of the
Church to obey the requests and demands of the said reverend father in God and the
exhortations of the doctors and masters of our daughter the University of Paris: and we
command and grant, as often as the reverend father shall think fit, that this Jeanne shall
be surrendered and delivered by our men and officers in whose hands she now is, so that he
may question, examine her, and proceed against her according to God, reason, divine law
and the holy canons. Therefore we command our said men and officers who guard this woman
to surrender and deliver her to the said reverend father in God without contradiction or
refusal, as often as he shall require, and we further command all our men of law, officers
and subjects, English or French, not to occasion any hindrance or difficulty in fact or
otherwise to the reverend father or any who are or shall be appointed to assist,
participate in or hear the said trial, but if they are so required by the said reverend
father in God they shall give them protection, aid, defense, guard and comfort, under pain
of grave punishment. Nevertheless it is our intention to retake and regain possession of
this Jeanne if it comes to pass that she is not convicted or found guilty of the said
crimes, or certain of them concerning or touching our faith. In witness whereof we have
affixed to these presents our ordinary seal in the absence of the great seal. Given
[17]
at Rouen, January 3rd, in the year of grace 1431, and the ninth of our reign."
Signed: "By the king, in his Chief Council. J. de Rinel."
Follows the tenor of the letters from the venerable chapter of the Cathedral of Rouen
granting us the said bishop territory during the vacancy of the archiepiscopal see
"To all those who shall see these present letters, the chapter of the cathedral of
Rouen having during the vacancy of the archiepiscopal see administration of all spiritual
jurisdiction, greeting in Our Lord. On behalf of the reverend father in God and lord,
Pierre, by divine mercy bishop of Beauvais, we have been informed that it is his lawful
duty according to his authority as ordinary judge and otherwise, to institute an inquiry
against a woman commonly called Jeanne the Maid, who abandoning all modesty, has lived a
disorderly and shameful life to the scorn of the estate proper to womankind: and moreover,
as is commonly known, she has sown and disseminated many opinions contrary to the Catholic
faith and tending to the denigration of certain articles of the orthodox belief, wherein
she appears evil-thinking, suspect, and defamed. The said bishop had proposed and resolved
to institute proceedings against her since she was in his diocese and had therein
committed all which was reported of her: now it came to pass according to God's pleasure
that she was captured, taken and arrested in his diocese and within the limits of his
spiritual jurisdiction, but that he had meanwhile been translated elsewhere. When this
fact came to the knowledge of the said reverend father he of his own authority and by
other means required and admonished the illustrious prince the Duke of Burgundy and the
noble lord Jean de Luxembourg and the other warders of this woman to surrender her to him,
for it was his lawful and reasonable duty
[18]
as the ordinary judge to institute inquiries and proceedings against this woman who,
suspected of heresy, had committed so many misdemeanors against the Catholic faith, and
who, it was said, had been captured, detained and arrested within the territory of his
spiritual jurisdiction. These lords and the others who held Jeanne captive, being summoned
to this end, both by the most Christian prince Henry our lord and king of France and
England, and by our mother the University of Paris, obeyed these requisitions and demands:
like faithful Catholics devoted to their faith, they surrendered and delivered this woman
to our Lord the king or his commissaries, had her led to the city of Rouen where she was
put into safe custody, and now, at the order and with the consent of our lord the king she
has been surrendered, given up and delivered to the said reverend father in Christ. For
many considerations and reasons, and especially upon careful reflection of the present
circumstances, it has seemed meet to institute proceedings in this city of Rouen,
according to the theological and canonical sanctions, and to carry out here the inquiries
which appear necessary in this case, and, in a word, to perform all the varied business
pertaining to. a suit of this kind, with all the consequent details. Certainly our bishop
does not mean to put his scythe in our harvest, to act without our consent; hence he has
requested us to grant him territory to assist his legal want and to perform all the acts
pertaining to his suit. Therefore, approving the demand of the said reverend father, and
deeming it both just and in accordance with the interests of the Catholic faith, we have
granted, given and assigned him territory, and by the present letter give and assign him
territory, both in this city of Rouen, and wherever in the limits of the diocese as shall
appear necessary to him for all usages concerning this trial and for the execution,
comprehension, decision and termination of everything pertaining
[19]
thereto. Hence we warn all our subjects, of either sex, living in the town of Rouen and
in our diocese, of whatever condition, and hereby enjoin them in virtue of holy obedience,
to comply with, obey and lend aid and favor to the said reverend father in all that
concerns this suit, and its consequences, by supplying testimony and advice and by other
means. We allow and grant that every act arising from the inquiry shall receive its full
and free effect according to law, as if it had been accomplished in his own diocese of
Beauvais, whether it was in fact done by his authority, by his present or future
commissioners or deputies or in conjunction with the Inquisitor of Heretical Error, or his
present or future deputy, either separately or in conjunction, and shall be executed and
concluded. We give and grant him, so far as is necessary and God will allow, all authority
and power excepting the right of the archiepiscopal dignity of the diocese of Rouen in
other matters. December 28th, in the year of Our Lord 1430"
Signed: R. Guérould
Follows the tenor of the letter concerning the Promoter
"To all those who shall see these present letters, Pierre, by divine mercy bishop
of Beauvais, greeting in Our Lord. A certain woman commonly called Jeanne the Maid has
during the course of the present year been taken and captured within the boundaries and
limits of our diocese. On behalf of the most illustrious prince our lord the king she has
been delivered and restored to us her ordinary judge, defamed as she was by common and
public report, as scandalous and suspected of many spells, incantations, invocations and
conversations with evil spirits and of many other matters concerning the faith, so that we
could institute proceedings against her according to the legal form customary in matters
of faith. And we, desiring to proceed maturely in the said matter of
[20]
faith, according to the legal form and upon the advice and consultation of a great
number of our counselors in both canon and civil law who had assembled at our instructions
in this city of Rouen (of which the spiritual jurisdiction had formerly been granted us to
permit us to execute and decide this matter), we judged it both necessary and fitting to
have a Promoter General appointed by us in this trial, with counselors, notaries or
scribes, and an usher to execute the commands and convocations necessary in the course of
the trial. Be it known therefore that being desirous of following both this advice and
consultation and the legal forms, having full confidence in God and being duly informed of
the fidelity, integrity, intelligence, competence and personal ability of the venerable
master Jean d'Estivet, priest, canon of the churches of Bayeux and Beauvais, we have
constituted, created, ordained and appointed the said Jean and do hereby constitute,
create, ordain and appoint him our Promoter or Procurator in everything concerning the
general and particular conduct of this trial. And we give the said Promoter or Procurator
by these presents license, faculty and authority to sit and appear in court and
extra-judicially against the said Jeanne, to give, send, administer, produce and exhibit
articles, examinations, testimonies, letters, instruments and all other forms of proof, to
accuse and denounce this Jeanne, to cause and require her to be examined and interrogated,
to bring the case to an end, and to exercise all acts known to be proper to the office of
Promoter or Procurator, according to law and custom. Therefore, to whom it may concern, we
require submission, obedience, counsel and aid towards the said Jean in the exercise of
his office. In witness whereof we have affixed our seal to these present letters. Given in
the house of Jean Rubé, canon of Rouen. January 9th, in the year of Our Lord 1431"
Signed: E. de Rosières.
[21]
Follows the tenor of the letter concerning the notaries
"To all those who shall see these present letters, Pierre, by divine mercy bishop
of Beauvais, etc. Be it known therefore that being desirous of following both this advice
and consultation and the legal forms, having full confidence in God and being duly
informed of the fidelity, integrity, capacity, competence and ability of master Guillaume
Colles, otherwise called Boisguillaume, and of master Guillaume Manchon, priests of the
diocese of Rouen, apostolic and imperial notaries and sworn notaries of the archiepiscopal
court of Rouen, and subject to the consent and approbation of the venerable vicars of the
archbishopric of Rouen during the vacancy of the see, we have appointed, elected and named
them, and do now appoint, elect and name them notaries or scribes in this suit. And we
give them license, faculty and power to have access to the said Jeanne as often as they
need to question her or hear her questioned, to receive the oaths of witnesses, to collect
the confessions of Jeanne, the sayings of witnesses and the opinions of the doctors and
masters, and to report them, word for word, in writing to us, to put in writing all the
present and future facts of this case, to set down in writing and draw up the whole
proceedings in the proper form, and in short to perform all the tasks of a notary whenever
and wherever suitable. In witness whereof etc." [as above].
Follows the letter appointing a counselor
"To all those who shall see these present letters, Pierre, by divine mercy bishop
of Beauvais, etc. Be it known that desirous of following both this advice and consultation
and the legal forms, having full confidence in Our Lord and being duly informed of the
fidelity, integrity, competence and ability
[22]
of the venerable and prudent master Jean de La Fontaine, master of arts, licentiate in
decrees, we have made, ordained, charged, appointed and retained the said master Jean in
the quality of counselor and examiner of the witnesses to be produced in the trial by our
promoter: and we give and grant the said master Jean license, faculty and authority to
receive the said witnesses, to put them on oath and examine them, to absolve them
conditionally, to draw up and cause to be drawn up in writing their depositions, and to
perform everything pertaining to the office of one duly appointed counselor, commissary
and examiner, everything we should ourselves do if we were acting in his place. In witness
whereof we have affixed our seal to these present letters. Given in the house of Jean
Rubé, canon of Rouen. January 9th, in the year of Our Lord 1431."
Signed: E. de Rosières.
Follows the tenor of letters appointing the executor of our mandates
"To all those who shall see these present letters, Pierre, etc. Be it known that
desirous of following both this advice and consultation and the legal forms, having full
confidence in Our Lord and being duly informed of the fidelity, competence and prompt
diligence of the discreet master Jean Massieu, priest, dean of the Christendom of Rouen,
we have appointed, retained and ordained him executor of the mandates and convocations
emanating from us in this trial: we have granted him license and by these present letters
grant him all license of that office. In witness whereof we have affixed our seal to these
present letters. Given in the house of Jean Rubé, canon of Rouen, 9th January in the year
of Our Lord 1431."
Signed: E. De Rosières
[23]
January 13th, 1431. Reading of the evidence against Jeanne
On the following Saturday, January 13th, we the said bishop assembled in our dwelling
at Rouen the following lords and masters: Gilles, abbot of Ste. Trinité de Fécamp doctor
of theology; Nicolas de Venderès licentiate in canon law; William Haiton and Nicolas
Couppequesne, bachelors of theology; Jean de La Fontaine, licentiate in canon law and
Nicolas Loiseleur, canon of the cathedral of Rouen. In their presence we set forth all
that had been accomplished in the previous session, and requested their advice upon the
subsequent procedure in the case. In addition we read to them certain evidence collected
both in the district where this woman was born and elsewhere, and also certain memoranda
prepared upon particular points indicated earlier in the said evidence or referring to
common report. When all this had been seen and heard the lords and masters decided that
certain articles should be duly prepared so that the matter might appear in greater
distinctness and better order, and they could more certainly decide whether there was
sufficient matter for the institution of a summons and trial in matters of faith.
Therefore in accordance with their advice we resolved to proceed to the preparation of
such articles, and we appointed to this effect certain notable persons of especial
learning in canon and civil law to assist the said notaries. And they, diligently
complying with our command, proceeded to draw up the said articles on the following
Sunday, Monday and Tuesday.
January 23rd, 1431. Decision concerning the preparatory information
On Tuesday, January 23rd, the following lords and masters appeared in our dwelling:
master Gilles, abbot of Fécamp Nicolas de Venderès William Haiton, Nicolas Couppequesne,
[24]
Jean de La Fontaine and Nicolas Loiseleur. In their presence the articles which had
been drawn up were read, and we requested their most prudent counsel upon the articles and
upon the subsequent procedure. They informed us that the articles were drawn up and
prepared in a good and competent form, that it was fitting to proceed to the
interrogations corresponding to these articles: and declared that we the said bishop could
and should proceed to draw up the preparatory information upon the acts and sayings of the
prisoner. Following this advice we resolved and commanded that this preparatory
information should be prepared, but since we were otherwise engaged we appointed the
venerable and discreet master Jean de La Fontaine, licentiate in canon law, to conduct
this inquiry.
[25]
February 13th, 1431. The officers appointed take oath
On the morning of Tuesday, February 13th of the same year there appeared before us in
our dwelling the following lords and masters: Gilles, abbot of Fécamp, Jean Beaupère,
Jacques de Touraine, Nicolas Midi, Pierre Maurice, Gerard Feuillet, doctors; Nicolas de
Venderès and Jean de La Fontaine, licentiates in canon law; William Haiton, Nicolas
Couppequesne, Thomas de Courcelles, bachelors of theology; and Nicolas Loiseleur, canon of
the cathedral of Rouen. We summoned the officers already appointed and ordained by us in
this suit, namely master Jean d'Estivet, the promoter; Guillaume Boisguillaume and
Guillaume Manchon, notaries; master Jean Massieu, executor of our convocations and
commands. We required them to take oath to fulfil their offices faithfully, and in
obedience to our request they swore between our hands to fulfil and exercise them
faithfully.
February 14th 15th and 16th 1431. The preparatory information is drawn up
On the Wednesday, Thursday, Friday and Saturday following, the said Jean de La Fontaine
with the assistance of the two notaries proceeded to draw up the preparatory information
which we had commanded.
[26]
February 19th 1431. Decision to summon the Inquisitor
On Monday, February 19th 1431, the following lords and masters appeared before us in
our dwelling at eight o'clock in the morning. Gilles, abbot of Fécamp Jean Beaupère
Jacques de Touraine, Nicolas Midi, Pierre Maurice, Gerard Feuillet, doctors of theology;
Nicolas de Venderès, Jean de La Fontaine, licentiates in canon law; William Haiton,
Nicolas Couppequesne, Thomas de Courcelles, bachelors of theology; and Nicolas Loiseleur,
canon of the cathedral of Rouen. We the said bishop informed them that we had commanded a
preparatory inquiry into certain articles concerning the words and deeds of this woman
whom, as we had formerly said, our lord the king had surrendered and entrusted to us, to
discover if there were sufficient cause to proceed against her and summon her in matters
of faith. In their presence we read the articles and depositions contained in this
preparatory evidence. When this had been read they were fully considered by the lords and
masters in a long and mature consultation. Finally at their counsel and advice we
concluded that we possessed sufficient evidence to proceed against this woman and summon
her in matters of faith, and we decreed that she should be cited and summoned to reply to
certain interrogations to be addressed to her. Moreover for the more convenient and
salutary conduct of the matter, and in our respect for the apostolic holy see which has
especially appointed lord Inquisitors of Heretical Error to correct the evils which arise
against the orthodox faith, we resolved at the advice of our experienced counselors to
invite and summon the lord Inquisitor of Heretics cal Error for the kingdom of France to
collaborate with us in this trial if it were according to his pleasure and interest. Since
however the said lord Inquisitor was then absent from the city
[27]
of Rouen, we commanded that his deputy, who was present in Rouen, should be summoned
and called in his stead.
The afternoon of the same day. The Vicar of the Lord Inquisitor is summoned
The same Monday, at four in the afternoon, we were visited in our house by the
venerable and discreet master Jean Le Maistre of the order of Preaching brothers, Vicar of
the lord Inquisitor of the kingdom of France and appointed by him to the city and diocese
of Rouen. We summoned and required the said vicar to join with us so that we might proceed
in conjunction in the said matter, and we offered to acquaint him with everything which
had been or should in future be done therein. Whereupon the said vicar answered that he
was prepared to show us his commission or letters of appointment given him by the lord
Inquisitor and according to the tenor thereof he would gladly perform all that he was in
duty bound to do on behalf of the holy inquisition. Yet, since he was especially appointed
for the diocese and city of Rouen only, he doubted whether his commission could be
interpreted to include the present trial, although the territory had been ceded to us,
because we had nevertheless undertaken these proceedings in virtue of our jurisdiction in
the diocese of Beauvais. We answered that he should return to us on the next day when we
should have taken counsel upon the matter.
Tuesday, February 20th 1431. The Vicar of the lord Inquisitor refuses to act
On the following Tuesday, February 20th there appeared before us in our dwelling
brother Jean Le Maistre, vicar of the lord Inquisitor; master Jean Beaupère Jacques de
Touraine, Nicolas Midi, Nicolas de Venderès, Pierre Maurice, Gerard Feuillet, Thomas de
Courcelles, Nicolas Loiseleur, canon of
[28]
the cathedral of Rouen, and brother Martin Ladvenu, of the order of Preaching brothers.
In their presence we reported that we had seen the commission or letter of appointment
given to the said brother Jean Le Maistre by the lord Inquisitor, and that it was the
opinion of the learned authorities to whom we had shown this letter that the said vicar
could in virtue of this commission collaborate with us, that this commission included this
city and the entire diocese of Rouen, and that he could conduct the present trial
conjointly with us. But nevertheless to avoid the nullification of the trial we had
resolved to address a summons or requisition in the form of letters patent to the lord
inquisitor, requesting him to come in person to this town of Rouen and conduct the trial
in person or provide a deputy authorized with more extensive and particular powers,
according to the tenor of our letters transcribed below.
Whereupon the said brother Jean Le Maistre replied that for the serenity of his
conscience and the safer conduct of the trial he would not participate in the present
matter, unless he received especial authority. Nevertheless as far as he lawfully might he
allowed that we the said bishop should proceed further until he had received more ample
counsel upon the question whether he could in virtue of his commission undertake the
conduct of this trial. Thus with his consent we once again offered to acquaint him with
the past and future procedure. And after receiving the decisions of the assessors, we
decreed in our letters of citation transcribed below, that this woman should be summoned
to appear before us on the following Wednesday, February 29th.
First follows the tenor of letters of appointment of the said lean Le Maistre
"Brother Jean Graverent, of the order of Preaching brothers, professor in sacred
theology, by apostolic authority Inquisitor
[29]
of Heretical Error in all the kingdom of France, to his well loved brother in Christ,
Jean Le Maistre, of the same order, greeting in Our Lord Jesus Christ, the author and
consummator of our faith. Heresy is a disease which creeps like a cancer, secretly killing
the simple, unless the knife of the inquisitor cuts it away. Hence, with confidence in
your zeal for the faith, in your discretion and integrity, and in virtue of the apostolic
authority which we enjoy, we have made, created and constituted you, and by the tenor of
these present letters we make, create and constitute you our vicar in the town and diocese
of Rouen, giving and granting you entire authority in this town and diocese against all
heretics and them suspected of heresy, their accomplices, protectors and concealers, to
investigate, cite, summon, excommunicate, apprehend, detain, correct and proceed against
them by all opportune means, up to and including the final sentence, with absolution and
the pronouncement of salutary penances, to perform and exercise in general each and every
duty pertaining to the office of inquisitor by law, custom or special privilege, which we
ourselves should perform if we were acting in person. Given at Rouen, August 21st in the
year of Our Lord 1424."
Follows the tenor of the letter which we the said Bishop addressed to the Lord
Inquisitor of Heretical Error
"Pierre, by divine mercy Bishop of Beauvais, to the venerable father master Jean
Graverent, doctor of theology, Inquisitor of Heretical Error, greeting and sincere love in
Christ. Our lord the King, burning with zeal for the orthodox faith and the Christian
religion, has surrendered to us as ordinary judge a certain woman named Jeanne, commonly
called The Maid, who, notoriously accused of many crimes against the Christian faith and
religion, suspected of Heresy, was captured and apprehended in our diocese of Beauvais.
The chapter of the
[30]
cathedral of Rouen, in the vacancy of the archiepiscopal see, having granted and
assigned us territory in this city and diocese in which to hold this trial, we, desiring
to drive out all unholy errors disseminated among the people of God, to establish the
integrity of the wounded Catholic faith, and to instruct the christian people, teaching
them salvation, particularly in this diocese and other parts of this most Christian realm,
resolved to examine the case of this woman with all diligence and zeal, to inquire into
her acts and ways concerning the Catholic faith, and, after assembling a certain number of
doctors of theology and canon law, with other experienced persons, did, after great and
mature consultation, begin her legal trial in this town. But as this particularly concerns
your office of inquisitor, whose duty is to direct the light of truth upon the suspicions
of heresy, we beg you, venerable father, require and summon you for the faith's sake to
return without delay to the town of Rouen for the further conduct of the trial and to
participate therein as is incumbent upon your office, according to legal form and
apostolic sanctions, so that we may continue in this suit with a common sentiment and
uniform procedure. And if your occupation or other reasonable cause should occasion any
delay, at least entrust your authority to brother Jean Le Maistre your vicar in this city
and diocese of Rouen, or to some other deputy, so that you are not charged with the
grievous delay caused by your absence after so urgent a summons, to the prejudice of the
faith and the scandal of the Christian people. Whatever you decide to do, please inform us
of forthwith in your letters patent. Given under our seat at Rouen, February 22nd, in the
year of Our Lord 1431."
Signed: G. Boisguillaume. G. Manchon
[31]
Wednesday, February 21st. The First Public Session
On Wednesday, February 21st, at eight o'clock in the morning we the said bishop
repaired to the chapel royal of the castle of Rouen, where we had summoned the said woman
to appear before us at that hour and day. When we were seated in tribunal there were
present the reverend fathers, lords and masters: Gilles, abbot of Ste. Trinité de Fécamp
Pierre, prior of Longueville-Giffard, Jean de Châtillon Jean Beaupère Jacques de
Touraine, Nicolas Midi, Jean de Nibat Jacques Guesdon, Jean Le Fèvre Maurice du Quesnay,
Guillaume Le Boucher, Pierre Houdenc, Pierre Maurice, Richard Prati, and Gerard Feuillet,
doctors of sacred theology; Nicolas de Jumièges Guillaume de Ste. Catherine, and
Guillaume de Cormeilles, abbots; Jean Garin, canon, Raoul Roussel, doctors of canon and
civil law; William Haiton, Nicolas Couppequesne, Jean Le Maistre, Richard le Grouchet,
Pierre Minier, Jean Pigache, Raoul Le Sauvage, bachelors of theology; Robert Le Barbier,
Denis Gastinel, Jean Le Doulx, bachelors of canon and civil law; Nicolas de Venderès,
Jean Basset, Jean de La Fontaine, Jean Bruillot, Aubert Morel, Jean Colombel, Laurent Du
Busc, and Raoul Anguy, bachelors of canon law; André Marguerie, Jean Alespée, Geoffrey
du Crotay, and Gilles Deschamps, licentiates in civil law. In their presence there were
read first the letters from the king upon
[32]
the restoration and surrender of the said woman to us, then the letters from the
chapter of Rouen granting us territory: the tenor of which is given below. Then master
Jean d'Estivet, appointed and constituted our promoter in this trial, reported that he had
caused the said Jeanne to be cited and summoned by our usher to appear at the said place,
on the day and hour prescribed, to answer the questions which should legally be put to
her, as is clearly shown in the report of the usher affixed to our letters of citation.
Follows the tenor of the letters of citation and writ
"Pierre, by divine mercy bishop of Beauvais, being in possession of territory in
the city and diocese of Rouen, by the authority of the venerable chapter of the cathedral
of Rouen in the vacancy of the archiepiscopal see, for the purpose of undertaking and
concluding the aforementioned matter, to the dean of the Christendom of Rouen, to all
priests, whether curates or not, of this city and diocese, who shall see these present
letters, greeting in the author and consummator of our faith. Since a woman commonly
called Jeanne the Maid had been captured and apprehended within our diocese of Beauvais,
and had been surrendered, dispatched, given and delivered to us by the most Christian and
serene prince the lord King of France and England as a person vehemently suspected of
heresy, so that we should institute proceedings against her in matters of faith in view of
the fact that rumors of her acts and sayings wounding our faith had notoriously spread not
only through the kingdom of France, but also through all christendom, we, desirous of
proceeding maturely in the affairs, resolved, after a diligent inquiry and consultation
with learned men, that the said Jeanne should be summoned, cited, and heard upon the
articles and interrogations given and made against her, and upon things concerning the
faith. Hence we
[33]
require each and every one of you not to wait for another if he is summoned by us nor
to excuse himself by another. Therefore peremptorily summon the said Jeanne so vehemently
suspected of heresy to appear before us in the chapel royal of the castle of Rouen at
eight o'clock in the morning of Wednesday, February 21St, to speak the truth upon the said
articles, interrogations and other matters of which we esteem her suspect, and to be dealt
with as we shall think just and reasonable, intimating to her that she will be
excommunicated if she fails to appear before us on that day. Give us a faithful account
thereof in writing, you who are to be present to follow it. Given at Rouen under our seal
Tuesday, February 20th 1431."
Signed: G. Boisguillaume. G. Manchon
The Usher's writ
"To the reverend father in Christ, the lord Pierre by divine mercy bishop of
Beauvais, possessing territory in the city and diocese of Rouen by the pleasure of the
venerable chapter of the cathedral of Rouen in the vacancy of the archiepiscopal see for
the purpose of undertaking and concluding the aforementioned matter, your humble Jean
Massieu, priest, dean of the Christendom of Rouen, prompt obedience to your orders in all
reverence and honor. Be it known to you, reverend father, that in virtue of the summons
you addressed to me, to which this present writ is joined, I have peremptorily cited to
appear before you at eight o'clock in the morning of Wednesday, February 21st, in the
chapel royal of the castle of Rouen, the woman commonly called The Maid, whom I have
apprehended in person in the limits of this castle, and whom you vehemently suspect of
heresy, to answer truthfully to the articles and interrogations which shall be addressed
to her upon matters of faith and other points on which you deem her
[34]
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suspect, and to be dealt with according to law and reason and the intimation of your
letters. The said Jeanne replied that she would willingly appear before you and answer the
truth to the interrogations to which she shall be subjected; that, nevertheless, she
requested you to summon in this suit ecclesiastics of the French side equal in number to
those of the English party and, further, she humbly begged you, reverend father, to permit
her to hear Mass before she appears before you, and to inform you of these requests, which
I have done. By these present letters sealed with my seal and signed with my sign manual,
I testify to you, reverend father, that all the foregoing has been done by me. Given in
the year of Our Lord, 11431, On Tuesday preceding the said Wednesday.
Signed: Jean.
The Petition of the Promoter. Decision forbidding Jeanne to attend divine offices
After the reading of these letters the aforesaid promoter urgently required this woman
to be commanded to appear in judgment before us in accordance with the summons, to be
examined upon certain articles concerning the faith; which we granted. But since in the
meantime this woman had requested to be allowed to hear Mass, we informed the assessors
that we had consulted with notable lords and masters on this question, and in view of the
crimes of which this woman was defamed, especially the impropriety of the garments to
which she clung, it was their opinion that we should properly defer permission for her to
hear Mass and attend the divine offices.
Jeanne is led in to judgment
Whilst we were saying these things this woman was brought in by our usher. Since she
was appearing in judgment before us we began to explain how this Jeanne had been taken and
[36]
apprehended within the boundaries and limits of our diocese of Beauvais; how many of
her actions, not in our diocese alone but in many other regions also, had injured the
orthodox faith, and how common report of them had spread through all the realms of
Christendom; how recently the most serene and Christian prince our lord the king had given
and delivered this woman to us to be tried in matters of faith according to law and
reason. Therefore, considering the public rumor and common report and also certain
information already mentioned, after mature consultation with men learned in canon and
civil law, we decreed that the said Jeanne should be summoned and cited by letter to
answer the interrogations in matters of faith and other points truthfully according to law
and reason, as set forth in the letters shown by the promoter.
First exhortation to Jeanne
As it is our office to keep and exalt the Catholic faith, we did first, with the gentle
succor of Jesus Christ (whose issue this is), charitably admonish and require the said
Jeanne, then seated before us, that to the quicker ending of the present trial and the
unburdening of her own conscience, she should answer the whole truth to the questions put
to her upon these matters of faith, eschewing subterfuge and shift which hinder truthful
confession.
She is required to take oath
Moreover, according to our office, we lawfully required the said Jeanne to take proper
oath, with her hands on the holy gospels, to speak the truth in answer to such questions
put to her, as beforesaid.
The said Jeanne replied in this manner: I do not know what you wish to examine me on.
Perhaps you might ask such things that I would not tell." Whereupon we said:
"Will you
[37]
swear to speak the truth upon those things which are asked you concerning the faith,
which you know?" She replied that concerning her father and her mother and what she
had done since she had taken the road to France, she would gladly swear; but concerning
the revelations from God, these she had never told or revealed to any one, save only to
Charles whom she called King; nor would she reveal them to save her head; for she had them
in visions or in her secret counsel; and within a week she would know certainly whether
she might reveal them.
Thereupon, and repeatedly, we, the aforementioned bishop, admonished and required her
to take an oath to speak the truth in those things which concerned our faith. The said
Jeanne, kneeling, and with her two hands upon the book, namely the missal, swore to answer
truthfully whatever should be asked her, which she knew, concerning matters of faith, and
was silent with regard to the said condition, that she would not tell or reveal to any
person the revelations made to her.
First Inquiry after the oath
When she had thus taken the oath the said Jeanne was questioned by us about her name
and her surname. To which she replied that in her own country she was called Jeannette,
and after she came to France, she was called Jeanne. Of her surname she said she knew
nothing. Consequently she was questioned about the district from which she came. She
replied she was born in the village of Domrémy, which is one with the village of Greux;
and in Greux is the principal church.
Asked about the name of her father and mother, she replied that her father's name was
Jacques d'Arc, and her mother's Isabelle.
[38]
Asked where she was baptized, she replied it was in the church of Domrémy.
Asked who were her godfathers and godmothers, she said one of her godmothers was named
Agnes, another Jeanne, another Sibylle; of her godfathers, one was named Jean Lingué,
another Jean Barrey: she had several other godmothers, she had heard her mother say.
Asked what priest had baptized her, she replied that it was master Jean Minet, as far
as she knew.
Asked if he was still living, she said she believed he was.
Asked how old she was, she replied she thought nineteen. She said moreover that her
mother taught her the Paternoster, Ave Maria and Credo; and that no one but her mother had
taught her her Credo.
Asked by us to say her Paternoster, she replied that if we would hear her in confession
then she would gladly say it for us. And as we repeatedly demanded that she should repeat
it, she replied she would not say her Paternoster unless we would hear her in confession.
Then we told her that we would gladly send one or two notable men, speaking the French
tongue, to hear her say her Paternoster, etc.; to which Jeanne replied that she would not
say it to them, except in confession.
Prohibition against her leaving prison
Whereupon we, the aforementioned bishop, forbade Jeanne to leave the prison assigned to
her in the castle of Rouen without our authorization under penalty of conviction of the
crime of heresy. She answered that she did not accept this prohibition, adding that if she
escaped, none could accuse her of breaking or violating her oath, since she had given her
oath to none. Then she complained that she was imprisoned with chains and bonds of iron.
We told her that she had tried elsewhere and on several occasions to escape from prison,
and
[39]
therefore, that she might be more safely and securely guarded, an order had been given
to bind her with chains of iron. To which she replied: "It is true that I wished and
still wish to escape, as is lawful for any captive or prisoner."
We then commissioned as the safeguard of the said Jeanne the noble man John Grey,
Squire, of the bodyguard of our lord the King, and with him Jean Berwoit and William
Talbot, enjoining them to guard her well and faithfully, and to permit no person to speak
with her without our order. Which, with their hands on the Gospel, they solemnly swore to
do.
And finally, having completed all the preliminaries, we assigned the said Jeanne to
appear the next day, Thursday, at eight o'clock in the morning, in the Robing Room at the
end of the great hall of the castle of Rouen.
[40]
Thursday, February 22nd second session
On Thursday, February 22nd, we entered the Robing Room at the end of the great hall of
the castle of Rouen, where there were assembled the reverend fathers, lords, and masters:
Gilles, abbot of Ste. Trinité de Fécamp, Pierre, prior of Longueville, Jean de
Châtillon, Jean Beaupère, Jacques de Touraine, Nicolas Midi, Jean de Nibat, Jacques
Guesdon, Jean Le Fèvre, Maurice du Quesnay, Guillaume Le Boucher, Pierre Houdenc, Pierre
Maurice, Richard Prati and Gerard Feuillet, doctors of sacred theology; Nicolas de
Jumièges, Guillaume de Ste. Catherine, Guillaume de Cormeilles, abbots; Jean Garin and
Raoul Roussel, canons, doctors of canon and civil law; William Haiton, Nicolas
Couppequesne, Jean Le Maistre, Richard de Grouchet, Pierre Minier, Jean Pigache, Raoul Le
Sauvage, bachelors of sacred theology; Robert Le Barbier, Denis Gastinel, Jean Le Doulx,
bachelors of canon and civil law; Jean Basset, Jean de La Fontaine, Jean Bruillot, Aubert
Morel, Nicolas de Venderès, Jean Pinchon, Jean Colombel, Laurent Du Bosc, Raoul Anguy,
bachelors of canon law; André Marguerie, Jean Alespée, Geoffroy du Crotay, and Gilles
Deschamps, licentiates in civil law; the abbot of Préaux, brother Guillaume l'Ermite,
Guillaume Desjardins, doctor of medicine, Robert Morellet, and Jean Le Roy, canons of the
cathedral of Rouen.
[41]
In their presence we showed that Jean Le Maistre, vicar of the lord Inquisitor, then
present, had been summoned and required by us to take part in the present proceedings, and
that we had offered to communicate to him all that had been so far or should subsequently
be done; but the deputy said that he had been appointed and commissioned by the lord
Inquisitor for the city and diocese of Rouen only, whereas we were holding the trial, by
reason of our jurisdiction in Beauvais, on ceded territory. Therefore, to avoid the
nullification of the trial, and for the peace of his conscience, he put off his
participation with us until such time as he should receive a fuller counsel and should
have from the lord Inquisitor more extended power or a commission; in the meantime the
said deputy, as far as he might, would be pleased to see us proceed further and without
interruption with the trial. When he heard our account, the deputy answered, saying:
"What you have said is true. I have been and I am, as far as in me lies, content that
you should continue the trial."
The said Jeanne was then brought before us there, and we admonished and required her,
under penalty of law, to take the oath that she had taken the day before; and to swear to
speak the truth, absolutely and simply, on everything which she was asked in the respect
of the matter of which she was accused and defamed. To which she replied that she had
taken an oath yesterday, and that should suffice.
Then we required her to swear; for none, not even a prince, could refuse to take oath
when required in matter of faith. She answered again: "I swore yesterday; that should
be quite enough. You overburden me." At last she swore to speak the truth on that
which concerned the faith.
Whereupon the distinguished professor of sacred theology, master Jean Beaupère at our
order and command questioned the said Jeanne as follows:
[42]
And first he exhorted her to answer truly, as she had sworn, what he should ask her. To
which she replied: "You may well ask me such things, that to some I shall answer
truly, and to others I shall not." And she added, "If you were well informed
about me, you would wish me to be out of your hands. I have done nothing except by
revelation."
Asked how old she was when she left her father's house, she said she could not vouch
for her age.
Asked if in her youth she had learned any craft, she said yes, to sew and spin: and in
sewing and spinning, she feared no woman in Rouen. And moreover she confessed that for
dread of the Burgundians she left her father's house and went to the town of Neufchâteau,
in Lorraine, to the house of a certain woman called La Rousse, where she stayed about a
fortnight. She added too, that as long as she was at home with her father, she saw to the
ordinary domestic tasks; and that she did not go to the fields to look after the sheep and
other animals.
Asked if she confessed her sins once a year, she said yes, to her own cure; and when he
was prevented, she confessed to another priest, with his permission. Sometimes, too, twice
or thrice perhaps, she confessed to mendicant friars: but that was in the town of
Neufchâteau. And she received the sacrament of the Eucharist at Easter.
Asked if, at other feasts than Easter, she received the said sacrament of the
Eucharist, she told the interrogator to continue to the next question. Afterwards she
declared that at the age of thirteen she had a voice from God to help her and guide her.
And the first time she was much afraid. And this voice came towards noon, in summer, in
her father's garden: and the said Jeanne had [not] fasted on the preceding day. She heard
the voice on her right, in the direction of the church; and she seldom heard it without a
light. This light
[43]
came from the same side as the voice, and generally there was a great light. When she
came to France she often heard the voice.
Asked how she could see the light of which she spoke, since it was at the side, she
made no reply, and went on to other things. She said that if she was in a wood she easily
heard the voices come to her. It seemed to her a worthy voice, and she believed it was
sent from God; when she heard the voice a third time she knew that it was the voice of an
angel. She said also that this voice always protected her well and that she understood it
well.
Asked what instruction this voice gave her for the salvation of her soul: she said it
taught her to be good and to go to church often; and it told her that she must come to
France. And, Jeanne added, Beaupère would not learn from her, this time, in what form
that voice appeared to her. She further said that this voice told her once or twice a week
that she should leave and come to France, and that her father knew nothing of her leaving.
She said that the voice told her to come, and she could no longer stay where she was; and
the voice told her again that she should raise the siege of the city of Orleans. She said
moreover that the voice told her that she, Jeanne, should go to Robert de Baudricourt, in
the town of Vaucouleurs of which he was captain, and he would provide an escort for her.
And the said Jeanne answered that she was a poor maid, knowing nothing of riding or
fighting. She said she went to an uncle of hers, and told him she wanted to stay with him
for some time; and she stayed there about eight days. And she told her uncle she must go
to the said town of Vaucouleurs, and so her uncle took her.
Then she said that when she reached Vaucouleurs she easily recognized Robert de
Baudricourt, although she had never seen him before; and she knew him through her voice,
for
[44]
the voice had told her it was he. And the said Jeanne told Robert she must come to
France. The said Robert twice refused to hear her and repulsed her; the third time he
listened to her and gave her an escort. And the voice had told her that it would be so.
Then she declared that the duke of Lorraine ordered that she should be taken to him;
and she went to him and told him she wished to go to France. And the duke questioned her
about the recovery of his health; but she said she knew nothing about that; and she spoke
to him little concerning her journey. She told the duke nevertheless to send his son and
some men to escort her to France, and she would pray to God for his health. She visited
him with a safe conduct and returned to the town of Vaucouleurs.
She declared that, on her departure from Vaucouleurs, she wore the habit of a man, and
carried a sword which Robert de Baudricourt had given her, but no other arms; and
accompanied by a knight, a squire, and four servants, she reached the town of Saint
Urbain, where she slept in an abbey.
She said that on her journey she passed through Auxerre, and she heard Mass in the
principal church there; and from that time she frequently heard her voices, including the
one already mentioned.
Required to say by what advice she took to man's dress, she several times refused to
answer. Finally she answered that she charged no one with that; and several times she
answered variously.
She said that Robert de Baudricourt had sworn those who accompanied her to conduct her
well and safely. "Go," said Robert to Jeanne, as she departed, "Go, and
come what may."
Jeanne said furthermore that she knows very well that God loves the duke of Orleans;
and so she had more revelations concerning him than any man alive, except him whom she
[45]
calls her king. She said also that it was altogether necessary to change her women's
clothes for men's. She believed that her counsel said well.
She said that she sent to the English at Orleans letters telling them to depart, as
shown in the copy of the letters which had been read to her in this town of Rouen, except
two or three words in the copy: for example, where in this copy it read Surrender to the
Maid it should read Surrender to the King. There are also these words, body for body and
chieftain of war, which were not in the original letters.
After this the said Jeanne told that she went without hindrance to him whom she calls
her king. And when she had arrived at Ste. Catherine de Fierbois, then she sent first to
Chinon, where he who she calls her king was. She reached Chinon towards noon and lodged at
an inn; and after dinner she went to him whom she calls king, who was at the castle. She
said that when she entered her king's room she recognized him among many others by the
counsel of her voice, which revealed him to her. She told him she wanted to make war on
the English.
Asked whether, when the voice showed her her king, there was no light, she answered:
"Pass on to the next question." Asked if she saw no angel above the king, she
answered: "Spare me that. Continue." She said also that before the king put her
to work he had several apparitions and beautiful revelations.
Asked what revelations and apparitions the king had, she answered: "I will not
tell you. It is not now the time to tell you; but send to the king and he will tell
you."
Then Jeanne said that her voice had promised her that as soon as she should come to the
king he would receive her. She said also that those of her party knew well that the voice
was sent to Jeanne from God, and they saw and knew this
[46]
voice. She said further that her king and several others heard and saw the voices which
came to the said Jeanne; and there were present Charles de Bourbon, and two or three
others.
Then Jeanne said that there is not a day when she does not hear this voice; and she has
much need of it. She said she never asked of it any final reward but the salvation of her
soul. The voice told her to remain at Saint-Denis in France, and the said Jeanne wished to
remain; but against her will the lords took her away. However, if she had not been
wounded, she would not have left; she was wounded in the trenches before Paris, after she
left Saint-Denis; but recovered in five days. Further she confessed that she caused an
assault to be made before Paris.
And when she was asked if that day were a feast day, she answered she thought it
certainly was.
Asked if she thought it was a good thing to do, she answered: "Pass on." When
this was over, as it appeared to us sufficient for one day, we postponed the affair until
the following Saturday, at eight o'clock in the morning.
[47]
February 24th. Third Session
On the following Saturday, February 24th, we the said bishop repaired to the same room
in the castle of Rouen where Jeanne appeared in judgment before us in the presence on many
reverend fathers, doctors and masters, namely: Gilles, abbot of Ste. Trinité de Fécamp,
Pierre, prior of Longueville-Giffard; Jean de Châtillon, Erard Emengart, Jean Beaupère,
Jacques de Touraine, Nicolas Midi, Jean de Nibat, Jacques Guesdon, Maurice du Quesnay,
Jean Le Fèvre, Guillaume Le Boucher, Pierre Houdenc, Pierre Maurice, Richard Prati, Jean
Charpentier, Gerard Feuillet, and Denis de Sabrevois, doctor of sacred theology; Nicolas
de Jumièges, Guillaume de Ste Catherine, Guillaume de Cormeilles, abbots; Jean Garin,
doctor of canon law and Raoul Roussel, doctor of canon and civil law; Nicolas
Couppequesne, William Haiton, Thomas de Courcelles, Jean Le Maistre, Nicolas Loiseleur,
Raoul Le Sauvage, Guillaume de Baudribosc, Nicolas Lemire, Richard Le Gagneux, Jean Duval,
Guillaume Le Maistre, and Guillaume l'Ermite, bachelors of sacred theology; the abbot of
St. Ouen, of St. Georges, and of Préaux; the priors of St. Lô and of Sigy; also Robert
Le Barbier, Denis Gastinel, and Jean Le Doulx, bachelors of canon and civil law; Nicolas
de Venderès, Jean Pinchon, Jean de la Fontaine, Aubert Morel, Jean Duchemin, Jean
Colombel, Laurent Du Busc, Raoul
[48]
Anguy, Richard des Saulx, bachelors of canon law; André Marguerie, Jean Alespée,
Geoffroy du Crotay, Gilles Deschamps, Nicolas Maulin, Pierre Carel, Bureau de Cormeilles,
licentiates in civil law; Robert Morellet, and Jean Le Roy, canons of the cathedral of
Rouen, and Nicolas de Foville.
We first of all required the aforementioned Jeanne to speak the simple and absolute
truth on the questions put to her, and to make no reservation to her oath; and we thrice
admonished her to do this. The said Jeanne answered: "Give me Leave to speak"
and then said: "By my faith, you could ask me things such as I would not
answer." She said also: "Perhaps I shall not answer you truly in many things
that you ask me, concerning the revelations; for perhaps you would constrain me to tell
things I have sworn not to utter, and so I should be perjured, and you would not want
that." And she added, "I tell you, take good heed of what you say, that you are
my judge, for you assume a great responsibility, and overburden me." She said also
that she thought it should be enough to have twice taken the oath.
Moreover, asked if she would swear, simply and absolutely, she answered: "You may
well do without it! I have sworn enough, twice"; adding that all the clergy of Rouen
and Paris could not condemn her, but by law. She said that of her coming to France she
would willingly speak the truth, but not the whole truth; and a week would not be enough
for that.
But we, the aforementioned bishop, told her to take the advice of the assessors,
whether or not she should swear. To that she replied that of her coming she would
willingly speak the truth, and not otherwise; and that we must not speak of it to her any
more.
We said that she lay herself open to suspicion if she would not swear to speak the
truth. She replied in the same way as
[49]
before. Again we required her to swear, precisely and absolutely. Then she answered
that she would willingly say what she knew, but not all. She said also that she came from
God, and that there is nothing for her to do here, and asked to be sent back to God, from
whom she came.
Required and admonished to swear, under pain of being charged with what was imputed to
her, she answered: "Continue."
A last time we required her to swear, and urgently admonished her to speak the truth in
matters concerning the trial, telling her she exposed herself to great danger by her
refusal. Then she answered: "I am ready to swear to speak the truth of what I know
concerning the trial." And in this manner she took the oath.
Then, at our order, she was questioned by the distinguished doctor Jean Beaupère
above-mentioned, who first asked her when she had last taken food and drink. She answered
that since yesterday noon she had not taken either.
Asked when she had heard the voice come to her, she answered: "I heard it
yesterday and to-day."
Asked at what hour yesterday she had heard this voice, she answered that she had heard
it three times: once in the morning, once at vespers, and once when the Ave Maria was rung
in the evening. And often she heard it more frequently than she said.
Asked what she was doing yesterday morning when the voice came to her, she said she was
sleeping and the Voice awakened her.
Asked if the voice woke her by touching her on the arm, she answered that it was
without touching her.
Asked if the voice was actually in the room, she said she did not know, but it was in
the castle.
Asked if she did not thank it and kneel down, she answered
[50]
that she thanked it, but she was sitting on the bed, and she put her hands together;
and this was after she asked counsel of it. Whereupon the voice told her to answer boldly.
Asked what the voice had said when she was awakened, she answered that she asked the
voice to counsel her in her replies, telling the voice to beseech therein the counsel of
Our Lord. And the voice told her to answer boldly and God would comfort her.
Asked if it had not spoken certain words to her before she questioned it, she replied
that the voice spoke certain words, but she did not understand them all. However, when she
awakened from her sleep, the voice told her to answer boldly.
Then she said to us, the aforementioned bishop: "You say that you are my judge;
take good heed of what you do, because, in truth, I am sent by God, and you put yourself
in great peril," in French 'en grant dangier.' Asked if the voice sometimes varied in
its counsel, she answered that she had never found it utter two contrary opinions. She
said also that that night she had heard it tell her to answer boldly.
Asked whether the voice had forbidden her to answer everything she was asked, she said:
I will not answer you that. I have revelations concerning the king which I shall not tell
you.
Asked if the voice had forbidden her to tell of the revelations, she answered: "I
have not been advised upon that. Give me a fortnight and I will answer you." And as
she had again asked for a delay in her reply, she said: "If the voice forbade me,
what would you say?"
Asked again if that had been forbidden her [by the voice], she replied: "Believe
me, it was not men who forbade me." She said that she would not answer that day; and
that she does not know if she ought to reply, or not, until it has
[51]
been revealed to her. She said she firmly believes, as firmly as she believes in the
Christian faith and that the Lord redeemed us from the pains of hell, that this voice
comes from God, and by His command.
Asked whether this voice, which she says appears to her, comes as an angel, or directly
from God, or whether it is the voice of one of the saints, she answered: "This voice
comes from God; I believe I do not tell you everything about it; and I am more afraid of
failing the voices by saying what is displeasing to them, than of answering you. For this
question, I beseech you to grant me a delay."
Asked if she believes it displeasing to God to speak the truth, she answered: "My
voices told me to say certain things to the king, and not to you." She saw that that
night the voice told her many things for the good of the king, which she wished he might
know forthwith, even if she had to go without wine till Easter! For, as she said, he would
eat the more happily for it.
Asked if she could not so influence the voice that it would obey her and take news to
her king: she answered she did not know whether the voice would obey her, unless it were
God's will, and God consented thereto. "And if it please God," she said,
"He will be able to send revelations to the king; and with this I shall be well
pleased."
Asked why this voice no longer speaks with the king, as it did when Jeanne was in his
presence, she answered that she did not know, if it were not the will of God. And she
added that but for the will of God she could do nothing.
Asked if her counsel revealed to her that she should escape from prison, she answered:
"Must I tell you that?"
Asked whether that night the voice had not counseled and advised her upon what she
should reply, she said that if the voice revealed such things she did not understand them.
[52]
Asked whether, on the two last days that she heard the voices, she had seen a light,
she answered that the light comes in the name of the voice.
Asked if she saw anything else with the voices, she answered: "I will not tell you
everything, I have not leave, nor does my oath touch on that. This voice is good and
worthy; and I am not bound to answer you." She asked that the points on which she did
not straightway answer should be given her in writing.
Asked whether the voice, of which she asked counsel, had sight and eyes, she answered:
"You will not learn that yet"; and said that there was a saying among little
children, "Men are sometimes hanged for telling the truth."
Asked if she knows she is in God's grace, she answered: "If I am not, may God put
me there; and if I am, may God so keep me. I should be the saddest creature in the world
if I knew I were not in His grace." She added, if she were in a state of sin, she did
not think that the voice would come to her; and she wished every one could hear the voice
as well as she did. She thought she was about thirteen when the voice came to her for the
first time.
Asked whether in her youth she had played in the fields with the other children, she
answered that she certainly went sometimes, but she did not know at what age.
Asked if the people of Domrémy sided with the Burgundians or the other party, she
answered that she only knew one Burgundian; and she would have been quite willing for him
to have his head cut off, that is if it had pleased God.
Asked if at Maxey the people were Burgundians or enemies of the Burgundians, she
answered they were Burgundians.
Asked if the voice told her in her youth to hate the Burgundians, she answered that
since she had known that the voices were for the king of France, she did not like the
Burgundians
[53]
She said the Burgundians will have war unless they do as they ought; she knows it from
her voice. Asked if it was revealed to her in her early years that the English should come
to France, she answered that the English were already in France when the voices began to
come to her.
Asked if she was ever with the children who fought for her party, she answered no, as
far as she remembered; but she sometimes saw certain children from Domrémy, who had
fought against those from Maxey, returning wounded and bleeding.
Asked whether in her youth she had any great intention of defeating the Burgundians,
she answered that she had a great desire and will for her king to have his kingdom.
Asked if she had wanted to be a man when it was necessary for her to come to France,
she said she had answered elsewhere.
Asked if she took the animals to the fields, she said that she had answered elsewhere;
and that since she had grown up, and had reached understanding, she did not generally look
after the beasts, but helped to take them to the meadows and to a castle called the
Island, for fear of the soldiers; but she does not recall whether or not she tended them
in her youth.
Then she was questioned about a certain tree growing near her village. To which she
answered that, fairly near Domrémy, there was a certain tree called the Ladies' Tree, and
others called it the Fairies' Tree; and near by is a fountain. And she has heard that
people sick of the fever drink of this fountain and seek its water to restore their
health; that, she has seen herself; but she does not know whether they are cured or not.
She said she has heard that the sick, when they can rise, go to the tree and walk about
it. It is a big tree, a beech, from which they get the fair May, in French le beau may;
and it
[54]
belongs, it is said, to Pierre de Bourlemont, knight. She said sometimes she would go
playing with the other young girls, making garlands for Our Lady of Domrémy there; and
often she had heard the old folk say (not those of her family) that the fairies frequented
it. And she heard a certain Jeanne, the wife of mayor Aubery of Domrémy, her godmother,
say that she had seen the fairies; but she herself doesn't know whether it is true or not.
As far as she knew, she said, she never saw the fairies at the tree. Asked if she saw them
elsewhere, she does not know at all. She had seen the young girls putting garlands on the
branches of the tree, and she herself sometimes hung them there with the other girls;
sometimes they took them away, and sometimes they left them there.
She said that since she learned that she must come to France, she had taken as little
part as possible in games or dancing; and did not know whether she had danced near the
tree since she had grown to understanding. Although on occasions she may well have danced
there with the children, she more often sang than danced. There is also a wood, called the
oak-wood, in French le Bois-chesnu, which can be seen from her father's door; not more
than half a league away. She does not know, nor has she ever heard, that the fairies
repair there; but she has heard from her brother that in the country around it is said she
received her message at the tree; but she says she did not, and she told him quite the
contrary. Further, she says, when she came to the king, several people asked her if there
were not in her part of the country a wood called the oak-wood; for there was a prophecy
which said that out of this wood would come a maid who should work miracles; but Jeanne
said that she put no faith in that.
Asked if she wanted a woman's dress, she answered: "Give me one. I will take it
and go: otherwise I will not have it, and am content with this, since it pleases God that
I wear it."
[55]
Whereupon we put an end to all interrogation for this day, and assigned for the next
session the following Tuesday, so that at the same hour and in the same place the whole
convocation should assemble and proceed to the subsequent interrogations.
[56]
Tuesday, February 27th. Fourth Session
On Tuesday, February 27th, we repaired as on the previous days to the room in the
castle of Rouen where the tribunal had been hitherto sitting: there were also present
master Gilles, abbot of Ste. Trinité de Fécamp Pierre, prior of Longueville; Jean
Beaupère, Jacques de Touraine, Nicolas Midi, Pierre Maurice, Gerard Feuillet, Jean de
Nibat, Jacques Guesdon, Maurice du Quesnay, Jean Le Fèvre, Guillaume Le Boucher, Pierre
Houdenc, Jean de Châtillon, Erard Emengart, Giovanni da Fano, Denis de Sabrevois, Nicolas
Lemire, and Jean Charpentier, doctors of sacred theology; Nicolas de Jumièges, Guillaume
de Ste. Catherine, abbots, and Jean Garin, doctor of canon law; Raoul Roussel, doctor of
canon and civil law; William Haiton, Nicolas Couppequesne, Guillaume de Baudribosc,
Richard de Grouchet, Pierre Minier, Thomas de Courcelles, Jean Le Maistre, Jean Le
Vautier, bachelors of sacred theology; the abbot of Préaux Guillaume Desjardins, doctors
of medicine; Robert Le Barbier, Denis Gastinel, Jean Le Doulx, Nicolas de Venderès, Jean
Pinchon, Jean Basset, Aubert Morel, Jean Duchemin, Jean de La Fontaine, Jean Colombel,
Jean Bruillot, Raoul Anguy, bachelors of canon law; Jean Alespée, Geoffroy du Crotay,
Gilles Deschamps, Nicolas Caval, Pierre Carel, Nicolas Maulin, licentiates in civil law;
Nicolas Loiseleur and Robert Morellet, canons of the cathedral of Rouen.
[57]
In their presence we first required the said Jeanne to take an oath to speak the truth
on whatever concerned the trial. To which she replied that she would willingly swear to
answer truly everything that concerned her trial, but not everything she knew.
Then we required her to swear to answer truthfully everything she should be asked. She
replied as before, saying: "You ought to be satisfied, for I have sworn enough."
Then at our instruction, master Jean Beaupère aforementioned, began to examine her.
And first he asked her how she had been in health since the preceding Saturday. She
answered: "You see well enough how. I have been as well as possible."
Asked if she would fast every day during this Lent, she answered by this question:
"Is that in your case?" And as she was answered that it was, she said:
"Yes, truly. I have fasted the whole of Lent."
Asked whether since Saturday she had heard her voice she answered: "Yes, truly,
many times." Asked if on Saturday she had heard it in this hall, where she was being
examined, she answered: "That is not in your case." And then she said she had
heard it.
Asked what the voice had said on Saturday, she answered: "I did not altogether
understand it, I understood nothing I could repeat to you, until I went back to my
room."
Asked what the voice said to her in her room, when she went back she answered: "It
told me to answer you boldly." And she said she asked counsel from her voice on the
questions we should ask her. She said further that she will gladly tell whatever she has
Our Lord's permission to reveal; but concerning the revelations about the king of France,
she will not tell without permission from her voice.
[58]
Asked if the voice forbade her to tell everything, she answered she did not quite
understand that. Asked what the voice said to her on the last occasion, she said she asked
counsel of it upon certain points of our interrogation.
Asked if the voice had given her counsel upon these points, she answered that on some
she had advice, and on others we might question her and she would not reply without leave.
And if she replied without permission, perhaps she would not have the voices for warrant,
in French "en garant"; when she had leave from Our Lord she would not be afraid
to speak, for she would have a good warrant.
Asked whether the voice which spoke to her was that of an angel, or of a saint, male or
female, or straight from God, she answered that the voice was the voice of St. Catherine
and of St. Margaret. And their heads were crowned in a rich and precious fashion with
beautiful crowns. "And to tell this," she said, "I have God's permission.
If you doubt it, send to Poitiers where I was examined before."
Asked how she knew they were these two saints, and how she knew one from the other, she
answered she knew well who they were, and easily distinguished one from the other.
Asked how she knew one from the other, she answered she knew them by the greeting they
gave her. She said further that a good seven years have passed since they undertook to
guide her. She said also she knows the saints because they tell her their names.
Asked if the said saints are dressed in the same cloth, she answered "I will tell
you no more now; I have not leave to reveal it. If you do not believe me, send to
Poitiers!" She said also that there were some revelations made directly to the king
of France, and not to those who question her.
[59]
Asked if the saints are the same age, she answered that she had not leave to say.
Asked if the saints spoke at the same time, or one after another, she answered: "I
have not leave to tell you; nevertheless I have always had counsel from both."
Asked which one appeared first, she answered: "I did not recognize them
immediately; I knew well enough once, but I have forgotten; if I had leave I would gladly
tell you. It is written down in the register at Poitiers." She added that she had
received comfort from St. Michael.
Asked which of the apparitions came to her first, she answered that St. Michael came
first.
Asked whether it was a long time ago that she first heard the voice of St. Michael, she
answered: "I do not speak of St. Michael's voice, but of his great comfort."
Asked which was the first voice which came to her when she was about thirteen, she
answered that it was St. Michael whom she saw before her eyes; and he was not alone, but
accompanied by many angels from heaven. She said also that she came into France only by
the instruction of God.
Asked if she saw St. Michael and these angels corporeally and in reality, she answered:
"I saw them with my bodily eyes as well as I see you; and when they left me, I wept;
and I fain would have had them take me with them too."
Asked in what form St. Michael appeared, she answered "There is as yet no reply to
that, for I have not had leave to answer."
Asked what St. Michael said to her the first time, she answered: "You will get no
further reply to-day." She said the voices told her to answer boldly. She said she
had indeed once told her king everything that had been revealed to her, since it concerned
him. She said, however, that she had not yet leave to reveal what St. Michael said. She
added that she
[60]
wished her examiner had a copy of the book at Poitiers, provided that God desired it.
Asked if the voices told her not to tell her revelations without their permission, she
answered: "I will not answer you further about that; and what I have permission to,
that I will gladly answer. If the voices forbade me, I did not understand."
Asked what sign she gives that this revelation comes from God, and that it is St.
Catherine and St. Margaret who speak to her, she answered: "I have told you often
enough that it is St. Catherine and St. Margaret; believe me if you will."
Asked if it is forbidden for her to tell, she answered: "I have not quite
understood whether that is permitted or not."
Asked how she can distinguish such points as she will answer, and such as she will not,
she answered that on some points she had asked permission, and on some points she had
received it. Furthermore she said she would rather be torn asunder by horses than have
come to France without God's leave.
Asked if God ordered her to wear a man's dress, she answered that the dress is a small,
nay, the least thing. Nor did she put on man's dress by the advice of any man whatsoever;
she did not put it on, nor did she do aught, but by the command of God and the angels.
Asked whether it seemed to her that this command to assume male attire was lawful, she
answered: "Everything I have done is at God's command; and if He had ordered me to
assume a different habit, I should have done it, because it would have been His
command."
Asked if she did it at the order of Robert de Baudricourt she said no.
Asked if she thought she had done well to take man's dress, she answered that
everything she did at God's command she
[61]
thought well done, and hoped for good warrant and succor in it.
Asked if, in this particular case, by taking man's dress, she thought she had done
well, she answered that she had done nothing in the world but by God's commands.
Asked whether, when she saw the voice coming to her, there was a light, she answered
that there was a great deal of light on all sides, as was most fitting. She added to the
examiner that not all the light came to him alone!
Asked whether there was an angel over her king's head, when she saw him for the first
time, she answered: "By Our Lady! if there was, I do not know and did not see
it."
Asked if there was a light, she answered: "There were three hundred knights and
fifty torches, without counting the spiritual light, and I seldom have revelations but
there is a light."
Asked how the king gave credence to her words, she answered that he had good signs, and
through the clergy.
Asked what revelations the king had, she answered: "You will not learn them from
me this year." She said that for three weeks she was examined by the clergy, at
Chinon and Poitiers; and her king had a sign touching of her mission before he believed in
her. The clergy of her party held that there was nothing but good in her mission.
Asked if she had been to Ste. Catherine de Fierbois, she answered yes; and there she
heard Masses three times on the same day; and then went to Chinon. She said she sent
letters to her king, to the effect that she was sending to find out if she should enter
the town where her king was; and that she had journeyed a good hundred and fifty leagues
to come to his aid, and that she knew many things to his advantage. And she thought these
letters said she would be able to recognize the king among all others. She said she had a
sword which she took to the town of Vaucouleurs. She added that when she
[62]
was at Tours or Chinon she sent for a sword which was in the church of Ste. Catherine
de Fierbois, behind the altar; and immediately it was found there all rusted over.
Asked how she knew that this sword was there, she answered that the sword was in the
ground, rusted over, and upon it were five crosses; and she knew it was there through her
voices, and she had never seen the man who fetched it. She wrote to the clergy of the
place asking if it was their pleasure that she should have the sword, and they sent it to
her. Nor was it buried deep behind the altar, but she believed she wrote saying it was
behind. She added that as soon as the sword was found the priests rubbed it, and the rust
fell off at once without effort; a merchant, an armorer of Tours, fetched it. The local
priests gave her a scabbard, as did those of Tours also; they made two in all, one of
crimson velvet, in French "de velous vermeil", and the other of cloth of gold.
She herself had another made of very strong leather. She added that when she was captured
she had not this sword with her.
She said also that she carried it continually from the time she obtained it until her
departure from St. Denis, after the assault on Paris.
Asked what blessing she said or asked over the sword, she answered that she neither
blessed it herself, nor had it blessed; she would not have known how to do it. She loved
the sword, she said, since it had been found in the church of St. Catherine, whom she
loved.
Asked if she had been to Coulange-la-Vineuse, she answered she did not know.
Asked if she ever put her sword on the altar, and if she did so to bring it better
fortune, she answered no, as far as she knew.
Asked if she ever prayed for her sword to have better fortune, she answered: "It
is well to know that I could have
[63]
wished my armor (in French "mon harnois") to have good fortune."
Asked if she had her sword when she was taken, she answered no; but she had one which
had been taken from a Burgundian.
Asked where this sword was, and in what town, she answered that she offered a sword and
armor at St. Denis, but not this sword. She said she had this sword at Lagny; and from
Lagny to Compiègne she had worn the Burgundian's sword, which was a good weapon for
fighting, excellent for giving hard clouts and buffets (in French "de bonnes buffes
et de bons torchons"). But she said that to say where she had lost it did not concern
the case, and she would not answer now. She added that her brothers have her goods, her
horses and swords, as far as she knows, and other things worth more than 12,000 crowns.
Asked whether, when she went to Orleans, she had a standard or banner, in French
"estandart ou banière" and what color it was, she answered she had a banner,
with a field sown with lilies; the world was depicted on it, and two angels, one at each
side; it was white, of white linen or boucassin, and on it were written, she thought,
these names, Jhesus Maria; and it was fringed with silk.
Asked if these names Jhesus Maria were written above, or below, or at the side, she
answered, at the side, she believed.
Asked which she preferred, her standard or her sword, she answered she much preferred
her standard to her sword.
Asked who persuaded her to have this painting on her standard, she answered: "I
have told you often enough that I have done nothing but by God's command." She said
also that she herself bore the standard, when attacking the enemy, so as not to kill any
one; she never has killed any one, she said. Asked what force her king gave her when he
set her to [
[64]
work, she answered that he gave her 10 or 12,000 men; and she went first to Orleans, to
the fortress of Saint-Loup, and then to the fortress of the Bridge.
Asked to which fortress she ordered her men to retire, she says she does not remember.
She added that she was confident of raising the siege of Orleans, for it had been revealed
to her, and she had told the king so before going there.
Asked whether, when the assault was to be made, she did not tell her men that she would
receive arrows, crossbolts and stones hurled by catapults or cannons, she answered no;
there were a hundred wounded, or more. But she had indeed told her men not to fear and
they would raise the siege. She said also that at the assault upon the fortress of the
Bridge she was wounded in the neck by an arrow or crossbolt but she received great comfort
from St. Margaret, and was better in a fortnight. But she did not on account of that give
up her riding or work.
Asked if she knew beforehand that she would be wounded, she answered that she did
indeed, and she had told her king so; but that notwithstanding she would not give up her
work. And it was revealed to her by the voices of the two saints, namely the blessed
Catherine and Margaret. She added that she herself was the first to plant the ladder
against the said fortress of the Bridge; and as she was raising the ladder she was wounded
in the neck with the crossbolt, as she had said.
Asked why she had not concluded a treaty with the captain of Jargeau, she answered that
the lords of her party replied to the English that they would not get the delay of a
fortnight which they asked for, but must go away, they and their horses, immediately. She
added that for her own part, she told the people of Jargeau to retire if they wished, with
their doublets or tunics, and their life safe; otherwise they would be taken by assault.
[65]
Asked if she had any conversation with her counsel, that is to say with her voices, to
find out whether or not to grant the delay, she answered she does not remember.
At this point the examination was postponed to a later date, and we fixed the following
Thursday for the continuation of the inquiry and subsequent interrogations.
[66]
March 1st Fifth Session
On Thursday, March 1st we the said bishop repaired to the accustomed place in the
castle of Rouen, where the said Jeanne appeared before us in the presence of the reverend
fathers, lords and masters: Gilles, abbot of Ste. Trinité de Fécamp; Pierre, prior of
Longueville-Giffard, Jean de Châtillon, Erard Emengart, Jean Beaupère, Jacques de
Touraine, Nicolas Midi, Denis de Sabrevois, Pierre Maurice, Gerard Feuillet, Maurice du
Quesnay, Guillaume Le Boucher, Pierre Houdenc, Jean de Nibat, Jean Le Fèvre Jacques
Guesdon, doctors of sacred theology; Nicolas de Jumièges, Guillaume de Ste. Catherine and
Guillaume de Cormeilles abbots; Jean Garin, doctor of canon law; the abbots of St. Ouen
and of Préaux and the prior of St. Lô; William Haiton, Nicolas Couppequesne, Thomas de
Courcelles, Guillaume de Baudribosc, Jean Pigache, Raoul Le Sauvage, Richard de Grouchet,
Pierre Minier, Jean Le Maistre, Jean Le Vautier, bachelors of sacred theology; Nicolas de
Venderès, Jean Bruillot, Jean Pinchon, Jean Basset, Jean de La Fontaine, Raoul Anguy,
Jean Colombel, Richard des Saulx, Aubert Morel, Jean Duchemin, Laurent Du Busc, Philippe
Le Maréchal, bachelors of canon law; Denis Gastinel, Jean Le Doulx, Robert Le Barbier,
bachelors of canon and civil law; André Marguerie, Jean Alespée, Gilles Deschamps,
Nicolas Caval, Geoffroy du Crotay,
[67]
Pierre Cavé, Nicolas Maulin, licentiates in civil law; Robert Morellet, and Nicolas
Loiseleur, canons of the cathedral of Rouen.
In their presence we summoned and required the said Jeanne to swear to speak the truth,
the simple and absolute truth on what she was asked. She answered that she was ready to
swear to answer truly everything she knew, concerning the trial, as she said before. She
said she knows many things which do not concern the trial, and there is no need to tell
them. Then she said: "Everything I truly know concerning the trial I will gladly
tell." Summoned and required as before, to swear, she answered: "What I can
answer truly, I will willingly tell concerning the trial." And she took the oath in
this manner, with her hands on the holy gospels. Then she said: "Of what I know
concerning the trial I will willingly tell the truth, and will tell altogether as much as
if I were before the Pope of Rome."
Asked what she said concerning our lord the Pope and whom she believed to be the true
Pope, she answered by asking if there were two of them.
Asked if she had not had letters from the count d'Armagnac, to ask which of the three
sovereign pontiffs he should obey, she answered that the said count did write a certain
letter to this effect, to which she replied, amongst other things, that she would give him
an answer when she was in Paris, or anywhere where she was at rest. And she was going to
mount her horse when she gave this answer.
At this juncture we had read in court a copy of the letters from the count and from
Jeanne; and she was examined to see whether this was a copy of her actual reply. She
answered that she thought she had made this reply in part, but not all of it.
Asked if she had professed to know, by the counsel of the
[68]
King of Kings, what the count should hold in this matter, she answered she knew nothing
about it.
Asked if she entertained any doubt concerning whom the count should obey, she answered
that she did not know how to instruct him to obey, since the count asked whom God wanted
him to obey. But as for herself, Jeanne thought we should obey our Holy Father the Pope at
Rome. She added that she said other things to the count's messenger which are not in the
copy of the letter; and if the messenger had not gone off at once he would have been
thrown into the water, but not through her. She said that to the count's inquiry
concerning whom God wished him to obey, she answered that she did not know, but sent him
several messages not put into writing. And as for herself, she believed in Our Holy Father
the Pope at Rome.
Asked why she had written that she would give an answer at some other time, since she
believed in the Pope at Rome, she answered that it had reference to another matter than
the three sovereign pontiffs.
Asked if she had said that she would have counsel on the question of the three
sovereign pontiffs, she answered that she had never written or caused to be written
anything concerning the three sovereign pontiffs. This, she swore by her oath, she had
never written or caused to be written.
Asked if she was in the habit of putting in her letters the names of Jhesus Maria with
a cross, she answered in some she did, and in some she did not; and sometimes she put a
cross to warn some one of her party not to do as her letters said. The tenor of the
letters which the count and Jeanne wrote to one another is included below among the
articles of the prosecutor.
And then she was read the letters that she addressed to our lord the King, to the Duke
of Bedford, and to others.
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The tenor of which letters is to be found below in the articles of the prosecutor.
And then she was asked if she recognized these letters; she answered yes, excepting
three words; to wit where it was written Surrender to the Maid, it should read Surrender
to the king; then there was chieftain of war and thirdly body for body, which were not in
the letters she sent. She added that none of the lords ever dictated these letters, but
she herself dictated them before they were sent; though they were indeed shown to certain
of her party. She said that before seven years are past the English will lose a greater
stake than they did at Orleans, for they will lose everything in France. She adds that the
said English will suffer greater loss than ever they did in France; and it will be a great
victory which God will send the French.
Asked how she knew this, she answered: "I know by a revelation made to me, and
within seven years it will happen and I am much vexed that it should be so long
postponed." She said also that she knew it by revelation as well as she knew we were
at that moment before her.
Asked when it will happen, she said she knew neither the day nor the hour.
Asked in what year it will happen, she answered: "You will not learn that:
nevertheless I heartily wish it might be before St. John's Day."
Asked whether she said it would happen before Martinmas in winter, she answered that
she had said that before Martinmas in winter many things would be seen; and it might be
that the English would be overthrown.
Asked what she told John Grey, her guard, about Martinmas, she answered: "I have
told you." Asked through whom she knew that this would come to pass, she answered
that she knew through St. Catherine and
[71]
St. Margaret. Asked if St. Gabriel was with St. Michael when he came to her, she
answered she did not remember.
Asked if since the last Tuesday she had not spoken with St. Catherine and St. Margaret,
she answered yes, but she does not know at what time.
Asked on what day, she answered, yesterday and to-day; "there is no day but I hear
them."
Asked if she always saw them in the same dress, she answered she always sees them in
the same form; and their heads are richly crowned. Of their other clothing she does not
speak: of their robes she knows nothing.
Asked how she knew whether her apparition was man or woman, she answered she knew for
certain, she recognized them by their voices, and they revealed themselves to her; nor did
she know anything but by revelation and God's command.
Asked what part of them she saw, she answered the face.
Asked if the saints which appeared to her had hair, she answered: "It is well to
know that they have."
Asked if there were anything between their crowns and their hair, she answered no.
Asked if their hair were long and hung down, she answered: "I do not know."
She added that she did not know whether they appeared to have arms or other members. She
saw they spoke very well and beautifully; and she understood them very well.
Asked how they spoke if they had no other members, she answered: "I leave that to
God." She said the voice was gentle, soft and low, and spoke in French.
Asked if St. Margaret spoke in the English tongue, she answered: "Why should she
speak English when she is not on the English side?"
[72]
Asked if on the crowned heads there were not rings of gold or other substance, she
answered: "I do not know."
Asked if she herself did not have some rings, she replied to us, bishop: "You have
one of mine; give it back to me." She said the Burgundians have another ring; and she
asked us, if we had her ring, to show it to her.
Asked who gave her the ring which the Burgundians had, she answered her father or her
mother; and she thought the names Jhesus Maria were written thereon; she did not know who
had them written; she did not think there was any stone in it; and she was given the ring
at Domrémy. She said that her brother gave her the other ring which we had and she
charged us to give it to the Church. She said she never cured any one with any of her
rings.
Asked if St. Catherine and St. Margaret spoke to her under the aforementioned tree she
answered: "I do not know."
Asked if the saints spoke to her at the fountain near the tree, she answered yes, she
heard them there, but what they said to her there she did not know.
Asked what the saints promised her, there or elsewhere, she answered that they made no
promises to her, except by God's leave.
Asked what promises they made, she answered: "That is not in your case at
all." And amongst other things, they told how the king would be reëstablished in his
kingdom, whether his enemies wished it or not. She said also that they promised the said
Jeanne to bring her to Paradise, and she had asked it of them. Asked if she had received
any other promise, she answered she had, but she will not tell, since it does not concern
the trial. And she said that in three months she will reveal the other promise.
Asked if the voices had told her that within three months
[73]
she would be delivered from prison, she answered: "That is not in your case;
however, I do not know when I shall be delivered." And she said that those who wish
to get her out of the world might well precede her.
Asked if her counsel had not told her that she would be delivered out of the present
prison, she answered: "Ask me in three months' time; then I will tell you." She
added: "Ask the assessors, on their oath, if that concerns my trial."
Asked afterwards, when the assessors had deliberated, and unanimously concurred that it
did, she said: "I have already told you that you cannot know all. One day I must be
delivered. But I want leave if I am to tell you; that is why I ask for a delay."
Asked if the voices forbade her to speak the truth, she answered: "Do you want me
to tell you what is the sole concern of the king of France? There are many things that are
not in the trial."
She added that she knows for certain her king will regain the kingdom of France, as
certainly as she knows that we are seated before her in judgment, and but for her
revelation, which daily comforts her, she would be dead.
Asked what she had done with her mandrake, she answered that she has no mandrake, and
never did have; but has heard that near her village there was one, though she has never
seen it. She said also she had heard it called a dangerous and evil thing to keep; nor
does she know its use.
Asked where the mandrake grows, of which she has heard speak, she said in the earth,
near the tree, but she does not know the spot. She said that over the mandrake, she has
heard, a hazel grows.
Asked what she has heard about the mandrake, she answered that she has heard it
attracts money, but she does not believe it. And the voices never told her anything about
this.
[74]
Asked in what form St. Michael appeared, she answered that she did not see his crown,
and she knows nothing of his apparel.
Asked if he was naked, she answered: "Do you think God has not wherewithal to
clothe him?"
Asked if he had any hair, she answered: "Why should it be cut off?" She added
that she had not seen St. Michael since she left the castle Crotoy, and she does not often
see him, or know, she added, whether he has any hair.
Asked whether he had his scales, she answered: "I do not know." She said she
was filled with great joy when she saw him; and she felt, when she saw him, that she was
not in mortal sin. She said St. Catherine and St. Margaret gladly heard her in confession,
from time to time, and each in turn. She said that if she was in mortal sin she was not
aware of it.
Asked if, when she made her confession, she felt as if in mortal sin, she answered she
did not know whether she was in mortal sin, but she believed she had not committed such
deeds. "Please God, she said, I never was in such sin, and if it please Him, I never
shall commit or have committed such deeds as burden my soul."
Asked what sign she gave her king that she came from God, she answered: I have always
told you that you will not drag this from my lips. Go and ask him."
Asked if she had sworn not to reveal what was asked concerning the trial, she answered:
I have already said that I will not tell you what concerns or touches our king; and what
touches our king, I shall not tell you."
Asked if she did not know the sign she gave the king, she answered: "You will not
learn from me." And as she was told it concerned the trial, she answered: "What
I have promised to keep secret I shall not tell you." And added: I promised and I
could not tell you without perjury."
[75]
Asked to whom she made this promise, she answered that it was to St. Catherine and St.
Margaret, it was shown to the king. She promised it without their asking, and did so at
her own desire, for too many people might have questioned her had she not so promised to
the saints.
Asked if any one else was with them when she showed the sign to her king, she answered
that she thought there was not, although many people were fairly near.
Asked if she saw the crown on her king's head when she showed him the sign, she
answered: "I cannot tell you without perjury."
Asked whether her king had a crown when he was at Reims, she answered that she thought
the king took with pleasure the crown he found at Reims, but a much richer one was later
brought. And he did that to hasten his coronation, at the request of the people of Reims
to avoid the burden of the men-at-arms. If he had waited he would have had a crown a
thousand times richer.
Asked if she saw this richer crown, she answered: "I cannot tell you without
committing perjury. And if I have not myself seen it, I have heard that it is so rich and
precious."
At this point we stayed the proceedings for the day; and assigned Saturday at eight
o'clock in the morning for their continuation, requiring those present to assemble
together in the same place at the said hour and day.
[76]
Saturday, March 3rd. Sixth Session
On the following Saturday, March 3rd, in the aforementioned place the said Jeanne
appeared before us in the presence of the reverend fathers, lords and masters: Gilles,
abbot of Ste. Trinité de Fécamp, Pierre, prior of Longueville; Jean de Châtillon, Erard
Emengart, Jacques de Touraine, Nicolas Midi, Denis de Sabrevois, Nicolas Lami, Guillaume
Evrard, Pierre Maurice, Gerard Feuillet, Maurice du Quesnay, Pierre Houdenc, Jean de
Nibat, Jacques Guesdon, doctors of sacred theology; Guillaume, abbot of Ste. Marie de
Cormeilles, doctor of canon law; Guillaume Desjardins, Gilles Canivet, Roland L'Escrivain,
Guillaume de La Chambre, doctors of medicine; the abbots of St. Georges and of Préaux the
prior of St. Lô; also Nicolas Couppequesne, Thomas de Courcelles, Guillaume Le Maistre,
Guillaume de Baudribosc, Jean Pigache, Raoul Le Sauvage, Richard de Grouchet, Pierre
Minier, bachelors of sacred theology; Jean Le Doulx, bachelor of canon and civil law; Jean
Duchemin, Jean Colombel, Raoul Anguy, Aubert Morel, bachelors of canon law; Geoffroy du
Crotay, Bureau de Cormeilles, Nicolas Maulin, licentiates in civil law, and Nicolas
Loiseleur, canon of the cathedral of Rouen.
In their presence we required the said Jeanne to answer the simple and absolute truth
to the questions asked of her: to
[77]
which she replied: "As I did formerly, I am ready to swear." And she swore
thus, with her hands on the holy gospels.
Whereupon, because she had said that St. Michael had wings, and yet had said nothing of
the body and members of St. Catherine and St. Margaret, she was asked what she wished to
say in this connection. To which she replied: "I have told you what I know, and I
will not answer you further." She said also that she had seen St. Michael and the
saints so clearly that she knew they were saints of paradise.
Asked if she saw anything of them besides the face, she answered: "I have told you
all that I know about that: and I would rather have you cut my throat than tell you all I
know." She said that she would willingly tell everything she knew concerning the
trial.
Asked if she believed that St. Michael and St. Gabriel have natural heads, she
answered: I saw them with my two eyes, and I believe it was they I saw as firmly as I
believe in the existence of God."
Asked if she believed that God created them in the form and fashion that she saw, she
answered: "Yes."
Asked if she believed that God from the beginning created them in that form and
fashion, she answered: "You will learn no more from me at present than I have told
you."
Asked if she had known by revelation whether she would escape, she answered: "That
is not in your case. Do you want me to speak against myself?"
Asked if the voices told her anything about it, she answered: "That is not in your
case. I refer me to the case. And if everything concerned you, I would tell you
everything."
She added that, by her faith, she does not know at what hour or day she will escape.
Asked if the voices had told her anything about it in a general way, she answered:
"Yes, indeed, they told me that
[78]
shall be delivered, but I do not know the day or the hour, and that I must boldly show
a cheerful countenance before you."
Asked whether when the first time she came before the king he asked her if it was by
revelation that she had changed her dress, she answered: "I have answered this
before: nevertheless I do not recall whether I was asked. It is written down at
Poitiers."
Asked whether the clerks of her own party who examined her, some for the space of a
month and others for three weeks, had not questioned her about the changing of her dress,
she answered: "I do not recall. But they asked me where I took to a man's dress, and
I told them it was at Vaucouleurs."
Asked if the aforesaid masters inquired whether it was through her voices that she had
assumed this dress, she answered: "I do not recall."
Asked if the queen did not inquire, at her first visit, about her taking to a man's
dress, she answered: "I do not remember."
Asked if her king or queen or other people of her party did not sometimes ask her to
put off her man's dress, she answered: "That is not in your case."
Asked whether she was not asked to at the castle of Beaurevoir, she answered:
"Yes, truly. And I answered I would not put it off without God's leave."
She said the Demoiselle of Luxembourg and the Lady of Beaurevoir offered her a woman's
dress, or the cloth to make one, and told her to wear it; and she replied she had not
God's permission, and it was not yet time.
Asked if Messire Jean de Pressy and others at Arras did not offer her a woman's dress,
she answered that he and many others had often asked her to wear it.
Asked whether she believed she would have done wrong or committed a mortal sin by
taking a woman's dress, she answered
[79]
answered she did better to obey and serve her sovereign Lord, namely God.
She said if she had had to do it she would rather have done so at the request of these
two ladies than of any other ladies in France, save her queen.
Asked whether, when God revealed to her that she should change to a man's dress, it was
by the voice of St. Michael, or by the voice of St. Catherine or St. Margaret, she
answered: "You will learn no more for the present."
Asked whether, when the king first set her to work and she had her standard made, the
men-at-arms and others had pennons made in the style of hers, she answered: "It is
well to know that the Lords kept their own arms." She added: "Some of my
companions in arms had them made at their pleasure; others did not."
Asked of what material they had them made, of linen or cloth, she answered: "It
was of white satin, and on some there were fleurs-de-lys." She had only two or three
lances in her company, but her companions-at-arms sometimes had pennons made like hers,
and did so merely to distinguish their men from others. Asked if the pennons were often
renewed, she answered: "I do not know. When the lances were broken, new ones were
made."
Asked whether she had sometimes said that the pennons made like hers brought better
fortune, she answered that she did sometimes say to her followers: "Go boldly among
the English," and she herself would go.
Asked if she told them to bear the pennons boldly, and they would have good fortune,
she answered she had indeed told them what had happened and what would happen again.
Asked whether she herself threw or had others throw holy water on the pennons when they
were first taken, she answered
[80]
"I do not know anything about that. And if it was done, it was not at my
instruction.
Asked if she ever saw holy water sprinkled on them, she answered: "That is not in
your case; and if I had seen it done I am not now advised to answer you."
Asked if her companions-at-arms did not have written on their pennons the names Jhesus
Maria, she answered: "By my faith, I do not know."
Asked if she herself had borne, or made others bear in procession about an altar or
church, cloth which was to be made into pennons, she answered no, nor had she ever seen it
done.
Asked what it was she wore at the back of her helmet when she was before the town of
Jargeau; and if it was something round, she answered: "By my faith, there was
nothing.
Asked if she ever knew brother Richard, she answered: "I had never seen him when I
came before Troyes."
Asked what manner of greeting he gave her, she answered that the people of Troyes, she
thought, sent him to her, saying that they were afraid she was not a thing sent from God;
and when he drew near her, he made the sign of the Cross and sprinkled holy water, and she
said to him: "Come boldly, I shall not fly away."
Asked if she had seen or had made any images or pictures of herself or in her likeness,
she answered that at Arras she saw a painting in the hands of a Scot; and she was shown in
full armor, presenting letters to her king, with one knee on the ground. She said she had
never seen or had made any other image or picture in her likeness.
Asked whether at her host's in Orleans there was a painting of three women, with these
words Justice, Peace, Union, she answered that she knew nothing of that.
Asked whether she knew that certain of her party had service, Mass and prayers offered
in her honor, she answered
[81]
that she knew nothing of it; and if any service was held, it was not at her
instruction; but if they prayed for her, she felt they had not done ill.
Asked whether her own party firmly believed her to be sent from God, she answered:
"I do not know whether they do, and I refer you to their own opinion; but if they do
not, nevertheless I am sent from God." Asked whether she believed that by deeming her
to be sent from God they believed rightly, she answered: "If they believe I am sent
from God they are not deceived."
Asked if she did not know the feeling of members of her party when they kissed her feet
and her hands and her garments, she answered that many came to see her gladly, but they
kissed her hands as little as she could help; but the poor folk gladly came to her, for
she did them no unkindness, but helped them as much as she could.
Asked what honor the people of Troyes did her when she entered the town, she answered
they did her none. She added that she thought brother Richard entered Troyes with her, but
she does not remember seeing him enter.
Asked if he preached a sermon when she arrived, she replied that she. scarcely stopped
there, and did not sleep at all; and as for the sermon, she knew nothing of it.
Asked whether she spent many days at Reims, she answered: "I think we were there
four or five days."
Asked whether she acted as godmother to a child there, she answered that at Troyes she
did, to one child; but at Reims she does not recall so doing, nor at Château-Thierry; and
at Saint-Denis she was twice godmother. And she gladly gave to the boys the name of
Charles, in honor of her king, and to the girls Jeanne; at times she named them as the
parents wished.
Asked whether the good wives of the town did not touch
[82]
her ring with their own, she answered that "many women touched my hands and my
rings; but I do not know with what thought or intention."
Asked who it was of her company who caught butterflies in her standard before
Château-Thierry, she answered that her party had never done that; but the other side
invented it.
Asked what she did at Reims with the gloves with which her king was consecrated, she
answered that a present of gloves was made to the knights and nobles present; and there
was one who lost his gloves; but she did not say she would find them. She added that her
standard was in the church at Reims; and she thought that it was fairly near the altar,
during the consecration of her king, and she herself bore it for a short time. She does
not know whether brother Richard bore it.
Asked whether, when she was going through the country, she often received the
sacraments of the Eucharist and of Confession when she was in the good towns, she answered
yes, from time to time. Asked whether she received the said sacraments in man's dress, she
answered yes, but she does not remember receiving them when she was in armor.
Asked why she took the Bishop of Senlis's hackney, she answered that it was bought for
two hundred saluts. Whether he received them or not, she does not know; but there was an
arrangement and he was paid. She also wrote to him that he could have the horse back if he
wished, she herself did not want it, for it was no good for carrying a load.
Asked how old the child was whom she restored to life at Lagny, she replied that it was
three days old, and was brought to Lagny before the image of Our Lady; she was informed
that the maidens of the town were also before the image, and she might wish to pray God
and the Blessed Virgin to give life to the babe. And then she went and prayed
[83]
with the other maidens, and at last life appeared in the child, which yawned thrice,
and was afterwards baptized: and immediately it died and was buried in consecrated ground.
Three days had passed, they said, with no sign of life in the child, which was as black as
her coat. But when it yawned, the color began to return. And Jeanne was with the maidens,
praying on bended knees, before Our Lady.
Asked whether it was said in the town that she had brought about the resuscitation, and
that it was due to her prayers, she answered that she did not inquire about it.
Asked whether she knew or had seen Catherine de La Rochelle, she answered yes, at
Jargeau and Montfaucon in Berry.
Asked whether Catherine showed her a woman robed in white who she said appeared to her,
she answered no.
Asked what Catherine said to her, she answered that Catherine told her that a certain
white lady came to her, arrayed in cloth of gold, telling her to go through the good towns
with heralds and trumpets which the king would give her, to proclaim that whosoever
possessed gold, silver, or hidden treasure should immediately bring it forth; and that she
would immediately know those who having any hidden did not bring it forth, and would be
easily able to find it; and it should go to the paying of Jeanne's men-at-arms. At which
Jeanne replied to Catherine that she should go back to her husband, and look after her
household (in French "son mesnage") and care for her children. And to be certain
about Catherine, Jeanne spoke of her to St. Catherine or St. Margaret, who said it was
mere folly and amounted to nothing. She wrote telling her king what he should do, and when
she came to him she said that this question of Catherine was folly and nothing more.
Nevertheless brother Richard wanted to set her to work,
[84]
so both brother Richard and Catherine were ill-pleased with Jeanne.
Asked if she spoke to Catherine of going to La Charité-sur-Loire, she answered that
the said Catherine did not advise her to go, and it was too cold, and she would not go.
She told Catherine, who wished to go to the Duke of Burgundy and make peace, that it
seemed to her that peace would not be found, except at the lance's point. She added that
she asked this Catherine if the white lady came to her every night, saying she would, to
see her, sleep in the same bed with Catherine. And she slept with her, and watched till
midnight, saw nothing, and went to sleep. And when the morning came and she asked
Catherine whether the white lady had come to her, she replied that she had, whilst Jeanne
was sleeping, but Catherine had not been able to awaken her. Then Jeanne asked if the lady
would come the following night, and Catherine answered yes; so Jeanne slept by day, so
that she might stay awake the whole of the succeeding night. And that night she went to
bed with Catherine, and watched all night; but saw nothing, although she often asked
Catherine whether the lady would come, and Catherine answered: "Yes, presently."
Then Jeanne was asked what she did in the trenches of La Charité, and she answered
that she had an assault made, but she neither threw nor sprinkled holy water.
Asked why she did not enter the aforesaid town of La Charité since she had been
commanded so by God, she answered: "Who told you I was commanded to enter?"
Asked if she had not counsel of her voice, she answered that she wanted to come to
France. but the soldiers told her it was better to go first before La Charité
Asked if she was long in the tower of Beaurevoir, she answered that she was there about
four months. She said that when she learned the English were to come and take her. she
[85]
was very angry; and though her voices forbade her to jump from the tower, at last, from
fear of the English, she leaped and commended herself to God and Our Lady, and in leaping
was wounded. And when she had made this leap the voice of St. Catherine told her to be of
good cheer [that she would recover] and the people at Compiègne would have aid. She said
she always prayed with her counsel for them of Compiègne.
Asked what she said when she had leaped, she answered that some said she was dead; and
as soon as the Burgundians saw she was alive, they told her she had tried to escape.
Asked whether she said she would rather die than fall into the hands of the English,
she answered she would rather surrender her soul to God than fall into their hands.
Asked whether she was then much vexed, and whether she did not blaspheme the name of
God, she answered that she never blasphemed the saints, and it was not her custom to
swear.
Asked about Soissons, and the captain who had surrendered the town, and whether she
denied God (and said) that she would have the captain drawn and quartered if she got him,
she answered that she never denied the saints, and those who said or reported that she
had, were mistaken.
When all these things were done, Jeanne was taken back to the place which had been
assigned as her prison. Then we, the said Bishop, declared that, continuing the trial
without interruption whatever, we should call certain doctors and men learned in canon and
civil law who would gather from the confessions of the said Jeanne whatever might be
gathered, since her answers have been set down in writing; and after having seen them and
gathered, if there remained any points upon which it appeared that the said Jeanne should
be examined at greater length, she should be interrogated by deputies
[86]
appointed by us, without disturbing the whole number of the assessors; and everything
should be set down in writing so that wherever fitting the said doctors and authorities
might deliberate and furnish their opinion and advice. We then instructed them to study
and inspect, in their homes, the trial and that part of the proceedings they had already
heard, to discover what should in their opinion follow, and to submit either to us or to
our deputies or to reserve their conclusions, in order to present them after more ample
and mature deliberations at a fitting time and place. We finally forbade each and every
assessor to leave the city of Rouen without our permission before the termination of the
trial.
End of the First Part of the Public Sessions. Sunday, March 4th (-9th)
The Sunday next following, the fourth day of the month of March, and the immediate
succeeding days, Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday and Friday, We, the said Bishop,
assembled in our dwelling at Rouen many venerable doctors and masters versed in divine and
canon law, and we collected all that had been confessed and answered by Jeanne in the
inquiries, and also an extract of the points whereon she had insufficiently answered, and
whereon it appeared she should be further examined. From the points so diligently
collected and extracted, at the advice and deliberation of these learned men, we concluded
that we-must proceed to a further examination of the said Jeanne. But since owing to our
numerous occupations we cannot always attend in person the necessary examinations, we
appointed the venerable and discreet person, Jean de La Fontaine, master of arts and
licentiate in canon law, before mentioned, to pursue the legal inquiries in our stead; and
we charged him to do this on
[87]
Friday, March 9th in the presence of the doctors and masters Jean Beaupère, Jacques de
Touraine, Nicolas Midi, Pierre Maurice, Thomas de Courcelles, Nicolas Loiseleur, Guillaume
Manchon above mentioned.
[88]
Saturday, March 10th First session in prison
The following Saturday, the tenth day of March, we repaired to the chamber in the
castle of Rouen which had been assigned as the prison of Jeanne, and there, with the said
master Jean de La Fontaine, our Commissary and Deputy, and the venerable doctors of sacred
theology, masters Nicolas Midi and Gérard Feuillet; in the presence of the witnesses,
Jean Secard, advocate, and of master Jean Massieu, priest, we summoned Jeanne to swear and
take oath to answer the truth to what was asked of her. She replied, saying: "I
promise to answer you truthfully that which touches your case; and the more you constrain
me to swear, the longer I shall take to tell you."
Whereupon master Jean de La Fontaine, specially charged and deputed by us to this end,
interrogated the said Jeanne. And he asked her, by the oath she had taken, whence she had
come when she last went to Compiègne. She answered that she had come from the town of
Crespy-en-Valois.
Asked whether she spent several days at Compiègne. before she made any sally or attack
therefrom, she answered that she came there secretly in the morning; and entered the town
unknown, she thought, to the enemy; and the same day, towards evening, she made the sally
(in French "la saillie") in which she was taken.
[89]
Asked whether, when she attacked, the bells were rung, she replied that if they were,
it was not at her order or with her knowledge; she did not think so, or remember saying
they were rung. Asked whether she made the sally at the instruction of her voice, she
answered that in Easter week last, when she was in the trenches at Melun, she was told by
her voices, namely by St. Catherine and St. Margaret, that she would be captured before
St. John's Day; it had to be so; and she should not be distressed, but take it in good
part, and God would aid her. Asked if since Melun she had been told by her voices that she
would be taken, she answered yes, several times, nearly every day. And she asked of her
voices, that when she was taken, she might die quickly without long suffering in prisons;
and the voices told her to be resigned to everything, that it must so happen; but they did
not tell her when. If she had known the hour, she would not have gone. She had often asked
them at what hour she would be taken, but they did not tell her.
Asked whether, if her voices had ordered her to make this attack from Compiègne, and
had signified that she would be captured, she would have gone, she answered that if she
had known when she was to be taken she would not have willingly gone; nevertheless she
would have done their bidding in the end, whatever it cost her.
Asked whether, when she made this attack from Compiègne, she had any voice or
revelation to go forth and make it, she answered that that day she did not know she was to
be captured, and she had no other order to go forth: but she had always been told that she
must be taken prisoner. Asked whether when she made the sortie, she crossed over the
bridge of Compiègne, she answered that she went over the bridge and through the boulevard
(in French 'boulovart') and
[90]
with those of her company she attacked the followers of lord Jean de Luxembourg, and
twice drove them as far as the camp of the Burgundians, and the third time to the middle
of the highway. Then the English who were there cut off the road from her and her company;
and she, retreating to the fields on the Picardy side near the boulevard, was taken; and
between the place where she was captured and Compiègne there was nothing but the river
and the boulevard with its ditch. Asked whether the world was painted on the banner she
carried, with two angels, etc., she answered yes, she had but one. Asked what this
signified, to paint God holding the world, and two angels, she answered that St. Catherine
and St. Margaret told her to take the banner, and bear it boldly, and to have painted
thereon the King of Heaven. She told her king this, much against her will, and she knew no
more than that of what it signified.
Asked whether she had a shield and arms, she answered that she never did; but her king
granted arms to her brothers, namely a shield azure, two fleurs-de-lys, and a sword
between; and in that town she described these arms to a painter because he asked what arms
she bore. She said the king gave them to her brothers (to please them) without her request
and without revelation.
Asked whether she had a horse when she was taken, either a charger or a hackney, she
answered that she was riding a horse then, a demi-charger (in French "ung demi
coursier").
Asked who had given her this horse, she answered her king, or his people from the
king's money, gave it to her; she had five chargers from the king's money, not counting
her hacks, which were more than seven.
Asked whether she had any other riches from her king,
[91]
besides these horses, she answered she asked nothing of her king except good arms, good
horses, and money to pay the people of her household.
Asked whether she had no treasure, she answered that the ten or twelve thousand worth
she had was not much to carry on a war with, very little indeed; and that, she thought,
her brothers have. She says that what she has is her king's own money.
Asked what sign she gave the king when she went to him, she replied it was fair and
honorable, and most credible, and good, and the richest in the world.
Asked why she would not tell and show the sign, since she herself wanted to have the
sign of Catherine de La Rochelle, she answered that she would not have asked to know the
sign of the said Catherine, if it had been as well shown before notable ecclesiastics, and
others, archbishops and bishops, as her sign was, namely before the archbishop of Reims,
and others whose names she knew not; there were Charles de Bourbon, the Sire de la
Trémouille, the Duke d'Alençon, and many other knights who saw and heard it as
distinctly as she saw those speaking and standing before her there. Moreover she already
knew through St. Catherine and St. Margaret that the affairs of this Catherine were
nothing.
Asked whether the sign still exists, she replied yes certainly, and it will last for a
thousand years and more. She said the sign is with the king's treasure.
Asked whether it was gold, silver, or precious stone, or a crown, she answered: "I
will not tell you, no man could describe a thing so rich as this sign; but the sign you
need is for God to deliver me out of your hands, the most certain sign He could show
you." Then she said that when she had to leave to see her king she was told by her
voices: "Go boldly:
[92]
when thou art before the king he shall have a good sign to receive and believe in
thee."
Asked what reverence she showed the sign when it came to her king, and whether it came
from God, she answered that she thanked Our Lord for her deliverance from the trouble
arising from the opposition of the clergy of her party; and she knelt down many times. She
said that an angel from God, and from none other but Him, bore the sign to her king, and
she thanked God many times for this. She said the clergy ceased opposing her when they had
recognized the sign.
Asked whether the clergy of her party saw the sign, she answered that when her king and
those of his company had seen it and also the angel that bore it, she asked her king if he
were content, and he replied yes. And then she left, and went to a little chapel hard by,
and heard that after her departure more than three hundred people saw the sign. She added
that for her sake and to stop men from catechizing her, God willed that those of her party
who were there should see the sign.
Asked whether her king and she did reverence to the angel when he brought the sign, she
answered that she did, she knelt down and uncovered her head.
[93]
Monday, March 12th. The Vicar of the Lord Inquisitor is summoned according to the tenor
of his new commission
On the following Monday, March 12th, there appeared in our dwelling at Rouen the
religious and discreet brother Jean Le Maistre, of the order of Preaching brothers, vicar
of the lord Inquisitor of Heretical Error in the kingdom of France: there were present
also the venerable and discreet lords and masters Thomas Fiesvet, Pasquier de Vaulx,
doctors of decrees, Nicolas de Hubent, apostolic secretary, and brother Ysambard de La
Pierre, of the order of Preaching brothers.
We the said bishop reminded the said vicar that at the beginning of the proceedings we
had instituted in matters of faith against this woman commonly called The Maid, we had
required and summoned him to collaborate with us, and offered to communicate to him all
the instruments, testimonies and other things pertaining to the matter and trial: but that
he had raised certain difficulties which prevented his collaboration in the trial, since
he was appointed for the city and diocese of Rouen alone, whereas the trial was being held
before us, by reason of our jurisdiction of Beauvais, in ceded territory. Therefore for
the greater certainty of the undertaking and with extreme precaution we, on the advice of
learned men, had resolved to write to the lord Inquisitor himself, urging
[94]
him to return to his city of Rouen or at least to appoint his deputy expressly to this
task, and entrust him with complete authority from the lord Inquisitor to undertake and
conclude the trial, as is set forth at greater length in the letters above. Now the said
lord Inquisitor, upon the receipt of our letters, in benign compliance with our demand and
for the honor and exaltation of the orthodox faith, especially appointed and deputed the
said brother Jean Le Maistre to conduct and conclude the trial in his letters patent
secured and confirmed by his seal, of which the tenor follows. Therefore we summon and
require the said brother Jean Le Maistre, in accordance with the tenor of his commission,
to join with us in this trial. Whereupon the said brother answered that he would gladly
peruse the commission addressed to him, with the documents of the trial signed by the
notaries, and the other things we desired to communicate to him, and would give us, when
he had seen and considered them, a reply conforming to his duty on behalf of the holy
inquisition. But we told him that he had already been present during a great part of the
proceedings, and had heard most of the answers of the said Jeanne, that however we were
content and well pleased to communicate to him the process and all that had occurred in
the matter, for his perusal and examination.
Follows the tenor of the letters of appointment addressed by the Lord Inquisitor and
mentioned above
"To his dear son in Christ brother Jean Le Maistre of the order of Preaching
brothers, Jean Graverent of the same order, humble professor of sacred theology and
Inquisitor of Heretical Error by apostolic authority in the kingdom of France, greeting in
the author and consummator of our faith, Our Lord Jesus Christ. Since the reverend father
in Christ the lord bishop of Beauvais has written to us in connection with
[95]
a certain woman of the name of Jeanne, commonly called 'The Maid, in his letters patent
beginning 'Pierre by divine mercy bishop of Beauvais to the venerable father master Jean
Graverent'; and since from lawful impediment we cannot now conveniently journey to Rouen,
we, being confident in your zeal and discretion in all that concerns our office and the
affairs of this woman up to and including the final sentence, have especially appointed
you and by the tenor of these present letters do appoint you our vicar, hoping that to the
praise of God and the exaltation of the faith and the edification of the people, you will
proceed therein with justice and holiness. In witness whereof the seal of our office is
affixed to these present letters. Given at Coutances, March 4th in the year of our Lord
1431."
Signed: N. Ogier.
The same Monday, March 12th, in prison
This same Monday morning, we the aforesaid bishop repaired to the chamber assigned as
jail for the said Jeanne, where similarly were assembled at the same time the venerable
and discreet lords and masters Jean de La Fontaine, our appointed commissary, Nicolas Midi
and Gerard Feuillet, doctors of sacred theology, and witnesses Thomas Fiesvet and Pasquier
de Vaulx doctors of canon law, and Nicolas de Hubent, apostolic secretary, aforementioned.
In their presence we required the said Jeanne to swear to answer truthfully what should
be asked her. She replied that "on what touches your case," as she had formerly
said, she would willingly speak the truth. And in this manner she took the oath.
Then she was examined at our command by the said master Jean de La Fontaine: and first
whether the angel that brought
[96]
the sign to her king, as beforesaid, did not speak, she answered: "Yes, he told
the king to set me to work so that the country might be forthwith relieved."
Asked whether the angel that brought the sign to the king was the same that first
appeared to her, or whether it was another, she answered: "It is always the same one,
and he never fails me."
Asked whether the angel did not fail her in respect of the good things of fortune, when
she was taken, she answered that she thought that since it pleased God, it was better for
her to be taken prisoner.
Asked whether the angel did not fail her in respect of the good things of grace, she
answered: "How should he fail me, when he comforts me every day?" And she
believes, as she says, that this comfort is from St. Catherine and St. Margaret.
Asked whether she calls St. Catherine or St. Margaret or whether they come without
being called, she answered: "They often come without my calling," and sometimes
if they did not come, she would pray God to send them.
Asked whether she sometimes called them without their coming, she answered that she had
never needed them without having them.
Asked whether St. Denis sometimes appeared to her, she answered no, as far as she knew.
Asked whether she spoke to, Our Lord when she promised Him to keep her virginity, she
answered that it ought to be quite enough to promise it to those who were sent from Him,
namely St. Catherine and St. Margaret.
Asked what persuaded her to summon a man from the town of Toul for breach of promise,
she answered: "I did not have him summoned; it was he who summoned me; and I swore
before the judge to tell the truth." And moreover, she said, she had made no promise
to this man. She added that
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the first time she heard her voice she vowed to keep her virginity as long as it should
please God; and she was then thirteen years old, or thereabouts. She said her voices
assured her that she would win her case at Toul.
Asked if she had not spoken to her priest or any other churchman of the visions which
she claimed to have she answered no, save to Robert de Baudricourt and to her king. She
added that her voices did not compel her to conceal them, but she was afraid of revealing
them, afraid that the Burgundians might hinder her journey; and in particular she feared
that her father would stop it.
Asked if she believed it was right to leave her father and mother without permission,
when she should honor her father and mother, she answered that in all other things she was
obedient to them, except in this journey; but afterwards she wrote to them, and they
forgave her.
Asked whether she thought she had committed a sin when she left her father and mother,
she answered that since God commanded, it was right to do so. She added that since God
commanded, if she had had a hundred parents, or had been the king's daughter, she would
have gone nevertheless.
Asked whether she asked her voices if she should tell her father and mother of her
going, she answered that as for her father and mother, the voices were well pleased that
she should tell them, but for the difficulty they would have raised if she had done so;
and as for herself, she would not have told them for anything. She said the voices left it
to her to tell her father and mother, or be silent.
Asked whether she did reverence to St. Michael and the angels, when she saw them, she
answered that she did, and kissed the ground where they had stood after they had gone.
Asked whether the said angels were long with her, she answered that they often came
among the Christian folk and
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were not seen, and she often saw them amongst the Christian folk.
Asked whether she had had letters from St. Michael or from her voices, she answered:
"I have not leave to tell you: within a week from now I will gladly tell you what I
know."
Asked if her voices did not call her daughter of God, daughter of the Church, daughter
great-hearted, she answered that before the raising of the siege of Orleans, and every day
since, when they have spoken to her they have often called her Jeanne the Maid, daughter
of God.
Asked why, since she calls herself, daughter of God, she will not willingly say the
Paternoster, she answered that she would willingly do so, and that on other occasions when
she refused, it was with the intention that we the aforesaid bishop should hear her in
confession.
The afternoon of the same Monday, in prison
This same day, Monday, in the afternoon, there were present in the place of the prison
of Jeanne the aforementioned lords and masters, Jean de La Fontaine, our commissary,
Nicolas Midi and Gerard Feuillet, doctors of sacred theology; Thomas Fiesvet and Pasquier
de Vaulx, doctors of canon law, and Nicolas de Hubent, apostolic notary.
The said Jeanne was examined at our order by the said de La Fontaine, and firstly
concerning the dreams she declared her father had had before she left his house. To which
she replied that whilst she was still with her father and mother she was often told by her
mother that her father spoke of having dreamed that Jeanne his daughter would go off with
men-at-arms; and her father and mother took great care to keep her safely, and held her in
great subjection: and she was obedient to them in all things except in the incident at
Toul,
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the action for marriage. She said she had heard her mother tell how her father said to
her brothers: "In truth, if I thought this thing would happen which I have dreamed
about my daughter, I should want you to drown her; and if you would not, I would drown her
myself." And her father and mother almost lost their senses when she left to go to
Vaucouleurs.
Asked whether these thoughts and dreams came to her father after she had her visions,
she answered yes, more than two years after she first heard the voices.
Asked whether it was at the request of Robert de Baudricourt that she first took to a
man's dress, she answered that it was of her own accord, and not at the request of any man
alive.
Asked whether the voice ordered her to wear a man's costume, she answered:
"Everything I have done I have done at the instruction of my voices; and as to the
dress, I will answer that another time; at present I am not advised, but to-morrow I will
answer."
Asked whether she thought she was doing wrong in taking to male attire, she answered
no; and even at this moment, if she were back with her own party it seems to her that it
would be to the great good of France for her to do as she did before her capture.'
Asked how she would have delivered the Duke of Orleans, she answered that she would
have taken enough English prisoners to ransom him; and if she had not taken enough on this
side, she would have crossed the sea and fetched him from England, by force.
Asked whether St. Margaret and St. Catherine had told her absolutely and
unconditionally that she would take enough prisoners to ransom the Duke of Orleans, who
was in England, or that she should cross the sea to fetch him [and within three years
bring him back], she answered yes: and she told the king to let her have her way with the
English lords who
[101]
were their prisoners. She adds that if she had gone on without hindrance for three
years she would have delivered the Duke. She says that to do this three years were more
than were necessary, and one was too little; but she does not remember it now.
Asked what the sign was which she gave her king, she answered she would take counsel
from St. Catherine concerning it.
[102]
Tuesday, March 13th
The following Tuesday, the thirteenth day of March, we assembled at the same hour in
the prison with the venerable and discreet brother Jean Le Maistre, and other venerable
and discreet lords and masters above named: Jean de La Fontaine, Nicolas Midi, and Gerard
Feuillet, and in the presence of Nicolas de Hubent and of Ysambard de La Pierre, of the
order of Preaching brothers. The said brother Jean Le Maistre, seeing the letters
addressed to him by the lord Inquisitor, together with the other circumstances of the
matter needing consideration, joined himself with the trial, ready to proceed with us
according to law and reason to a further decision of the case. Of this we charitably
informed Jeanne, exhorting her and warning her for the salvation of her soul to speak the
truth in the trial on everything she was asked. And then the said deputy of the lord
Inquisitor, wishing to proceed further in the case, as Promoter of the Holy Inquisition,
appointed master Jean d'Estivet, canon of the churches of Bayeux and Beauvais; as keepers
of the prison the noble John Grey, Squire of the Body Guard of our lord the king, and John
Berwoit; as executor of his citations and convocations, master Jean Massieu, priest; the
aforementioned we earlier deputed and charged to their several offices, as is shown more
fully in the letters confirmed with our seals of which the tenor is given above, and in
the
[103]
letters of the said vicar which are described below. And the said officers took oath
before the said vicar to fill their offices faithfully.
Follows the tenor of the letters from the Lord Vicar appointing the Promoter
"To all those who shall see these present letters, brother Jean Le Maistre, of the
order of Preaching brothers, vicar general of the reverend father, lord and master Jean
Graverent of the same order, distinguished professor of sacred theology and Inquisitor of
Heretical Error in the kingdom of France, and especially delegated by apostolic authority,
greeting in the author and consummator of our faith, Our Lord Jesus Christ. Whereas the
reverend father in Christ Pierre, by divine mercy lord bishop of Beauvais, ordinary judge
in this matter and possessor of territory in this town and in the diocese of Rouen, had by
his letters patent invited the said reverend father and lord Inquisitor and had summoned
and required him in the name of the faith to appear in this city of Rouen if conveniently
he could or to please to appoint in his stead us or another suitable person, to conduct,
with the reverend father my lord bishop of Beauvais, the trial in matters of faith of this
woman commonly known as The Maid, called by the said bishop and in his hands. And the said
reverend father and lord Inquisitor, unable by any means to appear in the town of Rouen,
by letters confided to us his powers in this matter, as with other things is shown in his
letters also containing the summons and requisition of the said lord bishop, and our
commission; and these letters of commission dated the 14th day of March in the year 1430,
are signed with the seal of the lord Inquisitor and the sign manual of the venerable
master Nicolas Ogier, priest and notary public. Therefore we, seeking
[104]
and desiring humbly to fulfill with all our strength the commission of the said
Inquisitor to the glory of God and the exaltation of the orthodox faith, as we are
beholden to do, with all our power, having taken the counsel and advice of the lord bishop
and of many other learned men, versed in sacred theology and canon and civil law, we
declare that for the accomplishment of this matter it is needful to constitute and appoint
on behalf of the Holy Inquisition a promoter, notaries, and an executor of our ordinances,
men both kind and eminent. Therefore according to the authority we enjoy in this matter
both apostolic and that issuing from the said reverend father the lord Inquisitor, having
full confidence in Our Lord and being duly informed of the integrity, zeal, adequacy and
capacity of the venerable and discreet person master Jean d'Estivet, priest, canon of the
churches of Bayeux and Beauvais, we have made, constituted, named, ordained and charged
and we do make, constitute, name, ordain and charge the said master Jean our Promoter or
Procurator general, to conduct this case and matter generally and particularly; and we
convey to the said Promoter and our Procurator general, by the tenor of these present,
license, faculty, and authority to sit and to appear in court and extrajudicially against
the said Jeanne; to give, send, administer, produce and exhibit articles, examinations,
testimonies, letters, instruments, and all other forms of proof, to accuse and denounce
this Jeanne, to cause and require her to be examined and interrogated, to bring the case
to an end, and to promote, procure, conduct, and exercise, all and every act known to be
proper to the office of Promoter or Procurator, according to law and custom. Therefore, to
whom it may concern, we require obedience, submission, goodwill, towards the said Jean in
the exercise of his office, and counsel, help, and aid. In witness of which we have
ordered our seal to
[105]
be affixed to these present letters. Given and signed at Rouen in the year of Our Lord
1431, Tuesday, March 13th."
Signed: Boisguillaume. Manchon.
Here follows the tenor of the letter by which the said Vicar of the Inquisitor
constituted Jean Massieu, priest, executor of the convocations and summons necessary in
this case
"To all those who shall see these present letters, brother Jean Le Maistre, of the
order of Preaching brothers, etc., we, having full confidence in Our Lord and being duly
informed of the integrity, zeal, competence, and capacity of master Jean Massieu, priest,
dean of the Christendom of Rouen, appointed and constituted in this trial executor of the
commands and convocations of the said lord bishop, we have appointed, retained and
ordained him executor of the commands and convocations emanating from us herein; and we
bestow and have bestowed on him by these present letters all authority thereto. In
testimony of which we have had our seal affixed to these present letters. Given and signed
at Rouen in the year of Our Lord 1431, Tuesday the 13th day of March."
So signed: Boisguillaume. Manchon.
And when this was done as is indicated above, we the said bishop and brother Jean Le
Maistre, vicar of the Inquisitor, thereupon proceeded together to examine and have
examined the said Jeanne, in the manner earlier begun.
And first at our command Jeanne was examined upon the sign she gave her king, to which
she replied: "Would you be content if I perjured myself ?"
Asked whether she had sworn and promised St. Catherine not to tell this sign, she
answered: "I have sworn and promised not to tell this sign, of my own accord, because
I was too much pressed to tell it " And then she promised to herself not
[106]
to speak of it further to any man. She says that the sign was that an angel assured her
king by bringing him the crown and saying he should possess the whole and entire kingdom
of France, by the help of god and the labors of the said Jeanne; and he was to put Jeanne
to work, that is to say, to give her men-at-arms, else he would not be so soon crowned and
consecrated.
Asked whether she had since yesterday spoken with St. Catherine, she answered she had
heard her since then, and notwithstanding was told many times to answer the Judges boldly
what they should ask her touching the case.
Asked how the angel brought the crown, and whether he placed it on the king's head, she
answered that it was given to an archbishop, namely the archbishop of Reims, so it seemed
to her, in the presence of her king: and the said archbishop received it and gave it to
her king; and Jeanne herself was present. And the said crown was put in the king's
treasure.
Asked about the place where the crown was brought, she answered that it was in the
king's chamber in the castle of Chinon. Asked on what day and at what hour, she answered
that of the day she knew nothing, and of the hour, it was late; beyond that she could not
recall the hour. And it was in the month of April or March, she thought. She said that in
the present month of March or next April it will be two years ago, and it was after
Easter.
Asked whether the first day she saw the sign her king also saw it, she answered yes,
and he himself received it.
Asked what the crown was made of, she answered it was good to know it was of pure gold;
and the crown was so rich and precious that she did not know how to count or appreciate
[107]
its riches; and it signified that her king would gain the kingdom of France.
Asked whether there were precious stones in it, she answered: "I have told you
what I know of it."
Asked whether she had held or kissed the crown, she answered no.
Asked whether the angel who had brought this crown had come from on high, or from the
earth, she answered: "He came from on high," and she understood that he came by
Our Lord's command: and he entered the room by the door.
Asked whether the angel who brought the crown came from earth, she answered that when
the angel came before the king, he did the king reverence by bowing before him and
pronouncing the words of the sign that Jeanne said above. And with this the angel recalled
to the king the sweet patience he had shown in the many great tribulations which had
befallen him. And from the door the angel stepped and walked upon the ground and moved
towards her king.
Asked what space there was between the door and the place where her king then was, she
answered that as far as she knew, there was the space of a good lance-length; and the said
angel went out by the way he had come. She said that when the angel came she accompanied
him and went with him by the stairs to the king's chamber; and the angel went in first,
and then she herself; and Jeanne said to her king: "Sire, here is your sign; take
it."
Asked in what place the angel appeared to her, she answered: "I was nearly always
praying that God would send the king's sign, and I was in my lodging, in the house of a
good woman, near the castle of Chinon, when the angel came; and afterwards we went
together to the king; and the angel was well accompanied by other angels whom no one
saw." And she added that had it not been for love of her and to release her
[108]
from the distress of them that opposed her, she thought that many who saw the angel
would not have seen him.
Asked whether all who were there with the king, saw the angel, she answered that she
thought the archbishop of Reims, the Lords d'Alençon, de la Trémouille, and Charles de
Bourbon saw him, and many churchmen and others saw the crown who did not see the angel.
Asked of what appearance and size the said angel was, she answered she had not leave to
tell that, and she would answer on the morrow.
Asked if all the angels who were in the company of the angel were of the same
appearance, she answered that some of them were fairly like one another, and some were
not, as far as she could see; some had wings or were crowned, others were not; and in
their company were St. Catherine and St. Margaret who were with the said angel and the
other angels up to the very chamber of the king.
Asked how the angel left her, she answered that he left her in a little chapel; and she
was much vexed at his leaving; she wept and would gladly have gone with him, that is, her
soul would have gone.
Asked whether at the angel's departure she remained happy [afraid or in great terror],
she answered that he did not leave her in fear, or trembling; but she was vexed at his
leaving.
Asked whether it was for any merit of hers that God sent her His angel, she answered
that he came for a great purpose, in hope that the king would believe the sign, and men
would cease opposing her, and to help the good people of Orleans; and he came also for the
merits of her king and the good Duke of Orleans. Asked why he had come to her rather than
to another, she answered that it pleased God so to do by a simple maid, to drive back the
king's enemies.
[109]
Asked whether she had been told whence the angel had taken the crown, she answered that
it was brought from God and no goldsmith on earth could have made one so rich and fair;
but as for where the angel had taken it from, she referred herself to God, and knew
nothing concerning it beyond that
Asked if the crown had a good odor, and whether it glittered, she answered that she did
not remember, and would think it over. Afterwards she said that it was of good odor and
would always be so, as long as it was well and duly guarded and it was in the form of a
crown.
Asked whether the angel had written her letters, she an answered no.
Asked what sign the king had, and the people who were with him and her, to persuade
them it was an angel who brought the crown, she answered that the king believed it by the
teaching of the clergy who were there, and by the sign of the crown.
Asked how the clergy knew that it was an angel, she answered that they knew it by their
learning and because they were clerks.
Asked about a married priest and a lost cup which she was said to have pointed out, she
answered that of all this she knew nought, nor had ever heard talk of it.
Asked whether when she went before Paris she had a revelation from her voices bidding
her to go there, she answered no, but she went at the request of nobles who wanted to make
an attack, in French "une escarmouche", or an assault-at-arms; and she intended
to go beyond and cross the trenches of the town of Paris.
Asked whether she had any revelation concerning her going before the town of La
Charité, she answered no, she went at the request of the soldiers, as she answered
elsewhere.
Asked whether she had any revelation concerning her going
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Pont l'Evêque, she answered that after it had been revealed her at the trenches of
Melun that she would be captured, she usually deferred to the captains upon the questions
of war; yet she did not tell them it had been revealed that she would be captured.
Asked whether it was right to attack the town of Paris on the day of the Festival of
the Blessed Mary, she answered that was good to observe the Festival of the Blessed Mary;
and it seemed to her in her conscience good to keep the Festival of Our Lady from
beginning to end.
Asked whether she had not said before the town of Paris: 'Surrender this town, in
Jesus' name!" she answered no, but she had said "Surrender it to the king of
France".
Wednesday, March 14th. The Vicar of the Lord Inquisitor appoints a notary
The following Wednesday, the fourteenth day of the month of March, we, brother Jean Le
Maistre above named, vicar of the lord Inquisitor, having confidence in the industry and
integrity of the venerable and discreet person master Nicolas Taquel, priest of the
diocese of Rouen, notary public by imperial authority, and sworn notary at the
archiepiscopal court of Rouen, and having full confidence in Our Saviour, we retained,
elected and ordained the said Nicolas notary and secretary in this trial, as is shown in
more detail in our letters patent, sealed with our seal and bearing the sign manual of our
notary public, of which the tenor is transcribed below. And the next day in the prison of
the said Jeanne, where we had assembled and where we required him faithfully to exercise
his office, the said master Nicolas took oath before us in the presence of master Jean de
La Fontaine, of Nicolas Midi, of Gerard Feuillet, and of many others.
[111]
Follows the tenor of the letters appointing the said notary
"To all those who shall see these present letters, brother Jean Le Maistre of the
order of Preaching brothers, having full confidence in God and the integrity, zeal,
competence and aptitude of the discreet person master Nicolas Taquel, priest of the
diocese of Rouen, we have retained, elected and ordained the said master Nicolas, sworn
notary of ourselves and the lord Inquisitor, and by these present letters we retain, elect
and ordain him our secretary and notary, giving him license, faculty and authority to
visit the said Jeanne and all other places where she shall be, to question, or hear her
questioned, to swear in any witness produced, to examine the confessions and statements of
the said Jeanne and other witnesses, to set down in writing, for our benefit, the verbal
opinions of the doctors and masters; to put in writing each and every one of the
occurrences of the trial, and to draw up in due form the entire proceedings, performing
everything pertaining to the office of notary, whenever and wherever possible. In witness
whereof we have affixed our seal to these present letters. Given at Rouen March 14th in
the year of Our Lord, 1431,"
Signed: Boisguillaume. G. Manchon.
The same day in the prison
The same day in the presence of master Jean de La Fontaine, commissary appointed by us
the aforenamed bishop and by brother Jean Le Maistre aforesaid, in the prison of the said
Jeanne in the castle of Rouen; and in the presence of the assessors, venerable and
discreet lords and masters Nicolas Midi and Gérard Feuillet, doctors of theology; and
also of Nicolas de Hubent, apostolic notary, and of brother Ysambard de La Pierre,
witnesses, Jeanne was examined.
And first why she jumped from the tower at Beaurevoir.
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She answered that she had heard that the people of Compiègne all of them to the age of
seven years, were to be put to fire and to the sword, and she would rather die than live
after such a destruction of good people. That was one reason why she jumped: the other was
that she knew she had been sold to the English, and she would have died rather than fall
into the hands of her enemies the English.
Asked whether the leap was made at the counsel of her voices, she answered that St.
Catherine told her almost every day not to jump, and God would help her, and the people of
Compiègne too. And Jeanne told St. Catherine that since God was going to help the people
of Compiègne she wanted to be there. And St. Catherine said: "You must be resigned
and not falter; you will not be delivered until you have seen the King of the
English." Jeanne answered: "Truly I do not want to see him, and I would rather
die than fall into the hands of the English."
Asked whether she said to St. Catherine and St. Margaret these words: "Will God
let the good people of Compiègne die so wretchedly?" she answered that she did not
say so wretchedly, but "How can God let these good people of Compiègne die who have
been and are so faithful to their Lord?" She said that after falling from the tower,
for two or three days she was without food, and so injured by the leap that she could not
eat or drink; yet she was comforted by St. Catherine who told her to confess and ask God
to forgive her for having jumped out, and the people of Compiègne would have succor
before St. Martin's Day in winter without fail. Then she began to get well, and to eat,
and soon afterwards recovered.
Asked whether when she leaped she expected to kill herself, she answered no, for as she
leaped she commended herself to God. And she hoped that by the leap she would escape and
not be delivered to the English.
[113]
Asked whether when she regained her speech she denied God and His Saints, since this is
stated in the evidence, she answered that she did not remember that she had ever denied
God and His saints, or blasphemed, there or elsewhere.
Asked whether she wished to abide by the evidence, she answered: "I leave it to
God and none other, and a good confession."
Asked if her voices wanted delay in which to answer, she said that St. Catherine
sometimes answered her but that she, Jeanne, failed to understand on account of the noise
of the prison and the tumult made by her guards. And when she makes a request to St.
Catherine, then she and St. Margaret take the request to God and then by God's order they
give answer to Jeanne.
Asked whether when the saints come to her there comes a light with them, and whether
she did not see the light when she heard the voice in the castle, and did not know whether
it was in her room: she answered that there is not a day when they do not come to the
castle, nor do they come without a light. And as to the voice in question she does not
remember whether she saw a light, or St. Catherine either. She says that she asked three
things of her voices: one was her deliverance; the second was that God should aid the
French and keep the towns which were under their control; and the third was the salvation
of her soul. She asks that if she is taken to Paris she may have a copy of the questions
and of her replies, so that she may give them to the people at Paris and say to them
"Thus was I questioned at Rouen, and here are my replies," and may not be
worried again over so many questions.
And then since she had said that we the aforenamed bishop were exposing ourselves to
great peril, in French "en grant dangier", by bringing her to trial, she was
asked what that meant, and to what peril or danger we exposed ourselves,
[114]
we and the others. She answered that she had said to us the aforesaid bishop, "You
say that you are my judge; I do not know if you are; but take good heed not to judge me
ill, because you would put yourself in great peril. And I warn you so that if God punish
you for it I shall have done my duty in telling you."
Asked what that danger or peril was, she answered that St. Catherine told her she would
have aid, and she does not know whether this will be her deliverance from prison, or if,
whilst she is being tried, some tumult might come through which she can be delivered. And
she thinks it will be one or the other. And beyond this the voices told her she will be
delivered by a great victory; and then they said: "Take everything peacefully: have
no care for thy martyrdom; in the end thou shalt come to the Kingdom of Paradise."
And this her voices told her simply and absolutely, that is, without faltering. And her
martyrdom she called the pain and adversity which she suffers in prison; and she knows not
whether she shall yet suffer greater adversity, but therein she commits herself to God.
Asked whether, since her voices had told her that in the end she should go to Paradise,
she has felt assured of her salvation, and of not being damned in hell, she answered that
she firmly believed what the voices told her, namely that she will be saved, as firmly as
if she were already there.
Asked whether after this revelation she believed that she could not commit mortal sin,
she answered: "I do not know; but in everything I commit myself to God." And
when she was told that this was an answer of great weight, she answered that she held it
for a great treasure.
The same Wednesday afternoon in the prison
The same Wednesday, in the afternoon, there appeared in the said place the venerable
and discreet persons the lords and
[115]
masters above named, Jean de La Fontaine, appointed by ourself and by Jean Le Maistre,
vicar of the lord Inquisitor, the assessors Nicolas Midi and Gérard Feuillet, doctors in
theology; and there were present also brother Ysambard de La Pierre and Jean Manchon.
And the said Jeanne first answered, concerning the immediately preceding article
relative to the certainty she felt of her salvation, upon which she had been examined in
the morning, that she intended the reply in this way: provided she kept her oath and
promise to Our Lord, that is, to keep safe her virginity, of body and of soul.
Asked whether she need confess, since she believed by the revelation of her voices that
she will be saved, she answers that she does not know of having committed mortal sin, but
if she were in mortal sin, she thinks St. Catherine and St. Margaret would at once abandon
her. And she believes, in answer to the preceding article, that one cannot cleanse one's
conscience too much.
Asked whether since she has been in this prison she has not denied or blasphemed God,
she answered no; but sometimes when she said in French, 'Bon gré Dieu or 'saint Jehan,'
or 'Nostre Dame,' those who reported the words may have misunderstood.
Asked whether it was not mortal sin to take a man at ransom and to put him to death, a
prisoner, she answered that she had not done that.
And since mention was made to her of a certain Franquet d'Arras, who was put to death
at Lagny, she answered that she was consenting to his death if he had deserved it, since
he had confessed himself a murderer, a thief, and a traitor. She said his trial lasted a
fortnight; and he had for judges the Bailly de Senlis and a jury of the people of Lagny.
And she said she had asked to have Franquet exchanged for a man from Paris, the
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landlord of the Bear Inn; and when she heard of the death of the landlord and the
Bailly had told her she would be doing great wrong to justice by delivering this Franquet,
she said to the Bailly: "As the man I wanted is dead, do with this fellow as justice
demands."
Asked if she sent money, or had money sent, to him who had taken the said Franquet, she
answered that she is not Master of the Mint or Treasurer of France that she should pay out
money.
And, when she was reminded that she had attacked Paris on a Feast Day; that she had had
the horse of the lord Bishop of Senlis; that she had thrown herself from the tower at
Beaurevoir; that she wore a man's dress; that she was consenting to the death of Franquet
d'Arras; she was asked whether she did not believe she had committed mortal sin; she
answered firstly, concerning the attack on Paris, "I do not think I am in mortal
sin," and if she were, it is for God, and the priest in confession, to know it.
And secondly, concerning the horse, she answered that she firmly believes she did not
therein commit mortal sin against God; for the horse was valued at 200 gold saluts, of
which he received the assignment; nevertheless the horse was sent back to the Sire de la
Trémouille to restore it to the Bishop of Senlis; nor was the said horse of any use to
her for riding. Moreover it was not she who took it from the bishop. She added that for
another thing she did not wish to keep it, since she heard that the bishop was displeased
that his horse had been taken, and besides that, the horse was useless for men-at-arms.
Finally and in conclusion Jeanne knew not whether the bishop was paid the assignation made
to him, nor whether his horse was returned to him; she thought not.
And thirdly, concerning her fall from the tower at Beaurevoir, she answered: "I
did it not out of despair, but in hope of
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saving my body and of going to the aid of many good people in need." And after the
leap she confessed herself and asked pardon of God. And this she received, and she
believes it was not good, but rather wrong, to make that leap. She knew had been forgiven
from a revelation of St. Catherine's at her confession, at whose advice she confessed
herself.
Asked whether she received any great penance, she answered that a large part of her
penance was the hurt she did herself in falling.
Asked whether she thought this wrong she did herself to mortal sin, she answered that
she knows nothing about the and refers herself to God.
And fourthly, concerning' the man's dress she wears, she answered: "Since I do it
by God's command and in His service I do not think I do wrong; and so soon as it shall
please God to command I will put it off."
[118]
Thursday, March 15th in prison
The morning of the Thursday next following, the fifteenth day of March, in the prison
of the said Jeanne, master Jean de La Fontaine, our appointed commissary, Ourself, and
brother Jean Le Maistre, vicar of the Inquisitor, presiding; with the venerable Nicolas
Midi and Gerard Feuillet, doctor of sacred theology, and in presence of Nicolas de Hubent,
apostolic notary, and brother Ysambard de La Pierre.
The said Jeanne was charitably exhorted, admonished, and required to be willing to
refer to the decision of Our Holy Mother the Church, as she ought, in the event of her
having done anything contrary to our faith. She answered that her replies should be seen
and examined by the clergy, and then she should be told if there were anything contrary to
the Christian faith: she will be able to tell certainly what it is, and then she will tell
what she learned from her counsel. Moreover if there were any evil against Christian faith
advanced by Our Lord, she would not wish to sustain it, and would be grieved to be in
opposition.
Then the distinction between the Church Triumphant and the Church Militant was declared
to her, what the one was, and what the other, and she was required therefrom to submit to
the decision of the Church whatever she had said or done whether good or evil. She
replied: "I will not give you any further answer for the present."
[119]
Jeanne was required, upon the oath she had sworn, to tell how she expected to escape
from the castle of Beaulieu between two pieces of wood: she answered she was never a
prisoner in any place but she would gladly escape; and being in the castle she would have
shut up her keepers in the tower, had not the porter seen and encountered her. She saw
that it seemed that it did not please God to have her escape on that occasion, and she
must see the English king, as her voices had told her, and as it is written above.
Asked if she had leave from God or from her voices to escape from prisons whenever it
pleased her, she answered: "I have often asked for it, but so far I have not obtained
it."
Asked whether she would go now, if she saw her opportunity, she answered that if she
saw the door open she would go; and it would be God's permission. And she firmly believes
that if she saw the door open, and her keepers and the other English unable to resist, she
would take it as her permission, and that God had sent her aid; but without leave she
would not go, unless she made a forcible attempt, in French "une enterprise," to
discover whether God was pleased, giving as reason this proverb in the French tongue:
"Aide toy, Dieu te aidera." And this she said so that if she escaped none could
say she did so without leave.
Asked, since she had wished to hear Mass, whether it did not seem to her more fitting
to be in female costume, and which she would prefer, to wear a woman's dress and be at the
Mass, or to keep to a man's dress and not hear Mass, she answered: "Promise me that I
may hear Mass if I wear a woman's dress, and I will answer you."
Then the examiner said to her: "I promise that you may hear Mass, if you are in a
woman's dress." She answered: "And what do you answer, if I have sworn and
promised to our king not to put off this dress? Yet I will tell you: have made
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for me a long dress reaching down to the ground, without a train, and give it to me to
go to Mass; and then, on my return, I will put on once again the dress I have." Asked
once and for all, whether she would wear a woman's dress and go to hear Mass, she
answered: "I will have counsel on it, and then I will answer you." Moreover, she
urged us that for the honor of God and of Our Lady she be permitted to hear Mass in this
good town.
Whereupon she was told by the examiner that she should take a woman's dress, simply and
absolutely. She replied: "Give me a dress such as the daughters of your burgesses
wear, a long houppelande [and also a woman's hood] and I will wear it to go and hear
Mass." She added that as urgently as she could she besought us to permit her to hear
Mass in the dress she wore, without any change.
Asked if, on that which she had said and done, she will submit and commit herself to
the decision of the Church, she answered: "Everything I have said or done is in the
hand of God, and I commit myself to Him. And I certify to you that I would do or say
nothing against the Christian faith; and, if I had said or done anything, or if anything
were found on me which the clergy should declare to be against the Christian faith
established by Our Lord, I would not uphold it, but would cast it out."
Asked if she would submit herself therein to the ordinance of the Church, she answered:
"I will not now answer you more; but on Saturday next send me the priest, if you do
not wish to come, and I will answer him this with God's aid, and it shall be set down in
writing."
Asked whether when her voices came to her she bowed down to them altogether, as to a
saint, she answers yes; and if sometimes she had failed to do so, she had afterwards asked
forgiveness. Nor could she do them the reverence proper to
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them, for she firmly believes them to be St. Catherine and St. Margaret. And she said
likewise concerning St. Michael.
Asked whether, since candles were commonly offered to the saints of Paradise, she has
not burnt candles or other things, in church or elsewhere, or had Masses said, to the
saints who visit her, she answered no, except at Mass, in the priest's hand, and in honor
of St. Catherine. She believes it to be one of them who appear to her; nor has she lit as
many candles to St. Catherine and St. Margaret as she gladly would, firmly believing it is
they who come to her.
Asked whether when she puts the candles before the image of St. Catherine she does it
in honor of her who appears to her, she answered: "I do it in honor of God, of Our
Lady, of St. Catherine who is in heaven, and I make no difference between St. Catherine
who is in heaven and her who appears to me."
Asked if she always did or accomplished what her voices bade her, she answered that
with all her might she accomplished the behest which Our Lord spoke through her voices, as
far as she could understand. And they bade her nothing without the good pleasure of Our
Lord.
Asked if in battle she had done anything without the permission of her voices, she
answered: "You have my answer to this. Read your book carefully, and you will find
it." Yet she said that at the request of men-at-arms she made an attack before Paris
and also before La Charité at her king's request. This was neither against nor according
to the command of her voices . Asked if ever she did anything contrary to their command
and will, she answered that she did what she could and knew, to the best of her power. And
as for her leap from the tower at Beaurevoir, she did it against their bidding, she could
not help herself; and when her voices saw her need, and that
[122]
she could in no way hold herself back, they lent aid to her life and prevented her from
being killed. Moreover, whatever she did in her great ventures, they succored her, and
this is a sign that they are good spirits.
Asked if she had any other sign that they were good spirits, she answered: "St.
Michael certified it before they came to me."
Asked how she knew it was St. Michael, she answered: "By the angels' speech and
tongue." She firmly believes that they were angels.
Asked how she recognized that they were angels, she answered she believed it very soon
and had the desire to believe it. And she said further that St. Michael, when he came to
her, told her that St. Catherine and St. Margaret would come to her, that she should
follow their counsel, and that they were instructed to lead her and advise her what she
had to do; and that she should believe what they said, for it was at Our Lord's Command.
Asked how she would tell if he were a good or bad spirit if the Enemy put himself in
the form and guise of an angel, she answered that she would certainly know whether it was
St. Michael or a counterfeit in his likeness.
At first she said she had grave doubts whether it was St. Michael; and the first time
she was afraid; and she saw him many times before she knew it was St. Michael.
Asked how she knew then rather than on the first occasion that it was St. Michael who
had appeared to her, she answered that the first time she was a young girl and was afraid;
since then St. Michael taught her and showed her so many things that she firmly believed
it was he.
Asked what doctrine he taught her, she answered that in all things he told her to be a
good child and God would help her; and, among other things, he told her she should go to
[123]
the aid of the King of France. A great part of what the angel taught her is in this
book, and the angel told her of the pity that was in the Kingdom of France.
Asked about the height and stature of this angel, she said she will reply on Saturday
with the other matter, namely what shall please God.
Asked if she does not believe it to be a great sin to anger St. Catherine and St.
Margaret who appear to her, and to do contrary to their bidding, she answers yes, but she
knows how to atone for it; what angered them most of all [in her opinion] was the leap at
Beaurevoir; wherein she asked their forgiveness, and for other offenses she had committed
against them.
Asked if St. Catherine and St. Margaret would not take bodily vengeance for this
offense, she answered that she does not know, and has not asked them.
Asked why she formerly said, that for speaking truth one is sometimes hanged, and if
she knew of any crime or fault in her through which she might or ought to die, were she to
confess, she answered no.
[124]
Saturday, March 17th in prison
The following Saturday, the 17th day of March, before master Jean de La Fontaine,
appointed by ourselves the aforesaid bishop and the said Jean Le Maistre, vicar of the
Inquisitor, in the presence of the venerable and discreet lords and masters Nicolas Midi,
and Gérard Feuillet, doctors of theology, of Ysambard de La Pierre and Jean Massieu, the
said Jeanne was required to take oath and took oath.
Asked then in what guise and shape, size and dress, St. Michael came to her, she
answered: "He was in the guise of a most upright man"; and touching the dress
and other things she would answer no more. As for the angels, she saw them with her own
eyes, and they would not get any more from her than that.
She said she believes what St. Michael, who appeared to her, did or said, as firmly as
she believes that Our Lord Jesus Christ suffered death and passion for us. She was moved
to believe it by the good counsel, comfort and good teaching which he gave her.
Asked if she wished to submit all her acts or sayings, either good or evil, to the
decision of Our Mother the Church, she answered that she loved the Church and would
support it with all her might for the Christian Faith: and she was not a person to be
forbidden to go to church or hear Mass. As for the good
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works she did, and her coming, she must commit herself to the King of Heaven who sent
her to Charles, son of Charles King of France, who should be King of France. "And you
will see," she said, "that the people of France will soon win a great
undertaking which God will send, and which will shake almost the whole kingdom of
France." And she said this so that when it should happen men might recall that she
had foretold it.
Required to give the date of this event, she answered: "I refer to Our Lord."
Asked if she would submit [her deeds and words] to the decision of the Church, she
answered: "I commit myself to Our Lord, Who sent me, to Our Lady, and to all the
Blessed Saints of Paradise." And she thought that our Lord and the Church were all
one, and therein they ought not to make difficulties for her. "Why do you make
difficulties when it is all one?"
Then she was told that there is the Church Triumphant, where God is with the saints and
the souls who are already saved; and also the Church Militant, that is Our Holy Father the
Pope, vicar of God on earth, the Cardinals, the prelates of the Church, and the clergy and
all the good Christians and Catholics: and this Church in good assembly cannot err and is
governed by the Holy Spirit. Therefore she was asked if she would submit to the Church
Militant, namely the Church on earth which is so called. She answered that she came to the
King of France in God's name, and in the names of the Blessed Virgin and of all the
Blessed Saints of Paradise, and of the Church Victorious above, and at their command; to
that Church she submitted all her good deeds and all she had done or should do. And
concerning her submission to the Church Militant she would answer nothing more.
Asked on the subject of the woman's dress offered her so
[126]
that she might hear Mass, she answered that she would not put it on till it should
please Our Lord. And if it be that she must be brought to judgment she requests the Lords
of the Church to grant her the mercy of a woman's dress and a hood for her head; she would
die rather than turn back from what Our Lord commanded her; she firmly believed God would
not let her be brought so low, or be presently without His help or miracle.
Asked why, if she wore man's dress at God's bidding, she asked for a woman's robe in
the event of her death, she answered: "It is enough for me that it be long."
Asked if her godmother, who saw the fairies, was held to be a wise woman, she answered
that she was held and reputed to be an honest woman, and not a witch or sorceress.
Asked whether her saying she would take a woman's dress if they would let her go would
please God, she answered that if she were given permission to go in woman's dress she
would immediately put on man's dress and do what Our Lord bade her. So she had formerly
answered: and nothing would induce her to swear not to take up arms or to wear man's
dress, to accomplish our Lord's will.
Asked about the age of the garments worn by St. Catherine and St. Margaret, she
answered: "You already have my reply on this matter, and you will get none other from
me. I have answered you as best I can."
Asked if she did not believe heretofore that the fairies were evil spirits, she
answered she knew nothing of that.
Asked how she knew that St. Catherine and St. Margaret hated the English, she answered:
"They love those whom God loves, and hate whom He hates."
Asked if God hated the English, she answered that of God's love or His hatred for the
English, or of what He would do to their souls, she knew nothing, but she was certain
that,
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excepting those who died there, they would be driven out of France, and God would send
victory to the French and against the English.
Asked if God was for the English when they were prospering in France, she answered that
she knew not whether God hated the French, but she believed it was His will to suffer them
to be beaten for their sins, if they were in a state of sin.
Asked what warrant and what help she expected to have from Our Lord by the fact that
she wore man's dress, she answered that in this as in other things she sought only the
salvation of her soul.
Asked what arms she offered in the church of St. Denis, she answered that she offered a
whole suit of white armor, in French "un blanc harnoys," fitting for a
man-at-arms, with the sword she won before Paris.
Asked to what end she offered these arms, she answered it was out of devotion,
according to the habit of soldiers when they are wounded: and because she had been wounded
before Paris, she offered them to St. Denis, because it was the warcry of France.
Asked if she did it so that the arms might be worshiped, she said no.
Asked what was the purpose of the five crosses which were on the sword she found at
Ste. Catherine-de-Fierbois, she answered she knew nothing of it.
Asked who persuaded her to have angels with their arms, feet, legs, and robes painted
on her standard, she answered: "You have my reply to that."
Asked if she had painted the angels who came to her, she answered she had them painted
in the fashion in which they were painted in churches.
Asked if ever she saw them, in the manner in which they were painted, she answered:
"I will not tell you more."
[128]
Asked why the light which came with the angels or voices was not painted, she answered
that it was not commanded her.
The afternoon of the same day, in prison
The same Saturday afternoon, in the presence of ourself and the Vice-Inquisitor, and of
the venerable and discreet doctors and masters Jean Beaupère Jacques de Turon, Nicolas
Midi, Pierre Maurice and Gérard Feuillet, doctors of sacred theology, and of Thomas de
Courcelles, bachelor of theology, of Jean de La Fontaine, licentiate in canon law,
appointed by us; and of brother Ysambard de La Pierre and of John Grey above mentioned.
The said Jeanne was questioned if the two angels who were painted on her standard were
St. Michael and St. Gabriel. She answered that they were there solely for the honor of Our
Lord who was painted on the standard. And the representation of the two angels was solely
for the honor of Our Lord, who was painted holding the world.
Asked if the two angels on her standard were the two angels who guard the world, and
why there were not more, seeing that she was bidden to take this standard in the name of
Our Lord, she answered that the whole standard was commanded by Our Lord, by the voices of
St. Catherine and of St. Margaret, who said to her: "Take the standard in the name of
the King of Heaven." And because they told her "Take the standard in the name of
the King of Heaven," she had the figure of Our Lord and the angels painted in color
on it. All this she did at God's command.
Asked if she questioned her saints whether in virtue of this standard she would win all
battles in which she fought, and would be victorious, she answered they told her to take
it boldly, and God would help her. Asked who was of more help, she to the standard or the
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standard to her, she answered that whether the victory was hers or the standard's, it
was all for Our Lord. Asked if the hope of victory was founded on the standard or on
herself, she answered: "It was founded on Our Lord, and not elsewhere."
Asked whether if any one else had carried the standard he would have been as fortunate
as she herself, she answered: "I do not know, and I leave it to Our Lord."
Asked whether if one of her party had sent her his standard to carry, and particularly
if she had been sent the king's standard, and she had carried it, she would have had as
firm a hope in that as in her own, which was given her in God's Name, she answered:
"I more gladly bore that which was bidden me in God's Name; yet in all I committed
myself to God."
Asked what was the purpose of the sign she put on her letters, and the names Jhesus
Maria, she answered that the clerks writing her letters put them there; and some said it
was proper to put the two words Jhesus Maria.
Asked whether it had not been revealed to her that she would lose her good fortune if
she lost her virginity, and that her voices would no longer come to her, she answered:
"That has not been revealed to me."
Asked whether she believed her voices would come to her if she were married, she
answered: "I do not know and I commit myself to Our Lord."
Asked if she thought and firmly believed that her king did right to kill or cause to be
killed My Lord the Duke of Burgundy, she answered that it was a great pity for the kingdom
of France; but whatever there had been between these two princes, God had sent her to the
aid of the King of France.
Asked touching her saying that she would answer us the said bishop and also our
Commissaries as she would answer
[130]
before our Holy Father the Pope, notwithstanding that there were several queries to
which she would not reply, and whether she would not answer more fully before the Pope
than she had done before us, she replied that she had answered everything as faithfully as
she could; and if she knew anything which came to her mind that she had not said she would
willingly tell it.
Asked whether it did not seem to her that she was bound to answer the whole truth to
the Pope, the Vicar of God, concerning all that she should be asked on matters of faith
and the state of her conscience, she answered that she demanded to be led before him, and
then she would answer before him all that was required.
Asked of what substance one of her rings was, on which the words Jhesus Maria were
written, she answered that she did not properly know; and if it was of gold, it was not of
fine gold; and she did not know whether it was of gold or brass; she thought there were
three crosses, and to her knowledge no other signs save the words Jhesus Maria.
Asked why she gladly looked at this ring when she was going to battle, she answered
that it was out of pleasure, and in honor of her father and mother; and having her ring in
her hand and on her finger she touched St. Catherine who appeared before her.
Asked what part of St. Catherine she had touched, she answered: "You will get no
answer from me." Asked if she ever kissed or touched St. Catherine or St. Margaret,
she answered she had touched them both.
Asked if they had a fine odor, she answered it is well to know that they had.
Asked whether when embracing them she felt heat or anything else, she answered that she
could not embrace them without feeling and touching them.
[131]
Asked where she embraced them, whether their head or their feet, she answered "It
is more fitting to embrace their feet."
Asked if she had not given them chaplets of flowers, she answered that many times in
their honor before their images and pictures in churches she had given them chaplets, but
as for those who appeared to her she had no memory of giving chaplets to them.
Asked, whether when she hung garlands on the aforementioned tree she put them there in
honor of those who appeared to her, she answered no.
Asked whether she did not do the saints reverence when they came to her by kneeling or
bowing down, she answered yes; she did them reverence as often as she could because she
knew well that they were of the kingdom of Paradise.
Asked if she knew anything of those who consort with fairies, she answered that she was
never there nor knew anything of it, but she had heard talk of them, how they went on
Thursdays; but she did not believe in it and thought it was witchcraft.
Asked whether her standard was not made to wave above the king's head when he was
crowned at Reims, she answered no, so far as she knew.
Asked why her standard was carried into the church at Reims at the consecration, rather
than those of the other captains, she answered: "It had been present in the perils;
that was reason enough for it to be honored."
[132]
Passion Sunday, March 18th. The statements are presented to the assessors
On the Sunday of the Passion of Our Lord, the following day, March 18th before Us and
brother Jean Le Maistre, Vice-Inquisitor, in our episcopal dwelling at Rouen, and in the
presence of the reverend brothers and masters, Gilles, abbot of Fécamp, Pierre, prior of
Longueville, Jean Beaupère, Jacques de Turon, Nicolas Midi, Pierre Maurice, and Gerard
Feuillet, doctors of sacred theology, and of Raoul Roussel, doctor of canon and civil law;
Nicolas de Venderès and Jean de La Fontaine, licentiates in canon law, Nicolas
Couppequesne and Thomas de Courcelles, bachelors of sacred theology; we, the said bishop
recalled how the said Jeanne had been interrogated for many days and that many of her
confessions and answers had been put down in writing, and asked the assessors to lend us
their deliberation and counsel touching the manner of our further procedure in this
matter. And we had read to them certain assertions extracted by different lawyers at our
order from the replies which the said Jeanne had made so that they might more clearly view
the matter and more certainly deliberate upon what was to be done.
These lords having heard this exposition solemnly and maturely deliberated. After
having heard all their opinions we concluded and agreed that they should each one examine
and
[133]
diligently study and consult in authoritative books the opinions of doctors on these
statements so that the following Thursday we might confer thereon, bringing each one his
opinion; and that meanwhile certain articles should be drawn up from the examination and
replies of the said Jeanne which should be preferred against her in court before us her
judges.
Thursday the 22nd of March. Decision to extract a smaller number of articles from the
statements
The following Thursday the twenty-second of March, in our episcopal dwelling at Rouen,
before us, and before brother Jean Le Maistre, Vice-Inquisitor, there appeared the
venerable lords and masters Jean de Châtillon, Erard Emengart, Guillaume Le Boucher,
Pierre, prior of Longueville, Jean Beaupère, Jacques de Touraine, Nicolas Midi, Maurice
du Quesnay, Pierre Houdenc, Jean de Nibat, Jean Le Fèvre, Pierre Maurice, Jacques
Guesdon, and Gérard Feuillet, doctors of sacred theology; Raoul Roussel, treasurer of the
church of Rouen, doctor of canon and civil law; Nicolas de Venderès, archdeacon of Eu,
and Jean de La Fontaine, licentiates in canon law; William Haiton, Nicolas Couppequesne
and Thomas de Courcelles, bachelors of sacred theology; Nicolas Loiseleur, canon of the
church of Rouen; and brother Ysambard de La Pierre, of the order of Preaching brothers.
To those who were met before us certain reports on this matter were communicated,
compiled, drawn up and put forward by learned doctors and lawyers. After having seen and
heard the opinions of each one and having at length considered them, we concluded and
decreed that what had been extracted from the register of the confessions of Jeanne should
be drawn up in a smaller number of articles in the form of statements and propositions,
the which articles should then
[134]
be given to each of the doctors and lawyers so that they might more easily give their
opinions. As for the rest, to wit whether Jeanne should be examined and interrogated
further, we should proceed in such a way that by God's help the matter should be conducted
to the praise of Our Lord and to the exaltation of the faith, so that our trial might be
without flaw.
Saturday the twenty-fourth of March. The interrogations are read in Jeanne's presence
The following Saturday the twenty-fourth day of March in Jeanne's prison, before master
lean de La Fontaine, the commissary appointed by ourselves, the said bishop and brother
Jean Le Maistre, vicar of the lord Inquisitor, and in the presence of the venerable lords
and masters Jean Beaupère, Nicolas Midi, Pierre Maurice, Gerard Feuillet, doctors; of
master Thomas de Courcelles, bachelor of sacred theology, and master Enguerrand de
Champrond, official of Coutances; the register containing the interrogations and replies
of the said Jeanne was read before her in French by Guillaume Manchon the undersigned
notary. But before the reading was begun the Promoter appointed by us and named above, who
was present, undertook to prove (in the event that the said Jeanne should deny having made
certain of the replies collected in the register) that everything it contained, the
questions as well as the replies, had been truly said and done. After this Jeanne took
oath to add nothing but the truth to her replies.
Then whilst this was being read to her she said that her surname was d'Arc or Rommée
and that in her part girls bore their mother's surname. She asked also that the questions
and answers should be read consecutively to her and that which was read without
contradiction on her part she allowed to be true and confessed.
She added these words to the article touching her taking
[135]
woman's dress: "Give me a woman's dress to go to my mother's house, and I will
take it." This she would do to escape from prison, and when she was outside she would
take counsel concerning what she should do.
Finally, after the contents of the register had been read to her the said Jeanne
confessed that she believed she had spoken well according to what had been written in the
register and read to her, and she did not contradict any other saying from the register.
Palm Sunday, March the twenty-fifth. Jeanne asks permission to hear Mass
On the following Sunday morning, Palm Sunday, the twenty-fifth day of March, in
Jeanne's prison in the castle of Rouen, we the abovenamed bishop spoke with her in the
presence of Jean Beaupère, Nicolas Midi, Pierre Maurice, doctors, and Thomas de
Courcelles, bachelor of sacred theology. And we said to Jeanne that many times,
particularly the day before, she had asked that by reason of the solemnity of these
present days and this time she should be permitted to hear Mass on this Palm Sunday;
therefore we asked her whether if we allowed her she would abandon male costume and put on
a woman's dress, as she had been wont in the country of her birth and as women of her
country were wont to do.
To which Jeanne replied by requesting us to permit her to hear Mass in the male costume
which she wore and to receive the sacrament of the Eucharist on Easter Day. Then we told
her to answer our question, whether she would abandon man's dress if she were given that
permission. But she answered that she had not had counsel thereon and could not yet wear
woman's dress.
And we asked her if she would take counsel of her saints to wear woman's dress, to
which she replied that it might
[136]
well be permitted her to hear Mass as she was, which she sovereignly desired, but as
for changing her dress she could not and it was not in her.
After the said lawyers had exhorted her by all the goodness and piety which she seemed
to have, to wear a dress fitting to her sex, the said Jeanne answered that it was not in
her to do it; and if it were it would soon be done.
Then she was told to speak with her voices to discover if she could once more wear
woman's dress to receive the Eucharist at Easter. To which Jeanne replied that as far as
in her lay she would not receive the Eucharist by changing her costume for a woman's; she
asked to be permitted to hear Mass in her male attire, adding that this attire did not
burden her soul and that the wearing of it was not against the Church.
Of all this Jean d'Estivet, the Promoter, asked an account be drawn up, in the presence
of Adam Milet, king's secretary, William Brolbster and Pierre Orient of the dioceses of
Rouen, of London, and Châlons.
[137]
ORDINARY TRIAL
Monday, March 26th
Here Begins the Ordinary Trial Following the Preparatory Trial
The following Monday, after Palm Sunday, the 26th day of March, in our dwelling at
Rouen, before us and brother Jean Le Maistre, vicar of the lord Inquisitor, there appeared
the venerable Jean de Châtillon Jean Beaupère, Jacques de Touraine, Nicolas Midi, Pierre
Maurice, Gerard Feuillet, doctors of sacred theology; Raoul Roussel, treasurer of the
church of Rouen, doctor in both canon and civil law; André Marguerie, archdeacon of
Petit-Caux, Nicolas de Venderès, archdeacon of Eu, and Jean de La Fontaine, licentiates
in law; Thomas de Courcelles and Nicolas Loiseleur, canon of Rouen. In their presence we
had read certain final articles which the Promoter intended to prefer against the said
Jeanne.
Then it was decided that in addition to the preparatory trial conducted up to this time
through our office, following our decree and conclusion, the said Jeanne should be
proceeded against by an ordinary trial; that the aforesaid articles were well drawn up;
that the said Jeanne should be questioned and heard before us; that the articles should be
put on behalf of the said Promoter by some solemn lawyer or by himself;
[138]
and that if Jeanne refused to answer them, after she had been canonically admonished,
they should be held to be confessed. And after other things it was decided that on the
next day the articles should be preferred by the Promoter, and that the said Jeanne should
be examined and heard in respect of them.
Tuesday, March 27th. The Promoter's request. The articles he has prepared against
Jeanne are read
The following Tuesday after Palm Sunday, the 27th day of March, in the room near 'the
great hall of the castle of Rouen, in our episcopal presence, and of brother Jean Le
Maistre, vicar of the lord Inquisitor, assisted by the reverend fathers, lords and
masters, Gilles, abbot of Fécamp, Pierre, prior of Longueville; Jean Beaupère, Jacques
de Touraine, Nicolas Midi, Pierre Maurice, Gérard Feuillet, Erard Emengart, Guillaume Le
Boucher, Maurice du Quesnay, Jean de Nibat, Jean Le Fèvre, Jacques Guesdon, Jean de
Châtillon, doctors of sacred theology; Raoul Roussel and Jean Garin, doctors of both
canon and civil law respectively; Robert Le Barbier, Denis Gastinel, Jean Le Doulx,
Nicolas de Venderès, Jean Pinchon, Jean Basset, Jean de La Fontaine, Jean Colombel,
Aubert Morel, Jean Duchemin, licentiates in canon law; André Marguerie, archdeacon of
Petit-Caux, Jean Alespée, Nicolas Caval, Geoffroy de Crotay, licentiates in civil law;
Guillaume Desjardins and Jean Tiphaine, doctors of medicine; William Haiton, bachelor of
theology; Guillaume de La Chambre, licentiate in medicine; brother Jean Duval and brother
Ysambard de La Pierre, of the order of Preaching brothers; William Brolbster and John
Hampton: the said master Jean d'Estivet, canon of the churches of Bayeux and Beauvais, our
Promoter, appointed by us in this trial, appearing in judgment before us, in presence of
the said Jeanne, who was led into our presence, put to her certain
[139]
supplications and requests in French, of which the tenor, literally translated, was:
"My Lords, reverend father in Christ, and you, Vicar, especially charged to this
office by the lord Inquisitor of the wanderers from the Catholic faith, established and
appointed throughout the whole kingdom of France, I, Promoter, appointed, charged, and
ordained by you in this trial, according to certain information and examinations made on
your behalf, I say, declare and propose that Jeanne here present should be brought to
answer that which I shall ask, declare and put to her touching and concerning the faith.
And I undertake to prove, if need be, by and under protestations, and to the ends and
conclusions declared more fully in the requisition which I show and present to you as
judges in this trial, the facts, rights and reasons declared and contained in the articles
written and specified in the schedule. And I beseech and request you that Jeanne shall be
made to affirm and swear that she will answer the said articles, each one severally,
according as she believes or does not believe. And in the event of her refusal to swear,
or declining or postponing it unduly, after you shall have enjoined her and she shall have
been so summoned by you, she shall be accounted deficient and contumacious in her
presence; and if her obstinacy requires it, she shall be declared excommunicated for
manifest offense. Moreover, you shall determine a certain day as soon as possible for her
to answer these articles, intimating to her that if she does not reply to them or to
certain of them before the appointed day, you will hold these articles on which she has
not given answer, as confessed, according as law, style, use, and custom wish and require
of you."
When this petition was pronounced the Promoter presented
[140]
the accusation against Jeanne, in the form of final articles transcribed below.
After which we the aforementioned judges asked the counsel of the assessors. When the
request and supplication of the Promoter had been seen, and the opinions of each assessor
heard, we concluded that the articles exhibited by the Promoter should be read and
explained in French to the said Jeanne, and that she should answer what she knew to each;
and if there were points for which she asked a delay to answer, a reasonable delay should
be granted her.
[First (1), Master Nicolas de Venderès said that, on the first article, it was
necessary to force her to take oath. On the second, the Promoter had charged well, and it
was proper to find her contumacious if she refused to swear. And on the third, it seemed
to him, she ought to be excommunicated. And if she incurred the sentence of
excommunication, they must proceed against her according to law. In the same way, if she
refused, she should incur the sentence of excommunication.
Master Jean Pinchon asked that the articles be read to her first before any
deliberation.
Master Jean Basset asked that the articles be read to her before pronouncing the
sentence of excommunication.
Master Jean Garin asked that the articles be read.
Master Jean de La Fontaine concurred with the opinion of Nicolas de Venderès.
Master Geoffroy du Crotay said that it seemed to him that it was necessary to give
Jeanne a delay of at least three days before excommunicating her, and that we ought to
hold her guilty if she refused to swear. This ought to be done because, in civil law, a
three days' grace is given in which to take oath before the law acts.
-----------------------------------
(1) The matter in brackets appears only in the French minutes of the Trial, not in the
official Latin version.
[142]
Master Jean Le Doulx agreed with him.
Master Gilles Deschamps asked that the articles be read to counsel her, and a day
assigned for her to appear, and that she be advised to reply.
Master Robert Le Barbier agreed with him.
The lord Abbot of Fécamp said that it seemed to him that she was required to swear to
tell the truth in all things concerning the trial, and if she had not been advised she
ought to have an adequate delay. A day ought to be assigned for her to appear, and she
should be advised to attend.
Master Jean de Châtillon said that she was required to reply truthfully, especially in
all that pertained to her actions.
Master Erard Emengart agreed with the lord Abbot of Fécamp.
And Master Guillaume Le Boucher said that he did, likewise.
The lord Prior of Longueville said that in the matters that she did not know how to
answer, it seemed to him that she should not be constrained to answer by believe or do not
believe.
Master Jean Beaupère said that in the matters of which she was certain and which were
of her own doing, she was required to reply truthfully. But in those matters in which she
did not know how to reply, or which were legalistic, a delay ought to be given to her if
she asked it.
Master Jacques de Touraine agreed with him.
Master Nicolas Midi agreed likewise, adding that if it was necessary to compel her to
swear precisely, he wished to refer her to the lawyers.
Master Maurice du Quesnay agreed with the lord Abbot of Fécamp.
Master Jean de Nibat said that in all that concerned the articles he relied upon the
lawyers; and as for the oath, she ought to take oath to tell the truth, in all things
touching the
[143]
trial and the faith. If, on other points, she had difficulty in answering truthfully,
and she asked for delay it was necessary to give it to her.
Master Jean Le Fèvre said that he relied upon the lawyers.
Master Pierre Maurice said that she should answer what she knew.
Master Gerard Feuillet said that she was required to reply under oath.
Master Jacques Guesdon agreed with him.
Master Thomas de Courcelles said that she was required to answer; that the articles
should be read to her and that she should answer at the time of reading them; and as for
the matter of a delay, if she asked it, then it must be granted.
Master André Marguerie was of the opinion that she ought to swear to all that touched
the trial. In the matter of the doubtful points, it seemed to him that time should be
given her.
Master Denis Gastinel said that she ought to take oath, and that the Promoter was right
in all that related to the oath. As for the later procedure, if she refused to take oath,
he would ask to examine the documents first.
Masters Aubert Morel and Jean Duchemin declared that she was required to take oath.]
Then the Promoter took oath before us touching the accusation. When this was done we
told Jeanne that all the assessors were ecclesiastical and learned men, experienced in
canon and civil law, who wished and intended to proceed with her in all piety and
meekness, as they had always been disposed, seeking not vengeance or corporal punishment,
but her instruction and her return to the ways of truth and salvation. And, since she was
not learned and literate enough in such arduous matters, we suggested that she should
choose one or many of those present, and if she would not choose, we would give her
[144]
some to counsel her touching what she should do and reply, provided that in herself she
wished to answer truthfully. And we required her to swear to speak the truth.
To which Jeanne answered: "First, for admonishing me of my salvation and our
faith, I thank you and also all the company. As for the counsel you offer me, I thank you
for that too; but I have no intention of departing from the counsel of Our Lord. And the
oath you wish me to take I will willingly swear, to answer truthfully on everything which
concerns your trial." And she took oath so, with her hands on the holy scriptures.
Afterwards, at our invitation and command the articles which the Promoter had shown us
were read to her (by Thomas de Courcelles), and the contents of the articles of accusation
were explained to Jeanne in French on the Tuesday and Wednesday following.
[145]
I Wednesday, March 28th
On this Wednesday there were present the reverend fathers, lords and lawyers: Gilles,
abbot of Fécamp; Pierre, prior of Longueville; Jean Beaupère, Jacques de Touraine, Erard
Emengart, Maurice du Quesnay, Nicolas Midi, Pierre Maurice, Guillaume Le Boucher, Jean de
Nibat, Jean Le Fèvre, Jean de Châtillon, Jacques Guesdon, and Gérard Feuillet, doctors
of sacred theology; Raoul Roussel, doctor of canon and civil law; Robert Le Barbier,
licentiate in canon law; William Haiton, Nicolas Couppequesne, bachelors of sacred
theology; Jean Guerin, Denis Gastinel, Jean Le Doulx, bachelors of canon and civil law;
Jean Pinchon, Jean Basset, Jean de La Fontaine, Jean Colombel, Jean Duchemin, bachelors of
canon law; André Marguerie, archdeacon of Petit-Caux; Jean Alespée, Nicolas Caval,
Geoffroy du Crotay, licentiates in civil law; Guillaume Desjardins, Jean Tiphaine,
doctors, and Guillaume de La Chambre, licentiate of medicine, William Brolbster and John
Hampton, priests.
Here follows word for word the tenor of the articles of the accusation, and of the
answers made by Jeanne, with the other answers which she made elsewhere, to which she
refers
"In your presence, venerable father in Christ and in Our Lord, Pierre, by divine
mercy bishop of Beauvais, now Ordinary
[146]
Judge and possessing territory in the city and diocese of Rouen; and of the religious
brother Jean Le Maistre, of the order of Preaching brothers, bachelor of sacred theology,
vicar in this town and diocese and in this trial especially appointed by master Jean
Graverent, distinguished doctor of sacred theology, of the same order, Inquisitor of
Heretical Error in the kingdom of France by the Holy See; before you, competent judges, to
the end that the woman commonly called Jeanne the Maid, found, taken, and detained in the
limits of your territory, venerable father, and the boundaries of your diocese of
Beauvais, surrendered, entrusted, delivered, and restored to you, her ecclesiastical and
ordinary judge by Our Lord Christian King of France and England, to be dealt with by the
law and corrected, as one vehemently suspected, denounced, and defamed by honest and sober
people; to the end that she should be denounced and declared by you her said judges as a
witch, enchantress, false prophet, a caller-up of evil spirits, as superstitious,
implicated in and given to magic arts, thinking evil in our Catholic faith, schismatic in
the article Unam Sanctam, etc., and in many other articles of our faith skeptic and
devious, sacrilegious, idolatrous, apostate of the faith, accursed and working evil,
blasphemous towards God and His saints, scandalous, seditious, perturbing and obstructing
the peace, inciting to war, cruelly thirsting for human blood, encouraging it to be shed,
having utterly and shamelessly abandoned the modesty befitting her sex, and indecently put
on the ill-fitting dress and state of men-at-arms; and for that and other things
abominable to God and man, contrary to laws both divine and natural, and to ecclesiastical
discipline, misleading princes and people; having to the scorn of God permitted and
allowed herself to be adored and venerated, giving her hands to be kissed; heretical or at
the least vehemently suspected of heresy; that according to the divine and canonical
[147]
sanctions she should be punished and corrected canonically and lawfully, as befitted
these and all other proper ends: Jean d'Estivet, canon of the churches of Bayeux and
Beauvais, Promoter or Procurator of your office, appointed therein by you and specially
deputed agent and prosecutor in the name of that office, says, proposes, and intends to
prove and duly inform your minds against the said Jeanne, accused or denounced;
nevertheless the said Promoter protests that it is not his intention to endeavor to prove
what is superfluous, but only what will and must suffice to this end, wholly or in part,
with all other protestations customary in such matters, and reservations of the right to
add, correct, alter, interpret, in law and in fact."
I
"Firstly, according to divine as well as canon and civil law it is meet and proper
for you, the one as ordinary judge, the other as Inquisitor of the faith, to drive out,
destroy and utterly uproot from your diocese and from the whole kingdom of France the
heresies, sacrileges, superstitions, and other crimes declared above; to punish, correct
and restore heretics, those who propose, speak, and utter things contrary to our Catholic
faith, or act against it in any way, and all evil doers, criminals or their accomplices
who shall be apprehended in the said diocese and jurisdiction, even if part or all of
their misdeeds shall have been committed elsewhere, as other competent judges in their own
dioceses, limits, and jurisdictions are empowered and bound to do. And therein, even in
respect of a lay person of whatever estate, sex, quality, or preëminence, you must be
held, esteemed and reputed competent judges."
To this first article Jeanne replies that she is well aware that Our Holy Father the
Pope of Rome and the bishops and other clergy exist for the protection of the Christian
faith
[148]
and the punishment of those who fall from it; but for her part she will in respect of
her acts submit only to the Church in Heaven, that is to God, to the Blessed Virgin Mary
and to the Saints of Paradise. She firmly believes that she has not failed in our faith
and would not fail therein.
II
"The said accused, not only in the present year, but from the time of her
childhood, not only in your diocese and jurisdiction, but also in the neighboring and
other parts of this kingdom, has performed, composed, mingled in and commanded many charms
and superstitions; she has been deified and permitted herself to be adored and venerated;
she has called up demons and evil spirits, has consulted and frequented them, has had,
made, and entered into pacts and treaties with them; she has similarly given counsel, aid
and favor to others doing the same things, and has induced them to do the same or like
things, saying, believing, maintaining, affirming, that so to do, to believe in them, to
use such charms, divinations and superstitious proceedings was neither a sin nor a
forbidden thing; but she has rather assured them that it is lawful, praiseworthy and
opportune, enticing into these evil ways and errors many people of different estate and of
either sex, in whose heart she imprinted these and like things. And in the accomplishment
and perpetration of these crimes the said Jeanne has been taken and captured in the
boundaries and limits of your diocese of Beauvais."
To this second article Jeanne answers that she denies the charms, superstitions, and
divinations; and as for the adoration, if certain people have kissed her hands or garments
it is not because of her or at her will; she kept herself from that as far as it was
within her power. The rest of the article she denies.
[149]
And moreover on Saturday, March 3rd, of this same year, in regard to the content of
this article, when she was asked if she knew what was in the thoughts of the people of her
party as they kissed her hands, her feet and her garments, she answered that many people
gladly saw her. And with that, she said that she told them to kiss her garments as little
as possible; but the poor came to her, so she did not disappoint them, but helped them as
much as she could.
Saturday, March 10th, when asked if on making the sortie at Compiègne, where she was
captured, she had been told by revelation or by her voice to make the sortie, she answered
that on that day it had not announced her capture, and she was not counseled to go there;
but she had often been told that she must be taken. Asked if when she made this sortie she
passed over the bridge of Compiègne, she answered yes, and through the boulevard; that
she went with the company of her men against the men of lord Jean de Luxembourg, that she
twice drove them to the camp of the Burgundians, and a third time to the middle of the
highway; and then the English cut off the road from her and her company, between her and
the boulevard, so her men retreated; and she, falling back to the fields, on the Picardy
side, was captured; and the river was between Compiègne and the place where she was
taken, and between Compiègne and where she was taken there was only the river, and the
boulevard with its ditch.
III
"The accused is fallen into many divers errors of the worst kind, infected with
heretical evil: she has said, uttered, voiced, affirmed, published, graven on the hearts
of simple people certain false and lying propositions, infected with heresy and actually
heretical, without and contrary to our Catholic faith, against the statutes made and
approved by the General Councils,
[150]
as well as divine, canon and civil laws: propositions scandalous, sacrilegious,
contrary to good customs and offensive to pious ears; she has lent aid, counsel and favor
to those who have said, uttered, affirmed and promulgated these propositions."
This third article Jeanne denies and declares that as far as in her lies she has upheld
the Church.
IV
"And the better and more particularly to inform you, my ford judges, of the
offenses, excesses, crimes, and misdemeanors committed by the accused, as has been
reported, in many parts of the realm, in this diocese and elsewhere, it is true that the
accused was and is a native of the village of Greux, that she has for father Jacques d'Arc
and for mother Isabelle, his wife; that she was brought up in her youth, until the age of
18 or thereabouts, in the village of Domrémy on the Meuse, in the diocese of Toul, in the
Bailly of Chaumont-en-Bassigny, in the provosty of Monteclaire and Andelot. Which Jeanne
in her youth was not taught or instructed in the belief and principles of the faith, but
was lessoned and initiated by certain old women in the use of spells, divinations, and
other superstitious works or magic arts. Many inhabitants of these villages are known from
olden times to have practiced these evil arts, and from certain of them, and especially
from her godmother, Jeanne declares she has often heard talk of visions or apparitions of
fairies or fairy spirits, and from others also she has been taught and filled with these
evil and pernicious errors about the spirits, so much so that she confessed to you, in
judgment, that until this day she knew not whether these fairies were evil spirits."
To this article Jeanne replied that she allowed the first part, namely, about her
father and mother and the place of
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her birth; but as for fairies, she did not understand. As for her instruction, she
learned to believe and was well and duly taught how to behave as a good child should. For
her godmother she referred to what she had stated elsewhere.
Asked about saying her Credo, she answers: "Ask the confessor to whom I said
it."
V
"Near the village of Domrémy stands a certain large and ancient tree, commonly
called ''l'arbre charmine faée de Bourlemont," and near the tree is a fountain. It
is said that round about live evil spirits, called fairies, with whom those who practice
spells are wont to dance at night, wandering about the tree and the fountain."
To this fifth article, touching the tree and the fountain, Jeanne refers to another
answer she has given: the rest she denies.
On Saturday the 24th day of February, she answered that not far from Domrémy there is
a tree called the Ladies' Tree which some call the Fairies' Tree, and near it is a
fountain. She has heard that the sick drink of this fountain (she herself has drunk of it)
and seek from its waters the restoration of their health; but she does not know whether
they are cured or not.
On Thursday, March 1st asked if St. Catherine and St. Margaret spoke to her under the
tree, she answered: "I do not know." And asked once more if the saints spoke to
her at the fountain, she answered that they did, that she heard them there; but what they
said to her then, she no longer knew. Asked, on the same day, what the saints promised
her, there or elsewhere, she replied that they made no promise to her, but by God's
permission.
On Saturday, March 17th, asked if her godmother who saw
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the fairies is accounted a wise woman, she answered that she is held and accounted a
good honest woman, and not a witch or sorceress.
The same day, asked if she had not heretofore believed the fairies to be evil spirits,
she answered that she did not know. And the same day, when asked if she knew anything of
those who consort with the fairies, she answered that she never went and never knew aught
of that, but she had heard that some went on Thursdays. She does not believe in it, and
holds it to be witchcraft.
VI
"The said Jeanne was wont to frequent the fountain and the tree, mostly at night,
sometimes during the day; particularly, so as to be alone, at hours when in church the
divine office was being celebrated. When dancing she would turn around the tree and the
fountain, then would hang on the boughs garlands of different herbs and flowers, made by
her own hand, dancing and singing the while, before and after, certain songs and verses
and invocations, spells and evil arts. And the next morning the chaplets of flowers would
no longer be found there."
To this sixth article, on this 27th day of March, she answers that she refers to
another reply that she has made. The remainder of the article she denies.
On Saturday, the 24th of February, she said that she heard how that the sick, when they
can get up, go to the tree to walk about; it is a huge tree, a beech, from which "le
beau may" comes; and it belonged, so it was said, to Pierre de Bourlemont. Sometimes
she went playing with the other girls, in summer, and made garlands for Our Lady of
Domrémy there. Often she had heard old people tell, not those of her family, that the
fairies frequented it. She has heard Jeanne, the wife of mayor
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Aubrey of Domrémy, her godmother, say that she had seen the fairies, but she herself
does not know if it is true. She never, as far as she knew, saw the fairies, and she does
not know if she saw any elsewhere. She has seen the maidens putting chaplets of flowers on
the boughs of the tree, and she herself has hung them with the others, sometimes carrying
them away, sometimes leaving them there. She adds that ever since she knew she must come
to France she had taken little part in games or dancing, as little as possible. She does
not know whether she has danced near the tree since she had grown to understanding; and
though on occasions she may well have danced there with the children, she more often sang
than danced there. There is also a wood, called the Oak wood, which can be seen from her
father's door, not more than half a league away. She does not know, nor has she ever
heard, that the fairies repair there, but she has heard from her brothers that after she
had left the country it was said that she received her message at the Fairies' Tree. She
says she did not and she told her brother so. Further, she says that when she came to her
king, several people asked her if there was not in her part of the country a wood called
the Oak wood; for there were prophecies saying that out of the Oak wood should come a maid
who should work miracles; but she said she put no faith therein.
VII
"The said Jeanne was wont to bear a mandrake in her bosom, hoping thereby to have
good fortune in riches and the things of this world; which mandrake, she affirmed,
possessed this virtue and potency."
This seventh article, of the mandrake, Jeanne utterly denies.
Now, on the 1st day of March, when asked what she had done with her mandrake, she
replied that she had never had
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one, but had heard say that there was one, near her village; but she never saw it. Also
she had heard that it is an evil and dangerous thing to keep; yet she cannot tell what its
use is. Asked where this mandrake is, of which she has heard, she answered that she heard
it was in the ground, near the tree but she cannot tell whereabouts. And she has heard
that over the mandrake a hazel tree grows. Asked what good the mandrake is, she replied
that she has heard that it attracts money: but she puts no faith in that, and her voices
never told her anything of this.
VIII
"Jeanne, when she was about [fifteen], of her own will and without the leave of
her said father and mother, went to the town of Neufchâteau in Lorraine and there for
some time served in the house of a woman, an innkeeper named La Rousse, where many young
unguarded women stayed, and the lodgers were for the most part soldiers. Thus, dwelling at
this inn, she would sometimes stay with the said women, sometimes would drive the sheep to
the fields, and occasionally lead the horses to drink, or to the meadow, or pasture; and
there she learned to ride and became acquainted with the profession of arms."
To this eighth article Jeanne answered that she referred to her other replies, and
denied the remainder.
Now on February 22nd she confessed that out of dread of the Burgundians she left her
father's house and went to the town of Neufchâteau in Lorraine, to the house of a certain
woman named La Rousse, where she stayed about a fortnight,, undertaking the common duties
of the house; but she did not go into the fields. On Saturday the twenty-sixth of the same
month, when asked if she took the beasts to the fields, she, said she had already replied;
she also added that, since she
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was grown up and had reached understanding, she did not commonly look after the cattle,
but helped to take them to the meadows and to a castle called the Island, for fear of the
soldiers, but she does not remember whether or not she tended them in her youth.
IX
"Jeanne, when in this service, summoned a certain youth for breach of promise
before the magistrate of Toul, and in the pursuit of this case, she went frequently to
Toul, and spent almost everything she had. This young man, knowing she had lived with the
said women, refused to wed her, and died, pendente lite. For this reason, out of spite,
Jeanne left the said service."
To this ninth article Jeanne answers that she has replied elsewhere, and that she
refers to that reply. She denies the remainder.
Now on Monday, the 12th of March, in answer to the question who had persuaded her to
summon a man from Toul for breach of promise, she said: "I did not have him summoned,
it was he who summoned me, and I swore before the judge to tell the truth." Lastly
she swore that she had made no promise to this man. And she added that her voices assured
her she would win her case.
X
"After leaving the service of La Rousse, the said Jeanne claims to have had for
five years, and still be having, visions and apparitions of St. Michael, of St. Catherine,
and of St. Margaret, and that they had privately revealed to her that she should raise the
siege of Orleans and have Charles, whom she calls her king, crowned, and should drive out
all the adversaries of the kingdom of France; against the wishes of
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her father and mother, she left them, and of her own initiative and will, went to
Robert de Baudricourt, captain of Vaucouleurs, to inform him, according to the command of
St. Michael, and of St. Catherine and St. Margaret, of the visions and revelations made to
her by God, as she claims, and to ask the said Robert to help her to accomplish the said
revelations. And, twice refused by the said Robert, and being returned home, she received
once more by revelation the command to return to him, and the third time she was welcomed
and received by the said Robert."
To this tenth article she answers that she will abide by her other replies on this
matter.
Now on Thursday, February And, she stated that, when she was about thirteen years, she
had a voice from God to help her and guide her. The first time she was much afraid: it
came towards noon on a summer's day, in her father's garden, when she was not fasting, and
had not fasted on the previous day. She heard the voice on her right, towards the church,
and she seldom heard it without a light. This light came from the same side as the voice,
and generally there was a great light. When she came to France she often heard a great
voice; and, for the first time, there was a light. She added that if she was in a wood she
heard the voices well; and it seemed to her a worthy voice, and she believed it was sent
to her from God. After she had heard it three times she knew it was the voice of an angel.
She said too that the voice always protected her well, and that she understood it well.
Asked what instruction this voice gave her for the salvation of her soul, she answered it
taught her to be good and to go to church often, and that she must come to France. And she
added that the examiner would not learn from her, this time, in what form the voice
appeared to her. Further, the voice told her, two or three times a week, to leave and come
to
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France, and her father was to know nothing of her leaving. The voice told her to come,
and she could no longer stay where she was; it told her she would raise the siege of
Orleans. When she reached Vaucouleurs she recognized Robert de Baudricourt, although she
had never seen him; she told him that through her voices it had been revealed to her that
she must come to France; she recognized the said Robert through her voice which told her
it was he. Now he twice repulsed her, the third time he received her, and gave her an
escort as her voice had foretold.
On Saturday, February 24th, asked at what time on the preceding day she had heard the
voice, she answered that she had heard it then, and on that 24th of February, three times
in all. First in the morning, next at Vespers, and lastly when the Ave Maria was rung; she
often heard it more frequently than she said. And the morning before, whilst she was
asleep, the voice woke her without touching her, but by speaking to her; she did not know
if the voice was in the room, but she was certain it was in the castle; she confessed that
when the voice came to her for the first time she was in or about her thirteenth year.
On Tuesday the 27th of the same month she said that it was a good seven years since St.
Catherine and St. Margaret undertook for the first time to guide her. Asked if St. Michael
appeared first, she answered yes, she had received great comfort from him. "I do not
speak of St. Michael's voice, but of his great comfort." Asked which was the first
voice to come to her, about the age of thirteen, she answered that it was St. Michael whom
she saw before her eyes; and he was not alone, but accompanied by many angels from heaven.
She said also that she came into France only by the instruction of God. Asked if she saw
St. Michael and the angels corporeally and
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in reality, she answered that she saw them with her bodily eyes as well as she saw the
assessors of the trial. And when St. Michael and the angels left her, she wept, and fain
would have been taken with them. Asked, on the same day, if there was a light with the
voices, she answered there was a great deal of light, on all sides, as was most fitting.
On Thursday, March 1st asked if since the preceding Tuesday day she had not spoken with
St. Catherine and St. Margaret, she answered yes, both on that and on the previous day,
but she did not know at what hour, but there is not a day but she hears them.
On Monday, March 12th, asked if she inquired of her voices whether she should tell her
father and mother of her leaving, she answered that, regarding her father and mother, her
voices would have been glad for her to tell them, had it not been for the difficulties
they would have raised if she had done so. For her part, she would not have told them for
anything; the voices left it to her to reveal her going to her parents, or be silent.
Asked about the dreams her father had of her going away, she answered that her mother told
her several times that whilst she was still at home her father said he had dreamt of
Jeanne's going away with soldiers; and they took great care to keep her safely, and held
her in great subjection; she obeyed them in all things, except in the incident at Toul, in
the action for marriage. She had heard her mother tell how her father said to her
brothers: "If I thought what I dreamed was going to happen, I should want you to
drown her, and if you would not, I would do it myself." Her father and mother almost
lost their senses when she left for Vaucouleurs. Asked whether these thoughts came to her
father after she had had her visions and her voices, she answered yes, more than two years
after she first heard the voices."
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XI
"The said Jeanne, having entered into intimate relations with Robert, boasted of
having told him that after having dispatched and accomplished everything that had been
enjoined by revelation from God, she would have three sons of which the first would be
pope, the second emperor, and the third king. Hearing which, the said captain said to her:
'Now then, I should like to give you one if they're going to be such powerful men, because
I should be better off.' To which she answered: 'No, gentle Robert, no, this is not the
time; the Holy Spirit will find a way!' So the said Robert, in many places, and in the
presence of prelates, lawyers, and notable persons, affirmed, said and uttered."
To this eleventh article Jeanne answers by referring to the replies she made elsewhere
on this subject; and as for having three children, she never has boasted of it.
Now on Monday, March 12th asked if her voices called her daughter of God, or daughter
great-hearted, she answered that before the siege of Orleans, and since then, they have
spoken to her every day, often calling her Jeanne the Maid, daughter of God.
XII
"And, the better and more easily to accomplish her plan, the said Jeanne required
the said Captain to have a male costume made for her, with arms to match; which he did,
reluctantly, and with great repugnance, finally consenting to her demand. When these
garments and these arms were made, fitted and completed, the said Jeanne put off and
entirely abandoned woman's clothes; with her hair cropped short and round like a young
fop's, she wore shirt, breeches, doublet, with hose joined together and fastened to the
said doublet by 20 points, long leggings laced on the outside, a short mantle
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reaching to the knees, or thereabouts, a close-cut cap, tightfitting boots and buskins,
long spurs, sword, dagger, breastplate, lance and other arms in the style of a
man-at-arms, with which she performed actions of war and affirmed that she was fulfilling
the commands of God as they had been revealed to her."
To this twelfth article Jeanne answers that she refers to her other replies on this
matter. In consequence, asked whether she took this dress and these arms and other uniform
of war by God's command, she answers: "I refer as formerly to what I have already
said in reply to this."
Now on Thursday, February 22nd, she declared that her voice had told her to go to
Robert, captain of Vaucouleurs, and he would give her men-at-arms; to which she answered
that she was a poor maid who could neither ride nor fight. She declared that she had told
an uncle that she had to go to Vaucouleurs, so he took her there. Further, that when she
went to her king, she wore man's dress. Also that before she went to her lord the king the
Duke of Lorraine sent for her; she went, and told him she wanted to go to France. The Duke
questioned her about recovering his health, but she told him she knew nothing of that, and
spoke to him little of her journey.
She told the Duke to give her his son and his men to take her to France, and she would
pray for his health. She journeyed to the Duke by safe conduct, and returned to
Vaucouleurs. On leaving Vaucouleurs she wore man's dress, carried a sword which the said
Robert gave her, but no other arms, and was accompanied by a knight, a squire, and four
servants. She went to the town of St. Urbain, and slept in the abbey. During this journey
she passed through Auxerre where she heard Mass in the great church, and frequently had
her voices with her. Further, the said Robert made those who were escorting
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her swear to lead her safely and surely, and when she left he said to her: "Go,
go, and come what may." She said also that she had to change to man's costume since
she believed her counsel in that respect was good: that she went without hindrance to her
king to whom she sent letters for the first time when she was yet at Ste. Catherine de
Fierbois.
On Tuesday, February 27th, asked if her voice instructed her to wear the habit of a
man, she answered that the dress is but a little thing, the least of all; but she did not
wear man's dress at anybody's counsel, she wore it, and did everything, only at the
command of Our Lord and His angels. She did not wear this dress at Robert's bidding. Asked
if she had done well to wear this dress, she answered that to her mind everything she did
at God's bidding was well done, and she expects good warrant and help for it. She said,
too, that she had a sword which she took at Vaucouleurs.
On the 12th of March, asked if it was at Robert's request that she wore man's dress,
and if the voice had given her any command in connection with Robert, she answered as
before. Of the voice she said that everything good which she had done had been at the
instance of her voices; and, in respect of the dress, she would answer another time, for
at present she was not advised, but would reply on the next day.
On Saturday, March 17th, asked what warrant or aid she expects from Our Lord from the
fact that she wears man's dress, she answers that in this as in other respects she wanted
no other recompense than the salvation of her soul.
XIII
"The said Jeanne attributes to God, to His angels and to His Saints instructions
that are contrary to the honesty of womankind, forbidden by divine law, abominable to God
and man, and prohibited under penalty of anathema by ecclesiastical
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decrees, such as the wearing of short, tight, and dissolute male habits, those
underneath the tunic and breeches as well as the rest; and, according to their bidding,
she often dressed in rich and sumptuous habits, precious stuffs and cloth of gold and
furs; and not only did she wear short tunics, but she dressed herself in tabards and
garments open at the sides, whilst it is notorious that when she was captured she was
wearing a loose cloak of cloth of gold, a cap on her head and her hair cropped round in
man's style. And in general, having cast aside all womanly decency, not only to the scorn
of feminine modesty, but also of well-instructed men, she had worn the apparel and
garments of most dissolute men, and in addition, had borne weapons of offense. To
attribute this to the bidding of God, His holy angels and virgin saints, is blasphemy of
Our Lord and His saints, setting at nought the divine decrees, infringement of canon law,
the scandal of her sex and womanly decency, the perversion of all modesty of outward
bearing, the approbation and encouragement of most reprobate examples of conduct."
To this thirteenth article, Jeanne answers: "I have not blasphemed God or His
saints."
On Tuesday, February 27th, asked if she thought the instruction to wear man's dress was
lawful, she answered that everything she did was at God's command; and that, if He had
bidden her wear a different dress, she would have done so, for it was God's bidding. Asked
whether she thought that in this particular instance she had done well, she replied that
she did not wear it without God's command, and that no single action of hers was otherwise
than at His command.
On Saturday, the 3rd, asked whether when she went to her king for the first time, he
inquired if she had changed her dress after revelation, she answered: "I replied to
this before," and "nevertheless, I do not recall that I was asked that."
She
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added it is written at Poitiers. On the same day, asked if she believed that she would
err or commit mortal sin by returning to woman's clothes, she answered she would do better
to obey and serve her sovereign Lord, namely God.
XIV
"The said Jeanne affirms that it was right so to wear garments and habits of
dissolute men; and will persist therein, saying that she must not abandon them, except
with express permission by revelation from God, to the injury of God, of His angels and
His saints."
To this fourteenth article Jeanne answers: "I do not do ill to serve God;
to-morrow you shall have a reply." The same day, asked by one of the assessors if she
had received instruction or revelation to wear man's dress, she answers that her reply has
been given, and she leaves it at that: then says that she will send answer the next day.
She adds that she knows well who made her wear man's dress, but she does not know how she
ought to reveal it.
On Saturday, February 24th, asked if she desired a woman's habit, she answered:
"If you will give me permission, send me one. I will take it and go: otherwise I do
not want one. I am content with this, since it is God's will that I should wear it."
On Monday, March 12th, asked whether she did not think she was doing wrong to wear
man's dress, she answered no; and even at that moment, if she were back with her own
party, it seemed to her that it would be to the great good of France for her to do as she
did before her capture.
On Saturday, March 17th, asked why, since she declares her wearing of male attire to be
at God's command, she asks for a woman's shift in the event of her death, she answered it
were enough for her if it were long.
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XV
"The said Jeanne having repeatedly asked permission to hear Mass, was admonished
to put off man's dress and return to woman's dress; her judges gave her hope that she
would be allowed to hear Mass and receive Communion if she would finally put off man's
dress and wear female attire, as befits her sex. She would not agree, and preferred not to
take Communion and the holy offices, rather than abandon this dress, pretending that by so
doing she would displease God, so revealing her obstinacy, her stubbornness in evil, her
want of charity, her disobedience to the Church, and the scorn she has of the holy
sacraments."
To this fifteenth article, on this Tuesday the 27th of March, Jeanne answers that she
would much rather die than turn back on Our Lord's command.
On this same day, asked if she will put off man's dress and hear Mass, she replies that
she will not yet put it off, and that it is not on her that the day depends when she may
do so. '
She says that if the judges refuse to let her hear Mass, it is in God's power to let
her hear Mass when it pleases Him, without them.
As for the remainder of the article, she answers that she confesses she has been
admonished to wear woman's dress; but she denies the irreverence and the succeeding
charges.
On Thursday, March 15th, asked which she would prefer, to wear woman's dress and hear
Mass or keep to male costume and not hear Mass, she answered: "Promise me I shall
hear Mass if I am in woman's dress, and I will answer you." Whereupon the examiner
said he would promise, and Jeanne then answered: "What do you say if I have sworn and
promised to our king not to put off this dress? Yet I answer you: Have a long dress,
reaching down to the ground, with no
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train, made for me, and give it to me to go to Mass; and then on my return I will put
on once more the dress I have." Asked once and for all whether she would wear a
woman's dress and go to hear Mass, she answered: "I will have counsel on it, and then
I will answer you." And in honor of God and of Our Lady she urged she would be
allowed to hear Mass in this good town. Whereupon she was told to take a woman's dress,
simply and absolutely. She replied: "Give me a dress such as the daughters of a
burgess wear, a houppelande, and also a woman's hood; and I will wear it to go and hear
Mass." Moreover she said, as urgently as she could, that she besought us to permit
her to hear Mass in the dress she wore, without any change.
On Saturday, March 17th, questioned on the subject of the woman's dress offered to her
so that she could hear Mass, she answered that she would not put it on till it should
please Our Lord; and if it be that she must be brought to judgment and stripped, she asks
the lords of the Church to grant her the mercy of a woman's shift and a hood for her head;
for she would rather die than turn back from her Lord's command. She firmly believes God
will not permit her to be brought so low, or be without His aid, or miracle. Asked whether
her saying she would take a woman's dress if they would let her go would please God, she
answered that if she were given permission to go in woman's dress she would immediately
put on man's dress and do what Our Lord bade her, and that nothing in the world would
induce her to swear not to take up arms or wear man's dress, to accomplish Our Lord's will
and pleasure.
XVI
"The said Jeanne, after her capture, at the castle of Beaurevoir and at Arras, was
repeatedly and charitably admonished
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by noble and eminent persons of both sexes to abandon man's dress and to wear habits
decently fitting her sex. This she absolutely refused, and still obstinately persists in
her refusal to do, as well as the other duties fitting to her sex; in all things she
behaves more like a man than a woman."
To this sixteenth article Jeanne confesses that she was admonished at Arras and at
Beaurevoir to wear woman's dress, and that she refused and still refuses. As for the other
womanly duties, she says there are enough other women to do them.
On Saturday, March 3rd, asked if she recalls whether the clerks of her own party who
examined her, some for the space of a month, others for three weeks, did not question her
about the changing of her dress, she replied that she did not remember: that, however,
they did ask her where she assumed her male costume, and she told them it was at
Vaucouleurs. Asked if they inquired of her if she assumed it because of her voices, she
said: "That is not in your case." Further asked if she was not asked to change
her habit at Beaurevoir, she answered: "Yes, truly"; and she said she would not
without God's leave. The Demoiselle of Luxembourg asked Jean de Luxembourg not to deliver
her to the English, and with the Lady of Beaurevoir offered her a woman's dress, and told
her to wear it. She replied that she had not God's permission, and it was not yet time.
She added that Messire Jean de Pressy and others at Arras did not offer her a woman's
dress; others asked her to change her dress. Moreover, she said that if she had had to do
it she would rather have done so at the request of these two ladies than of any other
ladies in France, save her queen. Asked also whether when God revealed to her that she
should change to man's dress, it was by the voice of St. Michael, or by the voice of St.
Catherine or St. Margaret, she answered: "You will learn no more for the
present."
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XVII
"When the said Jeanne came, thus clothed and armed, into the. presence of the said
Charles, she made amongst others three promises to him: the first that she would raise the
siege of Orleans; the second that she would get him crowned at Reims; the third she would
take vengeance of his enemies, that she would kill them all by her magic art, drive them
out of the kingdom, both the English and the Burgundians. She boasted publicly of these
promises many times in different places; and to increase faith in her acts and sayings,
she then and thenceforth made use of spells, and showed up the habits, life, and secret
actions of people coming into her presence whom she had never seen or known, and boasted
that her knowledge came by revelation."
To this seventeenth article Jeanne replied that she bore to her king news from God
saying that Our Lord would restore his kingdom, would have him crowned at Reims, and would
expel his enemies. She was God's messenger to that effect; and told him to set her boldly
to work, and she would raise the siege of Orleans. She spoke, she said, of the whole
kingdom, and if the Lord Duke of Burgundy and other subjects of the realm did not come to
obedience, her king would compel them by force. She said, with regard to the end of the
article of recognizing Robert and her king: "I hold to what I said before."
On Thursday, February 22nd, she confessed that when she came to Vaucouleurs she
recognized Robert de Baudricourt although she had never seen him, because her voice told
her it was he. She said that she found her king at Chinon, where she arrived towards noon,
and lodged at an inn; and after dinner, she went to her king at his castle, and she
recognized
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him from the others, when she entered the chamber, by her voices; and she told the king
she wanted to fight the English
On March 13th, asked about a certain married priest and a lost cup, she answered she
knew nothing of that, and had never heard of it.
XVIII
"The said Jeanne, as long as she remained with the said Charles, dissuaded him and
his men with all her power from negotiating any treaty of peace with his enemies,
continually incited her party to murder and shed human blood, affirming that there could
be no peace but by the sword and the lance's point: that it was so ordained of God, since
the king's enemies would not otherwise yield what they held of the realm, and therefore to
make war on them was to her mind of the greatest benefit to all Christendom."
To this eighteenth article Jeanne answers that she summoned the Duke of Burgundy both
by letter and ambassadors to make peace with her king. As for the English, the only peace
with them is by their return to their own country, to England. On the rest of the 'article
she has made other replies, to which she refers.
On Tuesday, February 27th, asked why she did not conclude a treaty with the captain of
Jargeau, she answered that the lords of her party replied to the English that they would
not get the delay of a fortnight for which they asked, but must go off, with their horses,
immediately. For her own part she said they could retire with their doublets, and their
life safe, if they wished; otherwise they would be taken by assault. Asked if she had any
conversation with her counsel, or voices, to find out whether or not to grant the delay,
she answered that she had no recollection.
[170]
XIX
"The said Jeanne, by consulting demons and employing spells, sent for a certain
sword hidden in the church of Ste. Catherine de Fierbois, which she had maliciously and
deceitfully hid or had hidden in this church, so that by misleading princes, nobles,
clergy, and common folk, she might more easily induce them to believe that it was by
revelation that she knew the sword was there, and they might more readily put absolute
faith in her sayings."
To this nineteenth article on this Tuesday the 27th of March, she answers that she
refers to her earlier answers in this connection: the rest of the article she denies.
On Tuesday, February 27th, asked if she had been to Ste. Catherine de Fierbois, she
answered yes; that she had heard Mass there three times on the same day, and then went on
to Chinon. The same Tuesday she said she had a sword from the church of Ste. Catherine de
Fierbois that she sent for when at Tours or Chinon; it was in the earth behind the altar,
and immediately afterwards the sword was found, all rusted. Asked how she knew the sword
was there, she replied it was in the ground, rusted over, with five crosses upon it; she
knew through her voices, and said she had never seen the man she sent to fetch it. She
wrote to the clergy asking if it was their pleasure she should have this sword, and they
sent it to her. She thought it was not buried deep behind the altar; she did not know
exactly whether it was in front or behind the altar, yet she thought she wrote it was
behind. As soon as the sword was found, she added, the priests rubbed it and the rust fell
off at once without effort. An armorer of Tours fetched it. The priests of Ste. Catherine
and also of Tours gave her a scabbard; there were two, one of crimson velvet, the other of
cloth of gold. She herself had another made of very strong
[171]
leather, and added that when she was captured she had not this sword with her, though
she wore it continually until she reached St. Denis. Asked how it was blessed, whether she
said or asked any benediction over the sword, she answered she had never asked blessing
for it or known how to. She loved the sword, since it had been found in the church of St.
Catherine whom she loved.
Asked on Saturday, March 17th, what was the purpose of the five crosses on the sword,
she answered that she did not know.
"The said Jeanne put a spell on her ring, her standard, on certain pieces of linen
or pennons, which she used to bear or have her men bear before her, as she did upon the
sword she claimed to have found by revelation at Ste. Catherine de Fierbois, affirming
that these objects brought good fortune. She uttered many curses and incantations over
them in different places, publicly declaring that with their aid she would do great things
and overcome her enemies, that her men could meet with no defeat in their attack or
fighting, or suffer any misfortune, because they bore such pennons. In particular she
publicly uttered and proclaimed this at Compiègne, on the eve of her attack upon the lord
Duke of Burgundy, during the course of which she was captured and taken prisoner, and many
of her men were wounded, killed, and taken. This she as much as declared when at St. Denis
she incited her company to attack Paris."
To this twentieth article Jeanne, on Tuesday, March 27th, answered that she abides by
her earlier answers in this connection. Furthermore, she adds that in nothing she did was
there witchcraft or other magic art. With regard to her standard, she refers herself to
the good fortune Our Lord brought it.
[172]
On Tuesday, February 27th, asked if she had her sword when she was captured, she
answered no, but a certain sword taken from a Burgundian instead.
On Thursday, March 1st asked who gave her the ring now in the possession of the
Burgundians, she answered her father and mother; she thought it had written on it Jhesus
Maria, but she knew not who wrote these words. The ring had no stone and was given her at
Domrémy. She said her brother gave her another ring besides the one which we, the bishop,
held, and she charged us to give it to the Church. Never, she said, did she tend or cure
any person with the aid of these rings.
On Saturday, March 3rd, asked whether when the king first set her to work and she had
her standard made, the men-at-arms and others of her party did not have pennons made like
hers, she answered: "It is well to know that the lords kept their own arms." She
replied that certain of her companions in arms had them made at their pleasure, others did
not. Asked of what stuff they had them made, whether of linen or of cloth, she answered it
was of white satin, and on some were fleurs-de-lys. She had only two or three lances in
her company, but her companions in arms sometimes had pennons made like hers, doing so
merely to distinguish their men from others. Asked if the pennons were often renewed, she
answered that she did not know, that when the lances were broken, new pennons were made.
Asked if those made like hers brought good fortune, she answered that she did indeed
sometimes say to her men: "Go boldly in the midst of the English," or
"among the English," and she herself would go. Asked if she told them to bear
the pennons boldly, and they would have good fortune, she answered that she certainly told
them what had happened and would happen again. Asked if she had thrown or had others throw
holy
[173]
water over the pennons, when they were first taken, she answered that she did not know,
and if it was done it was not at her instruction. Asked if she ever saw holy water
sprinkled on them, she answered: "That is not in your case," and if she did, she
was not now advised to reply. Asked if her companions in arms did not have written on
their pennons Jhesus Maria, she answered that by her faith she did not know. Asked if she
had borne round the altar or church, or had others bear it, cloth which was to be made
into pennons, she answered no, and she had never seen it done.
On Saturday, March 17th, asked what her ring which had Jhesus Maria written on it was
made of, she answered she did not exactly know. If it was gold, it was not of fine gold:
she does not know if it was gold or brass, but thinks there were three crosses upon it,
and, to her knowledge, no other sign save Jhesus Maria. Asked why she gladly looked at
this ring when she was going into battle, she answered it was out of pleasure, and in
honor of her father and mother; and having her ring in her hand and on her finger she
touched St. Catherine who appeared to her.
Asked what part of her she touched she answered: "You will get nothing more about
that."
XXI
"The said Jeanne, thereto incited by her temerity and her presumption, had the
names Jhesus Maria written in her letters, signed with a cross between, and addressed them
from herself to Our Lord the King, to My Lord Duke of Bedford, then regent of France, and
to the lords who held the siege at Orleans, letters containing many things evil,
pernicious, and contrary to the Catholic faith, of which the tenor follows."
To this article, this Tuesday, March 27th, Jeanne answers that she did not send these
letters out of pride or presumption,
[174]
but at Our Lord's bidding, and confesses to the letters, except for three words.
On Thursday, February 22nd, she said she had sent letters to the English at Orleans,
telling them to retire, according to the contents of the letters which were read to her,
except for two or three words, for example, she declares that where it says Surrender to
the Maid, it should read Surrender to the king, similarly for body for body and chieftain
of war. The tenor of the letters begins "King of England, etc." and they are
subscribed + Jhesus Maria +
On Saturday, March 3rd, asked if her own party firmly believed her to be sent from God,
she answered she knew not whether they did, and referred us to their opinion; but if they
did not, yet she is sent from God none the less. Asked if she did not think that they held
a wise belief by deeming her to be sent from God, she answered: "If they believe I am
sent from God, they are not deceived."
XXII
"+ Jhesus Maria +
"King of England, and you Duke of Bedford, calling yourself regent of France, you,
William Pole, Count of Suffolk, John Talbot, and you Thomas Lord Scales, calling
yourselves lieutenants of the said Duke of Bedford, do right in the King of Heaven's
sight. Surrender to The Maid sent hither by God the King of Heaven, the keys of all the
good towns you have taken and laid waste in France. She comes in God's name to establish
the Blood Royal, ready to make peace if you agree to abandon France and repay what you
have taken. And you, archers, comrades in arms, gentles and others, who are before the
town of Orleans, retire in God's name to your own country. If you do not, expect to hear
tidings from The Maid who will shortly come upon you to your very great hurt. And to
[175]
you, King of England, if you do not thus, I am "chef de guerre"; and whenever
I meet your followers in France, I will drive them out; if they will not obey, I will put
them all to death. I am sent here in God's name, the King of Heaven, to drive you body for
body out of all France. If they obey, I will show them mercy. Do not think otherwise; you
will not withhold the kingdom of France from God, the King of Kings, Blessed Mary's Son.
The King Charles, the true inheritor, will possess it, for God wills it, and has revealed
it to him through The Maid, and he will enter Paris with a good company. If you do not
believe these tidings from God and The Maid, wherever we find you we shall strike you and
make a great tumult ["hahay"] than France has heard for a thousand years. Know
well that the King of Heaven will send a greater force to The Maid and her good
men-at-arms than you in all your assaults can overcome: and by blows shall the favor of
the God of Heaven be seen. You Duke of Bedford, The Maid prays and beseeches not to bring
yourself to destruction. If you obey her, you may join her company, where the French shall
do the fairest deed ever done for Christendom. Answer, if you desire peace in the city of
Orleans; if not, bethink you of your great hurt soon. Written this Tuesday of Holy
Week."
XXIII
"From the tenor of these letters it is manifest that Jean has been deceived by
evil spirits, and that she has frequently
[176]
consulted them in her actions; or, to mislead the peoples, she has perniciously and
falsely invented such fictions."
To this article she replies, she denies the end of it which declares she acted on the
counsel of evil spirits.
On February 27th she said she would rather have been drawn by horses than have come to
France without God's leave.
XXIV
"The said Jeanne misused the names Of Jhesus and of Maria, the sign of the Cross
placed between them, and warned certain of her party that when they found these words and
this sign in letters from her they should believe and do the opposite of what she
wrote."
To this article on this Tuesday, March 27th, Jeanne answers by referring herself to
another answer she made in this connection.
On March 17th, asked what the purpose was of the sign she put in her letters, and of
Jhesus Maria, she answered that the clerks who wrote her letters put them in, and some
said it was proper to put the two words Jhesus Maria.
XXV
"The said Jeanne, usurping the office of angels, said and affirmed she was sent
from God, even in things tending openly to violence and to the spilling of human blood,
which is absolutely contrary to holiness, and horrible and abominable to all pious
minds."
To this article on this Tuesday, March 27th, Jeanne answers that she first asked for
peace, but if peace was not agreed to, she was quite prepared to fight.
On Saturday, February 24th, she said she came from God and had no business here, in
this trial, and asked to be sent
[177]
back to God from Whom she came. On Saturday, March 17th, she said that God sent her to
help the kingdom of France.
XXVI
"The said Jeanne, being at Compiègne in August of the year of Our Lord, 1429,
received a letter from the Count d'Armagnac of which the tenor follows."
To this article on this 27th of March Jeanne answers that she refers herself to the
answer she made before in this connection.
On Thursday, March 1st, asked if she had not received a letter from the Count
d'Armagnac about which of the three claimants to the Papacy he should obey, she answered
that the Count did write her a letter to this effect, to which she replied, amongst other
things, that when she was in Paris or anywhere at leisure, she would answer. She was about
to mount her horse when she gave this answer.
After letters from the Count and from Jeanne were read, she was asked whether that was
her actual reply. She answered that she thought she had made that answer in part, but not
all of it. Asked if she had professed to know, by her counsel of the King of Kings, what
the Count should believe in the matter, she answered she knew nothing about it. Asked if
she entertained any doubt concerning whom she should obey, she answered that she did not
know how to instruct him to obey since he asked her to say whom God wanted him to obey.
For her part she believed that we should obey Our Holy Father the Pope at Rome. She added
that she said other things to the Count's messenger which are not in the copy of the
letter; and if the messenger had not gone off at once he would have been thrown into the
water, though not through her. To the Count's inquiry as to whom God wished him to obey,
she replied that she did not know; but sent him several
[178]
messages not put into writing. For her part she believed in our Holy Father the Pope at
Rome. Asked why she had written that she would answer at some other time, if she believed
in the Pope of Rome, she said the answer referred to a different matter from the three
popes. Asked if she had said she would have counsel on the question of the three popes,
she answered she had never written, or caused to be written so, she swore by her oath,
anything concerning the three popes.
XXVII
"My very dear Lady, I commend myself humbly to you and beseech you for God's sake,
seeing the division which now exists in the holy Church Universal, concerning the question
of the popes (for there are three contending for the papacy: one dwells at Rome and is
called Martin V, whom all Christian Kings obey; the other dwells at Peñiscola, in the
kingdom of Valencia, and is called Clement [VIII]; the third dwells no man knows where,
unless it is the Cardinal of St. Estienne and a few folk with him, and is called Benedict
XIV. The first, who is called Pope Martin, was elected at Constance by the consent of all
the Christian nations; he who is called Pope Clement was elected at Peñiscola, after the
death of Benedict XIII, by three of his cardinals; the third, called Pope Benedict XIV,
was secretly elected at Peñiscola also by Cardinal Saint-Estienne), I beseech you to
entreat Our Lord Jesus Christ that in His infinite mercy He declare unto us through you
which of the three aforesaid is the true Pope, and which He would have us henceforth obey,
him who is called Martin, or him who is called Clement, or him who is called Benedict; and
in whom we should believe, in secret, and without dissimulation or public manifestation;
for we are all ready to do the will and pleasure of Our Lord Jesus Christ.
Entirely your Count d'Armagnac."
[179]
XXVIII
"To which the said Jeanne made answer by a letter signed with her own hand, of
which the tenor follows."
XXIX
"Jhesus + Maria
"Count d'Armagnac, my good and very dear friend, Jeanne the Maid informs you that
your message has reached her, wherein you declare you have sent to her to discover which
of the three Popes mentioned in your memorial you should believe. In truth I cannot well
for the present tell, until I am in Paris or at rest elsewhere, for I am now too pressed
by the business of war: but when you hear I am in Paris, send me a message and I will tell
you in whom you should rightfully believe, and what I shall know by the counsel of my just
and Sovereign Lord, the King of all the World, and as far as I can, what you should do. I
commend you to God: may He keep you. Written at Compiègne the 22nd day of August."
XXX
"And so required, as has been related, by the Count d'Armagnac, to say which of
the three was the true Pope, and in whom he should believe, she not only cast doubt upon
which it was, when there was only one true and authentic Pope, but also, presuming too
much for herself, holding the authority of the Church Universal to be of little weight,
preferring her own word to the authority of the whole Church, she affirmed that within a
fixed interval, she would inform him in which Pope he should believe; which she would
discover by God's counsel, as her letter declares at greater length."
To the articles XXVII, XXVIII, XXIX and XXX which were explained to her word for word,
Jeanne refers to the answer she has made, which is put under article XXVI.
[180]
This Wednesday after Palm Sunday, 1431, March 28th. The reading of the articles is
continued.
[And first, required to take oath, she answered she would willingly swear to speak the
truth on that which touched her case, and so she swore.
To the article touching her dress, she answered that she wore her habit and arms at
God's bidding; this was true both of the male costume and the arms.
When asked to abandon this dress, she answered she would not give it up without Our
Lord's permission, not even to save her head, but, please God, it would soon be put off.
She added, that if she had not Our Lord's permission, she would not wear woman's dress.]
"The said Jeanne, in and since the time of her youth, has boasted and daily boasts
of having had many revelations and visions, and concerning these, in spite of being
charitably admonished and lawfully and properly required upon legal oath, she would not
and will not swear; further, she refuses to declare them sufficiently by word or sign; but
did and still does put off, contradict, and refuse. And when formally refusing to swear,
on many and several occasions, she said and affirmed, in her examination and elsewhere,
that she would
[181]
not discover her visions and revelations, even if her head were cut off or her body
were dismembered; that we should not drag from her lips the sign which God showed her, by
which she knew she came from God."
To this thirty-first article, Jeanne answers that concerning the sign or other things
contained in this article she may well have said she would not reveal it, and adds that
her earlier confession should contain that without God's leave she would not reveal the
sign.
On February 22nd she said there was no day when she did not hear this voice, or when
she did not need it.
On Saturday, February 23rd [24th], she said that on that night her voice told her many
things for the good of her king which she wished her king might know that day, if she had
to go without wine till Easter, for he would cat the more happily for it.
On Tuesday, February 27th, she said she had told her king at one time all that had been
revealed to her, for it concerned him nearly. On this Tuesday, she said that she addressed
letters to her king to find out if she should enter the town where he was; that she had
journeyed a good 150 leagues to come to his aid, and she knew many things to his
advantage. She thought the letters told how she would be able to recognize him among all
the others.
On Thursday, March 1st asked in what form St. Michael appeared, she answered that she
did not see his crown, and knew nothing of his apparel. Asked if St. Michael was naked,
she answered: "Do you think God has not wherewithal to clothe him?"
On Tuesday, March 15th required to tell how she hoped to escape from the castle of
Beaulieu, between two pieces of wood, she answered that she was never imprisoned in any
place but she would gladly escape; and being in this castle,
[182]
she would have shut her guards up in the tower, had it not been for the porter, who had
seen and encountered her. It seemed, she said, that it did not please God to have her
escape on that occasion, and she must see the English king, as her voices had told her,
and as it is written above. On this same day, asked about the size and stature of the
angel who appeared to her, she said that she would answer on Saturday with the other
matters, namely, what should please God. The same day, asked if she had said that one is
sometimes hanged for telling the truth, and if she knew of any fault or crime of hers for
which she should fear death, if she did not confess, she answered no.
On Saturday, March 17th, asked about the age and apparel of St. Catherine and St.
Margaret, she answered: "You have my reply in this matter, and will get none other
from me. I have answered you as best I can."
XXXII
"Consequently you can and must conclude that these revelations and visions, if
Jeanne ever had them, proceed rather from evil and lying spirits than from good; and so
they must be presumed by you, in view especially of the cruelty, pride, bearing, actions,
lies and contradictions indicated in the several articles, which may well be said and held
to be lawful and entirely legitimate presumptions."
To this thirty-second article Jeanne answered, on the Wednesday after Palm Sunday,
March 28th, that she denies it, and declares she has acted from the revelations of St.
Catherine and St. Margaret, and will so maintain till her death. This same day she said
that she was advised by certain of her party to put Jhesus Maria on her letters; which she
did on some, and not on others. Where it is written "All that
[183]
she has done is at God's bidding," should read "All the good I have
done."
Asked, on this same day, whether her expedition to La Charité was well or ill done,
she answered: "If I have done wrong, I will confess."
Asked if it was right for her to go to Paris, she answered that the French noblemen
wished to, and by so doing, she believes, they performed their duty of attacking their
enemies.
XXXIII
"The said Jeanne presumptuously and rashly boasted and boasts of knowing the
future and having known the past, of discovering things secret or hidden; and this
attribute of God she attributes to herself, a simple and unlearned creature."
To this thirty-third article, this Wednesday, March 28th, Jeanne answers: "It is
for God to make revelations to whom He pleases," and of the sword and other things to
come which she told, she knew them by revelation.
On Saturday, February 24th, she said the Burgundians will have war, if they do not as
they should; she knows it by her voice.
On Tuesday, February 27th, asked whether when the assault was to be made at Orleans,
she did not tell her men that she would receive the arrows, crossbolts and stones, she
answered no; and there were a hundred or more wounded. But she did tell them to have no
fear, and they would raise the siege. Asked, on the same day, to which fortress she
ordered her men to retire, she says she does not remember. She added that she was
confident of raising the siege of Orleans, because it had been revealed to her; this she
told her king before going there. She said also that at the assault upon the fortress of
the Bridge she was wounded in the neck by a crossbolt; but received great comfort from St.
Michael, and was better in a
[184]
fortnight. Asked if she knew beforehand that she would be wounded, she answered that
she did indeed, and had told her king so; but that notwithstanding, she would not give up
her work. It was revealed to her by the voices of St. Catherine and St. Margaret. She
added that she herself was the first to plant the ladder up against the fortress of the
Bridge, and as she was raising it, she was wounded in the neck with a crossbolt.
On Thursday, March 1st she said that within seven years the English would lose a
greater stake than they did at Orleans; that the English will suffer a greater loss than
ever they did in France, which will be by the victory God will send the French. This she
knows by revelation, it will happen within seven years, and she is very vexed that it
should be so long postponed. She says, as above, that she knows it by revelation, as well
as she knows that we were before her. She said: "I know it as well as I know you are
here." Asked in what year it will happen, she answered: "You will not learn
that; nevertheless I heartily wish it might be before St. John's Day." This same day,
asked if she said it would happen before Martinmas, she answered that she had said that
many things would be seen before then; and it might well be that the English would be
overthrown and stricken to the ground. Asked what she told John Grey, her guard, in
prison, about Martinmas, she answered: "I have told you!" Asked through whom she
knew it would happen before Martinmas, she answered that she knew it from St. Catherine
and St. Margaret.
This same Thursday, March 1st asked what promises St. Catherine and St. Margaret made
her, she answered: "That is not in your case," and, amongst other things, they
told her that her king should be reëstablished in his kingdom, whether his enemies wished
it or not. The same day she said she knew
[185]
well that her king would regain the kingdom of France, as well as she knew we were
there.
On Saturday, March 3rd, asked if the voices told her anything in a general way, she
answered: "Yes, indeed, they told me I shall be delivered; but I do not know the day
or the hour; and that I must boldly show a cheerful countenance before you."
On Saturday, March 10th asked if the sally at Compiègne was made at the instruction of
her voices, she answered that in Easter week last, when she was in the trenches at Melun,
she was told by the voices of St. Catherine and St. Margaret that she would be captured
before St. John's Day; it had to be so; and she should not be distressed, but take
everything in good part, and God would aid her. This same day, asked if since Melun she
had been told by her voices that she would be captured, she answered yes, several times,
nearly every day. She asked of her voices that when she was taken she might die quickly
without long suffering in prison; and her voices told her to be resigned, that it must so
happen, but they did not tell her when. If she had known when she was to be captured, she
would not have gone. She had often asked them, but they did not tell her. The same day she
said that when she had to leave for her king, she was told by her voices: "Go boldly;
when thou art in the king's presence, he shall have a good sign to receive thee and
believe in thee."
On Monday, March 12th, asked how she would have delivered the Duke of Orleans, she
answered she would have taken enough English prisoners in this district to ransom him; and
if she had not taken enough, she would have crossed the sea to fetch him by force from
England. Asked if St. Catherine and St. Margaret had told her absolutely and
unconditionally that she would take enough prisoners to ransom the Duke, who was in
England, or else she should cross the sea
[186]
to fetch him and bring him back within three years, she answered yes, and she told the
king to let her have her way with the prisoners. She added that if she had gone on for
three years unhindered she would have delivered him. She said that she needed less than
three years and more than one, but does not now remember.
On Wednesday, March 14th, asked to what peril and danger we, bishop and clerics, expose
ourselves by trying her, she answered that St. Catherine told her she should have help;
she does not know whether this will be her deliverance from prison, or if, whilst she is
being tried, some tumult may arise through which she can be delivered. She thinks it will
be one or the other; and most often her voices tell her she will be delivered by a great
victory. And then they say: "Take everything peacefully; have no care for thy
martyrdom."
XXXIV
"The said Jeanne, persisting in her rash and presumptuous ways, has declared,
spread abroad and published that she is able to recognize and distinguish the voices of
God's archangels, angels, and saints, affirming that she can distinguish them from human
voices."
To this thirty-fourth article on Wednesday, March 28th, Jeanne replies that she abides
by her former answers in this connection and in respect of her rashness and the end of the
article, she refers herself to the judgment of Our Lord.
On Tuesday, February 27th, asked if it was the voice of an angel, or of a saint, or of
God Himself, which spoke to her, she answered that it was the voice of St. Catherine or
St. Margaret. Their heads were crowned in rich and precious fashion with beautiful crowns.
"And to tell this, she said, "I have God's permission. If you doubt it, send to
Poitiers where I was examined before." The same day, asked how she knew
[187]
one saint from the other, she answered that she knew them by the greeting they gave
her, and because they tell her their names.
On Thursday, March 1st asked how she knew whether her apparition was man or woman, she
answered: "I know well, and I recognize the saints by their voices," and because
they revealed themselves to her. The same day, asked what part of them she saw, she
answered the face. Asked if they had hair, she answered: "It is well to know they
have." Asked if there were anything between their crowns and their hair, she answered
no. Asked if their hair were long and hung down, she answered: "I do not know."
She added that she did not know whether they appeared to have arms or other members. She
said they spoke very well and beautifully, and she understood them well. Asked how they
spoke if they had no other members, she answered: "I refer me to God." On March
15th, asked if she had no other sign than these apparitions were good spirits, she
answered: "St. Michael certified it before the voices came to me." Asked how she
knew it was St. Michael, she answered: "By the angels' speech and tongue," and
she firmly believed they were angels. Asked how she knew it was the speech of angels, she
answered that she believed it very soon and had the desire to believe it. She added that
St. Michael, when he came to her, told her that St. Catherine and St. Margaret would come
to her, that she should follow their counsel, and that they were instructed to lead her
and advise her what she had to do; and that she should believe what they said, for it was
at Our Lord's command.
Asked how she would tell if he were a good or evil spirit if the Enemy put himself in
the form and guise of an angel, she answered that she would certainly know whether it was
St. Michael or a counterfeit in his likeness. She answered that at first she had grave
doubts whether it was St. Michael, and
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the first time she was afraid; and she saw him many times before she knew it was St.
Michael. Asked how she knew then rather than on the first occasion that it was St. Michael
who had appeared to her, she replied that the first time she was a young girl and was
afraid; since then St. Michael taught her and showed her so many things that she firmly
believed it was he. Asked what doctrine he taught her, she answered that in all things he
told her to be a good child and God would help her; and amongst other things he told her
she should go to the aid of the king of France. A great part of what the angel taught her
is in this book, and the angel told her of the great pity that was in the kingdom of
France.
XXXV
"The said Jeanne hath boasted and affirmed that she is able to tell whom God loves
and whom He hates."
To this thirty-fifth article, this Wednesday, March 28th, she answers: "I abide by
what I have already answered, with regard to the king and the Duke of Orleans"; of
other folk, she knows nothing. She says she knows very well that God loves her king and
the Duke of Orleans more than her, for their bodily ease; and she knows this by
revelation.
On Thursday, February 22nd, she said that she knows God loves greatly the Duke of
Orleans, and also that she had had more revelations about him than any man alive, save her
king.
On Saturday, February 24th, asked if she could so influence the voice that it would
obey her and take news to her king, she answered that she did not know whether the voice
would obey her unless it were God's will, and God consented thereto. "And if it
please God He will be able to send revelations to the king, and with this I shall be well
pleased." Asked why
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this voice no longer speaks with the king as it did when Jeanne was in his presence,
she answered that she does not know if it be not God's will.
On Saturday, March 17th, asked how she knows that St. Margaret and St. Catherine hate
the English, she answered: "They love those whom God loves, and hate whom He
hates." Asked if God hates the English, she answers that she knows nothing of God's
love or hatred, or what God will do to their souls, but she is certain that with the
exception of those who shall die there, they will be driven out of France, and that God
will send victory to the French and against the English. Asked if God was for the English
when they were prospering in France, she answered that she knew not whether God hated the
French, but she believed it was His will to suffer them to be beaten for their sins, if
they were in a state of sin.
XXXVI
"The said Jeanne hath declared, affirmed, and boasted, and still doth, from day to
day, that she knows and hath truly known, and not she alone, but also other men at her
request have truly known and recognized a certain voice, which she calls her voice, which
came to her; although, by its nature, the said voice which she describes and hath
described, must have been and is invisible to every human creature."
To this thirty-sixth article the said Jeanne answers that she abides by her earlier
answers.
On Thursday, February 22nd she said that those of her party knew well that the voice
was sent from God, and that they saw and knew it, this she knew well. Moreover, she said
that her king and several others heard and saw the voice which came to her, and there were
present Charles de Bourbon and two or three others.
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XXXVII
"The said Jeanne confesses that she has often done the opposite of what the
revelations she boasts to receive from God enjoined and commanded her; for example, when
she left Saint-Denis, after the assault at Paris; when she jumped from the tower at
Beaurevoir, and on other occasions. Wherein it is manifest, either that she has not had
revelations from God or she has scorned the instructions and express revelations by which
she proclaims she is wholly influenced and governed. Moreover she said, when she was
ordered not to jump from the tower, and was tempted to do the opposite, that she could not
do otherwise. Wherein she appears to hold erroneous opinions of men's free will and to
fall into the error of those who advance that it is conditioned by fatal prescriptions, or
something of similar import."
To this thirty-seventh article, this Wednesday, March 28th, she answers: "I refer
to my earlier answers," yet she added that she had received permission for her
departure from Saint-Denis. Asked whether by acting against the instruction of her voices
she did not believe herself in mortal sin, she answered: "I have already answered
this, and I refer to that answer." And, in respect of the conclusion of the article,
she commits herself to God.
On Thursday, February 22nd she said that her voice told her to remain at Saint-Denis in
France (and she wished to remain), but against her will the lords took her away.
Nevertheless, if she had not been wounded she would not have gone. She was wounded in the
trenches before Paris, and said that she recovered in five days.
On Saturday, March 10th asked whether, if her voices had ordered her to make the attack
from Compiègne and had told her she would be captured, she would have gone, she answered
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that if she had known when she was to be captured she would not have gone willingly;
nevertheless, she would have done their bidding in the end, whatever it cost her.
On Thursday, March 15th asked if she ever did anything against the instruction and will
of her voices, she answered that she did and performed with all her might that which she
could and was able to do. As for her leap from the tower at Beaurevoir, which she did
against their bidding, she could not help herself; and when her voices saw her need, and
that she could in no way hold herself back, they lent aid to her life and prevented her
from being killed. Moreover, she said that whatever she did in her great ventures, they
succored her, and this is a sign that they are good spirits.
The same day, asked if she did not believe it to be a great sin to anger St. Catherine
and St. Margaret who appear to her, and to do contrary to their bidding, she answers yes,
but she knows how to atone for it; what angered them most of all in her opinion was the
leap at Beaurevoir, wherein she asked their 4forgiveness, and for other offenses she had
committed against them.
XXXVIII
"The said Jeanne, although from her youth up she has uttered, committed, and
perpetrated many sins, crimes, errors and faults, shameful, cruel, scandalous,
dishonorable and unfitting to her sex, nevertheless proclaims and affirms that everything
she has done is at God's bidding and according to His will, that she has never done
anything which does not proceed from Him, through the revelations of His holy saints and
blessed virgins Catherine and Margaret."
To this thirty-eighth article, Jeanne answers that she refers to her earlier replies in
this connection. On Saturday, February 24th, she said that but for God's
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grace she could do nothing. The same day, asked if the people of Domrémy were on the
side of the Burgundians or the others, she answered that she only knew one Burgundian in
the village and she would have been quite willing for him to have his head cut off, if it
had pleased God. Asked if in her youth her voice told her to hate the Burgundians, she
answered that since she knew the voices were for the king of France, she did not like the
Burgundians.
On Thursday, March 15th, asked if in battle she had done anything without the counsel
of her voices, she answered: "You have my answer to this; read your book carefully,
and you will find it." Nevertheless she said that at the request of men-at-arms she
made an attack before Paris, and also before La Charité at her king's request. It was
neither against nor according to the commands of her voices. Asked if she ever did
anything contrary to their command and will, she answered as is contained in the preceding
article.
XXXIX
"Although the just man falleth seven times in a day, nevertheless the said Jeanne
utters and publishes that she has never committed, or at least never has to her knowledge
committed, acts of mortal sin, notwithstanding that she has in reality performed all the
acts (and others worse still) customary to fighting men; as it is declared in the
preceding and following articles."
To this thirty-ninth article this Wednesday, March 28th, she answers: "I have
answered this. I abide by my earlier answers."
On Saturday, February 24th, asked if she knows if she is in God's grace, she answered:
"If I am not, may God put me there, and if I am, may God so keep me." She said
she would be the saddest creature in the world if she were not
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in God's grace, and added that if she were in a state of sin, she did not think the
voice would come to her, and wished every one could hear it as well as she did.
On Thursday, March 1st she said she is very glad when she sees her voice, and thinks
when she sees it she cannot be in mortal sin. She says St. Catherine and St. Margaret in
turn gladly hear her in confession, and if she is in mortal sin, she is not aware of it.
Asked if, when she confesses, she feels as if in mortal sin, she answered that she did not
know whether she is in a state of mortal sin, but does not think she has committed such
deeds. "Please God," she said, "I never was, and if it please Him, I never
shall commit or have committed such deeds as burden my soul."
On Wednesday, March 14th, asked whether it was not mortal sin to take a man at ransom
and put him to death, a prisoner, she answered that she had not done that. And as mention
was made of a certain Franquet d'Arras, who was sent to Lagny to be put to death, she
answered that she was consenting to his death if he had deserved it, since he had
confessed himself a murderer, a thief, and a traitor. His trial lasted, she said, for a
fortnight, and he was tried by the Bailly of Senlis and a jury of the people of Lagny. She
said she had asked to have Franquet exchanged for a man from Paris, the landlord of the
Bear Inn; and when she heard of the death of the landlord, and the Bailly told her she
would be doing great wrong to justice by delivering this Franquet, she said to the Bailly:
"Since the man I wanted is dead, do with this fellow as justice demands." And
when she was reminded that she had attacked Paris on a Feast Day, and that she had had the
lord Bishop of Senlis's horse, and that she had thrown herself from the tower at
Beaurevoir, and that she wore man's dress, she was asked if she did not believe she had
committed mortal sin. She answered firstly, concerning
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the attack on Paris she did not think she was in mortal sin, and if she were, it was
for God, and the priest in confession, to know it. Secondly, concerning the bishop's
horse, she answered that she firmly believes that she did not therein commit mortal sin,
for the lord Bishop of Senlis received a warrant for :zoo gold saluts for the horse.
Thirdly, concerning the tower of Beaurevoir, she answered that she did not leap out of
despair, but in hope of saving her body and of going to the aid of many good people in
need, and after the leap she confessed herself and asked forgiveness of God, which she
received, and she thinks it was wrong to make that leap. She knows she received pardon
after her confession from a revelation of St. Catherine's, at whose counsel she confessed
herself. Fourthly, concerning the man's dress, she answered: "Since I do it by God's
command, and in His service, I do not think I do wrong; and as soon as it shall please God
to command, I will put it off."
XL
"The said Jeanne, forgetful of her salvation and at the instigation of the Devil,
is not and has not been ashamed from time to time and in many divers places to receive the
Body of Christ in dissolute male attire, a costume forbidden and prohibited her by the
command of God and the Church."
To this fortieth article, Jeanne answers: "l have answered this and I refer to my
earlier answer," and in conclusion, submits to God.
On Saturday, March 3rd, asked whether when she was journeying through the country she
often received the sacraments of the Eucharist and of Confession when she came to the good
towns, she answered yes, from time to time. Asked if she received the sacraments in man's
dress, she answered yes, but does not remember receiving them in armor.
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XLI
"The said Jeanne, like a madwoman, out of hatred and scorn for the English, and
also from fear of the destruction of Compiègne which she had heard of, tried to cast
herself from the top of a high tower, and at the instigation of the devil, decided to do
so, attempting and performing all she could to accomplish this end; in this manner she
cast herself, incited or induced by a diabolical instinct, more anxious for the safety of
her body than the salvation of her soul, and of other souls; boasting often that she would
rather die than let herself be delivered into the hands of the English."
To this forty-first article, Jeanne answers: "I refer to the answers I have
already made."
On Saturday, March 3rd, asked if she was long in the town of Beaurevoir, she answered
that she was there for about four months; and when she heard that the English were to
come, she was very angry, and though her voices forbade her to jump from the tower, at
last, from fear of the English, she leaped and commended herself to God and Our Lady.
Asked if she had said that she would rather die than fall into the hands of the English,
she answered that she would rather surrender her soul to God than fall in their hands.
On Wednesday, March 14th, asked why she jumped from the tower of Beaurevoir, she
answered that she had heard that the people of Compiègne all of them to the age of seven
years, were to be put to fire and to the sword; and she would rather die than live after
such a destruction of good people. That was one reason why she jumped; the other was that
she knew she had been sold to the English, and she would have died rather than fall into
their hands. Asked if her leap was made at the counsel of her voices, she answered that
St. Catherine told her almost every day not to jump, and
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God would aid her and the people of Compiègne too. But Jeanne told St. Catherine that
since God was going to help the people of Compiègne she wanted to be there; and St.
Catherine said: "You must be resigned and not falter; you will not be delivered until
you have seen the King of the English." Jeanne answered: "Truly I do not want to
see him, and I would rather die than fall into the hands of the English." She said
that after her fall from the tower she was two or three days without desire to eat, yet
she was comforted by St. Catherine who told her to confess and ask God's forgiveness for
having cast herself down; and the people of Compiègne would have aid without fail before
Martinmas in winter; and then she began to eat and drink, and soon after was well. Asked
if when she regained her speech after her fall she denied God and His Saints, she answered
that she did not remember that she had ever denied God or His Saints. Asked if she was
willing to abide by the evidence collected or to be collected, she answered that she would
leave it to God, and none other.
XLII
"The said Jeanne has said and publicly declared that St. Catherine, St. Margaret,
and St. Michael have corporal members such as head, eyes, face, etc.; and added that she
has touched these saints with her hands and has embraced and kissed them."
To this forty-second article, Jeanne answers: "I have answered this and refer to
my earlier statements in respect of this."
Now on Saturday, March 17th, asked whether she ever kissed or embraced St. Catherine
and St. Margaret, she answered that she had embraced them both, and they had a fine odor.
Asked if, when she embraced them, she felt heat
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or anything else, she answered that she could not embrace them without feeling or
touching them. Asked what part of them she embraced, their head or their feet, she answer
that it is more fitting to embrace their feet.
XLIII
"The said Jeanne has said and publicly declared that the saints, angels, and
archangels speak French and not English and that the saints, angels and archangels are not
on the side of the English but of the French, affirming to their scorn that the saints in
glory look with hatred on a Catholic realm and a country given to the veneration of all
the saints according to the instruction of the Church."
To this forty-third article, which was explained to her word by word, Jeanne answered
nothing beyond: "I refer me to Our Lord and to my earlier answers."
On Thursday, March 1st she said that the voice is fair soft and meek, and speaks
French. Asked if this voice, that is St. Margaret, spoke English, she answered: "Why
should she speak English? She is not on the English side."
XLIV
"The said Jeanne boasted and proclaimed, and still does that St. Catherine and St.
Margaret promised to lead her to Paradise and assured her of salvation if she kept her
virginity and that she is assured of salvation."
To this forty-fourth article, Jeanne answers: "I refer me to our Lord and my
earlier answers."
On Thursday, February 22nd she said that she never asked of the voice any other final
reward than the salvation of her soul.
[On Wednesday, March 14th] asked whether since her voices told her she will go in the
end to the kingdom of Paradise,
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she feels assured of her salvation, and safe from damnation in hell, she answered that
she firmly believes what her voices told her, namely, that she will be saved, as firmly as
if she were already in Paradise. And when she was told that this was an answer of great
weight, she replied that she held it for a great treasure; and meant, in respect of this
article, provided she kept her oath and promise to Our Lord, that is, to keep safe her
virginity of body and of soul. Asked whether after this revelation she believes it
possible for her to commit mortal sin, she answered: "I do not know, but commit
myself to God in all things." Asked if she need confess, since she believes from the
revelation of her voices that she will be saved, she answered that she does not know of
having committed mortal sin; but if she were in mortal sin, she thinks St. Catherine and
St. Margaret would at once abandon her, and believes one cannot too much cleanse one's
conscience. She said on Thursday, March 1st that her saints promised to lead her to
Paradise, and so she had asked them to do.
XLV
"Although the judgments of God are altogether inscrutable to us, nevertheless the
said Jeanne has said, uttered, declared, and proclaimed that she has known and knows who
are the saints, angels, and archangels, the elect of God; and that she can distinguish
them from one another."
To this forty-fifth article, Jeanne answers: "I refer to my earlier answers."
On Tuesday, February 27th, asked how and why she knew it was St. Catherine and St.
Margaret who appeared to her, and how she told one from the other, she answered that she
knew well who they were and easily recognized one from the other.
On Thursday, March 1st asked if the saints always appeared
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to her in the same dress, she answered that she always saw them in one and the same
form, and their heads were richly crowned, and of their other clothing she does not speak,
nor know anything of their robes. On Saturday, March 3rd, she said that she saw clearly
St. Catherine and St. Margaret and her other apparitions, and knows they are saints of
Paradise.
XLVI
"She says that she very affectionately interceded with St. Catherine and St.
Margaret for the people of Compiègne before taking her leap, saying to them, among other
things, by way of reproach: 'And how shall God suffer the people of Compiègne to die so
wretchedly, who are so faithful to Him!' Wherein appear her impatience and irreverence
towards God and His Saints."
To this forty-sixth article, Jeanne answers: I refer to my earlier answers."
On Saturday, March 3rd, she said that after she was wounded by leaping from the tower
of Beaurevoir, the voice of St. Catherine told her to be of good cheer and she would
recover, and the people of Compiègne would have aid; she said that she often prayed with
her counsel for the Compiègne folk.
XLVII
"The said Jeanne, displeased with wounds she received from her fall or leap from
the tower of Beaurevoir, and vexed that she had not realized her plan, blasphemed God and
His Saints, shamefully denied them, and terribly scorned them to the horror of all who
were present; and further, since she has been in the castle of Rouen, on many different
days she has blasphemed and denied God, the Blessed Virgin, and the Saints, bearing with
impatience and protesting against the fact that
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she is brought to trial before and is to be judged by the clergy."
To this forty-seventh article, Jeanne answers: "I refer me to Our Lord and to my
answers in this connection."
On Saturday, March 3rd, asked whether she was not vexed and angry after jumping from
the tower, and whether she did not blaspheme the Name of God, she answered that she never
cursed the Saints, and it was not her custom to swear. Asked about Soissons, where her
captain had surrendered the town, and whether she denied God, and said that if she
captured the captain she would have him drawn and quartered, she answered that she never
denied the Saints, and those who reported so were mistaken. On Wednesday, March 14th,
asked whether since she had been in this prison she had not denied or blasphemed God, she
answered no; sometimes when she said bon gré Dieu or saint Jehan or Nostre Dame, those
who reported the words may have misunderstood.
XLVIII
"The said Jeanne declared that she believed and believes that the spirits which
appeared to her were angels, archangels and saints of God, as firmly as she believes in
the Christian faith, and in the articles of this faith, although she reports no sign
sufficient to know them by; moreover, in this she consulted no bishop, priest or other
prelate of the Church, or any other cleric to discover whether she should give credence to
such spirits; and declares that she was forbidden by her voices to reveal these
communications to any one except a captain of soldiers, to the said Charles, and to other
purely secular persons. Wherein she confesses that her credulity is rash, her opinions on
the articles of the faith and their foundations erroneous; and in addition that she had
suspicious revelations
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which she hid from prelates and the clergy and made known by preference to secular
persons."
To this forty-eighth article, Jeanne answers: I have given you my reply and refer to
what is written down." As for the signs, if those who ask for them are not worthy,
she cannot help that. Many times she has prayed to God that it please Him to reveal them
to some of her party, and she added that for believing in her revelations she did not ask
the advice of bishop or priest or any other. She said that she believes it was St.
Michael, from the good doctrine he taught her.
Asked whether St. Michael said to her I am St. Michael," she answers "I have
already answered," and in respect of the end of the article, says: "I refer me
to Our Lord." She says she believes, as firmly as she believes Our Lord suffered
death to redeem us from the pains of hell, that it is St. Michael , St. Gabriel, St.
Catherine and St. Margaret, that Our Lord sends to comfort and advise her.
On Saturday, February 24th, she said that she firmly believes, as firmly as she
believes in the Christian faith and that Our Lord redeemed us from the pains of hell, that
this voice comes from God and at His command.
On Saturday, March 3rd, asked if she believes that St. Michael and St. Gabriel have
natural heads, she answered she had seen them with her own eyes and believes they are St.
Michael and St. Gabriel as firmly as she believes in the existence of God. Asked whether
she believes God created them with the heads she saw, she answered: "I have seen them
with my own eyes, and will not tell you any more!"
Asked whether she believes God created them in the shape and form she saw, she answered
yes. On Monday, March 13th, asked whether she has not spoken of her visions to her priest
or any other cleric, she answered no, only to Robert de Baudicourt and to her king. She
added
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that she was not constrained by the voices to conceal them, but was afraid to speak of
them for fear of the Burgundians, lest they should prevent her journey. The same day,
asked if she thought it right to leave without the permission of her father and mother,
since one should honor one's father and mother, she answered that she obeyed them in all
things except this departure; and since then she had written to them, and they have
forgiven her.
XLIX
"The said Jeanne with no reason beyond her imagination, venerated spirits of this
sort, kissing the earth where she saw they passed, kneeling before them, embracing and
kissing them, and doing them other reverence, giving them thanks, putting her hands
together and entering into familiarity with them; yet she did not know whether they were
good spirits, and moreover considering the circumstances they must be judged by her to be
and manifestly are more evil than good. Which cult and veneration seem to partake of
idolatry and to proceed from a pact made with devils." To this forty-ninth article on
this Wednesday, March 28th, Jeanne answers, in respect of the beginning, "I have
answered this," and of the end, I refer me to Our Lord."
On Saturday, February 24th, asked whether she did not thank the voice which appeared to
her, and kneel down before it, she answered that she thanked it, but was sitting on the
bed, and she put her hands together; and this was after she had asked counsel of it.
On Saturday, March 10th, asked what reverence she showed the sign when it came to her
king, and whether it came from God, she answered that she thanked Our Lord for her
deliverance from the trouble arising from the opposition of the clergy of her party; and
she knelt down many times. The same day,
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asked whether her king and she did reverence to the angel when he brought the sign, she
answered that for her part she did, she knelt down and uncovered her head.
On Monday, March 12th, asked whether she spoke to Our Lord when she promised Him to
keep her virginity, she answered that it ought to be quite enough to promise it to those
who were sent from Him, namely St. Catherine and St. Margaret. She said that the first
time she heard her voice she vowed to keep her virginity as long as it should please God,
and was then about thirteen years old. The same day, asked whether she did reverence to
St. Michael and the angels when she saw them, she answered that she did, and- kissed the
ground where they had passed after they were gone.
On Thursday, March Keith, asked whether when her voices come to her she bows down
altogether, as to a saint, she answers yes; and if sometimes she has failed to do so, she
afterwards asked forgiveness, nor could she do them the reverence proper to them, for she
fully believes them to be St. Catherine and St. Margaret. She said the same in respect of
St. Michael. This same day, asked whether she had not made offerings to the saints, who
come to her, of burning candles or other things, in church, or elsewhere, or had Masses
said, she answered no, except at Mass, in the priest's hands, and in honor of St.
Catherine. She believes that St. Catherine is one of them that appear to her; nor has she
lit as many candles to St. Catherine and St. Margaret who are in Paradise as she gladly
would, for she fully believes it is they who come to her.
Asked the same day whether when she puts these candles before the images of St.
Catherine she does it in honor of the saint who appears to her, she answered: "I do
it in honor of God, of Our Lady, of St. Catherine, who is in heaven, and I make no
difference between St. Catherine who is in heaven and her who appears to me." Asked
this same day whether
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she always did or accomplished the bidding of her voices, she answered that with all
her might she accomplished the behest which Our Lord spake through her voices, as far as
she could understand; and they bade her nothing without the good pleasure of Our Lord.
On Saturday, March 17th, asked if she did not give chaplets of flowers to the saints
who appeared to her, she answered that in honor of these saints she gave many chaplets to
their images or representations in churches, but as far as she remembers she has not
presented any to those who appear to her. Asked whether when she hung chaplets on the
aforementioned tree she did it in honor of the saints who appeared to her, she answered
no. The same day, asked whether when the saints came to her she did not do them reverence,
as by kneeling or bowing, she answered yes; the more she could do them reverence the more
she did, for she knows well they are saints of Paradise.
L
"The said Jeanne frequently and daily invokes these spirits, consulting them in
her private actions, for example in the answers she should make in her trial, and in other
subjects, which appears and constitutes an invocation of demons."
To this fiftieth article on Wednesday, March 28th, the said Jeanne answers: I have
answered this," and she will call them to her aid as long as she shall live.
Asked in what manner she approaches them, she answers: "I beg Our Lord and Our
Lady to send me their counsel and comfort and then they send it to me."
Asked with what words she beseeches them, she answers that she beseeches them in this
manner: "Very sweet Lord, in honor of Thy holy passion, I beseech Thee, if Thou
lovest me, to reveal to me how I am to answer these churchfolk. I
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know well, in the matter of the dress, the command by which I took it, but I do not
know how I am to leave it off. In this, may it please Thee to instruct me." And then
they come immediately. Often, she said, she has news through her voices of the bishop of
Beauvais. Asked what they say of Us, she answered: "I will tell you apart," and
on that very day they had come thrice to her.
Asked if they were in her room, she answered: "I have answered you in this;
nevertheless I hear them well." She says St. Catherine and St. Margaret told her in
what way she should reply in respect of the dress.
On Saturday, February 24th, she said the voice told her to answer boldly; and that when
she awakened from sleep, she asked counsel of the voice in what she should reply, telling
the voice to ask counsel of Our Lord; the voice told her to answer boldly and God would
comfort her. The same day, asked whether before she questioned it the voice did not
address certain words to her, she said the voice did, but she did not understand them all.
However, when she awoke, she understood the voice to tell her to answer boldly. She said
that night she had heard the voice say "Answer boldly."
On Tuesday, February 27th, asked what the voice had told her, she said that since last
Saturday she had asked advice on certain points of our examinations in the trial. Asked if
the voice had given her counsel on certain points, she answered yes, upon certain, and
that on others she might be asked questions which she would not answer without leave. If
she replied without leave perhaps she would not have the voices for warrant, but when she
had leave from Our Lord she would not be afraid to speak, for then she would have a good
warrant. The same day, asked how she could distinguish such points as she would answer,
and such as she would not, she answered
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that on some points she had asked permission, and on some she had received it.
On Monday, March 12th, asked whether the angel did not deceive her in respect of the
good things of fortune, when she was taken, she answered that she thought that since it
pleased God, it was better for her to be taken prisoner. Asked whether the angel did not
fail her in respect of the good things of grace, she answered: "How should he fail me
when he comforts me every day?" And she believes the comfort is St. Catherine and St.
Margaret. Asked if she calls them or if they come without being called, she answered that
they often come without being called, and sometimes, if they did not come, she would pray
to God to send them. Asked if she sometimes had called them without them coming, she
answered that she never needed them, however little, but they came to her.
On Wednesday, March 13th, asked whether she had spoken to St. Catherine since the day
before, she answered that she has heard her since then, and notwithstanding was told many
times to answer the judges boldly what they should ask her touching the case.
On Wednesday, March 14th, asked whether her voices required a delay for answering, she
says St. Catherine answers her sometimes but sometimes Jeanne falls to understand her,
because of the tumult of the prison and the din from her guards; when she makes a request
to St. Catherine, St. Catherine and St. Margaret immediately take it to Our Lord; and
then, at Our Lord's bidding, give answer to Jeanne. Asked whether there is a light with
the saints when they come to her, and whether she does not see a light, when she hears the
voice in the castle, and whether she did not know if the voice was in her room, she
answered that no day passes but they come to her in the castle of Rouen, and they do not
come without light; and on this occasion when she heard the voice she does
[208]
not remember if she saw the light, nor if she saw St. Catherine. She said she asked
three things of her voices, namely first, her deliverance; second, that God should help
the French and keep the towns in their control; and third, the salvation of her soul.
Ll
"The said Jeanne has not feared to boast that St. Michael, God's archangel, came
to her with a great multitude of angels in the castle of Chinon, and in the house of a
certain woman; that he walked with her, holding her by the hand, climbing together with
her the castle steps and entering the king's chamber; that this archangel did reverence to
the king, bowed before him, accompanied by other angels, as is declared above; some of
them were crowned, others had wings. To say this of archangels and of holy angels must be
held presumptuous, rash, deceitful; especially seeing that it is not written that any man,
however upright, nor even Our Lady, Mother of God, received such reverence or greetings.
Often she said that there came to her the archangel Gabriel, St. Michael, and sometimes a
million angels. Moreover, the said Jeanne boasts that at her prayer the said angel brought
with him, in this company of angels, a most precious crown for her king, to put upon his
head, and that it is now put into the king's treasury; with it, according to Jeanne, the
king would have been crowned at Reims if he had waited a few days, but owing to the haste
with which his coronation was carried out he took another. These are less divine
revelations than lies invented by Jeanne, suggested or shown to her by the demon in
illusive apparitions, in order to mock at her imagination whilst she meddled with things
which are beyond her and superior to the faculty of her condition."
To this fifty-first article on Wednesday, March 28th, Jeanne I
[209]
answers that she has already replied in respect of the angel who brought the sign. As
for the Promoter's statement about millions of angels, she answers that she has no
recollection of having spoken thus of the number. She did say that she was never wounded,
but she had great comfort and aid from Our Lord and St. Catherine and St. Margaret.
In respect of the crown, she says she has answered, and of the end of the article, and
likewise of where the crown was made, she refers to God.
On Tuesday, February Keith, asked if there was an angel above the king's head when she
saw him for the first time, she answered: "By Our Lady, if there was I do not know of
it, and did not see it." Asked if there was a light, she answered that there were
more than 300 knights and more than fifty torches, not counting the spiritual light; and
she seldom had revelations without a light. Asked why her king put faith in her sayings,
she answered that he had good instructions concerning them from the clerks. She said that
the clerks of her party were of the opinion that nothing but good would come of her
mission.
On Thursday, March 1st asked whether her king had a crown at Reims, she answered that
she believes he gladly took one which he found at Reims, but a much richer one had been
since brought; he did so to hasten his coronation at the request of the townsfolk and to
avoid the burden of the soldiers; and if he had waited he would have been crowned with a
crown a thousand times richer. Asked whether she saw this richer crown, she answered that
she cannot tell without committing perjury, and that if she did not see it, she heard that
it is of such wealth.
On Saturday, March 10th asked what the sign was which came to her king, she answered
that it was fair, honorable, and most credible; rich and good, the richest in the world.
Asked
[210]
why she will not tell or show the sign, as she wanted to have Catherine de La
Rochelle's sign, she answered that she would not have asked to know Catherine's sign if it
had been as well shown as her own sign was before notable ecclesiastics, and other;,
archbishops and bishops, whose names she does not know; Charles de Bourbon, the Sire de la
Trémouille, the Duke d'Alençon and many other knights saw and heard it as plainly as she
saw those speaking to her then. Moreover, she knew well through St. Catherine and St.
Margaret that the affairs of this Catherine were as nothing at all. Asked whether the sign
still exists she answered: "It is good to know that it does; it will last a thousand
years, and more." She said the sign is with the king's treasure. Asked whether it was
gold, silver, or precious stone, or a crown, she answered: "I will tell you no more.
No man could describe a thing so rich as this sign," and added: "The sign you
need is for God to deliver me out of your hands, the most certain sign He could show
you." The same day she said that an angel from God and from none other gave the sign
to her king; and for this she thanked Our Lord many times. She said the clergy of her
party ceased opposing her when they had this sign. Asked whether the clergy of her party
saw the sign, she answered that when her king and those who were with him saw the sign,
and also the angel who bore it, she asked the king if he were content, and he replied yes.
Then she left, and went to a little chapel hard by, and heard that after her departure
more than 300 people saw the sign. She added that for her sake and to stop men from
catechizing her, God willed that those of her party who were there should see the sign.
On Monday, March 12th, asked whether the angel that brought the sign did not speak, she
answered yes, he told her king to set her to work, and the country would straightway be
relieved. Asked whether the angel who brought the sign
[211]
was the same that first appeared to her, or whether it was another, she answered that
it was always the same one, and he never failed her. The same day, asked about the sign
she gave the king, she said she would take counsel from St. Catherine concerning it.
On Tuesday, March 13th, when examined upon the sign she gave her king, and what it was,
she answered: "Would you be content if I perjured myself?" Asked if she had
vowed and promised St. Catherine not to tell this sign, she answered: "I swore and
promised not to tell this sign, of my own accord, because I was too much pressed to tell
it." Then she said she would not speak of it to any man. The same day she told that
the sign was that an angel assured her king by bringing him the crown and saying he should
possess the whole and entire kingdom of France, by God's help and the labors of Jeanne;
and he was to put her to work, that is to say, to give her soldiers, else he would not so
soon be crowned and consecrated.
The same day, asked how the angel brought the crown, and whether he placed it on the
king's head, she answered that the crown was given to an archbishop, namely the archbishop
of Reims, in the king's presence, so it seemed to her; and the archbishop received it and
gave it to the king, and Jeanne was present, and it was put in the king's treasure. Asked
where the crown was brought, she answered that it was in the king's chamber, in the castle
of Chinon. Asked on what day and at what hour, she answered: "Of the day, I know
nothing; of the hour, it was late," beyond that she did not remember the hour. Of the
month, it was in April or March, she thought, and in next April or the present month it
will be two years ago and it was after Easter. Asked whether the first day she saw the
sign the king also saw it, she answered yes, he himself received it. Asked what the crown
was made of, she answered: "It is good to know that it was of pure gold," and
was so rich that
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she could not count its richness, and it signified that her king would gain the kingdom
of France. Asked whether there were precious stones in it, she answered: "I have told
you what I know." Asked if she held it or kissed it, she said no. Asked whether the
angel who brought it came from on high or from the earth, she answered that he came from
on high, meaning that he came at Our Lord's command and entered the room by the door.
Asked whether the angel walked on the ground from the door, she answered that when he came
before her king he did the king reverence by bowing before him, and pronouncing the words
of the sign which Jeanne said above, and with this the angel recalled to the king the
sweet patience he had shown in the great tribulation which had befallen him, walked and
came forward from the door on the ground, moving towards the king. Asked how far it was
from the door to the king, she answered that she thought it was a good lance-length; and
the angel went out by the way he came. She said that when the angel came she accompanied
him, and went with him by the stairs to the king's chamber, and the angel went in first,
and then she said to the king: "Sire, here is your sign, take it." Asked where
it was the angel appeared to her, she answered that she was nearly always praying God to
send the king a sign; she was in her lodging in the house of a good woman near the castle
of Chinon when the angel came. Then they went together to the king, and the angel was well
accompanied by other angels whom no one saw, and but for her sake and to release her from
the trouble of opposition she thought that many who saw the angel would not have seen him.
Asked whether all who were with the king saw the angel, she answered that she thinks
the Archbishop of Reims, de la Trémouille, and Charles de Bourbon saw him, and many
churchmen and others who did not see the angel saw the crown.
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Asked of what appearance and size the angel was, she answered that she has not leave to
tell that, and will answer to-morrow. Asked if all who were in the company of the angel
were of the same appearance, she answered that some were fairly similar, and some as far
as she could see, were not; some had wings and some crowns, and others had not; and in
their company were St. Catherine and St. Margaret, who were with the said angel and the
other angels up to the very chamber of the king. Asked how the angel left her, she said he
left her in the little chapel, and she was much vexed at his leaving, and wept; and would
have gladly gone with him, that is her soul would. Asked whether at the angel's departure
she remained happy or afraid and in great terror, she answered that he did not leave her
in fear, but she was vexed at his leaving. Asked whether it was for any merit of hers that
God sent His angel, she answered that he came with a great purpose, and in hope that the
king would believe the sign, and she would be left without opposition, to help the good
people of Orleans, and also for the merit of her king and the good Duke of Orleans.
Asked why he had come to her rather than to another, she answered: "It pleased God
to do so by a simple maid to drive back the king's enemies." Asked whether she had
been told whence the angel had first taken the crown, she answered that it was brought
from God, and no goldsmith on earth could make one so rich and fair; but where it came
from, in respect of this she refers herself to God, and knows nothing more of it. Asked if
the crown had a good odor and whether it glittered, she answered that she does not
remember and will think it over; afterwards she said it had and would always have a good
odor, but must be well and duly guarded; and it was in the form of a crown. Asked whether
the angel had not written her letters, she answered no. Asked what sign the king received,
and the people who were with him and her, to convince
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them that it was an angel who appeared to them, she answered that the king believed it
by the teaching of the churchmen who were there, and by the sign of the crown. Asked how
the churchmen knew it was an angel, she answered that they knew by their learning and
because they were clerks.
LII
"The said Jeanne has so misled the Catholic people by her inventions that many
adored her as a saint in her presence and even adore her in her absence, ordering Masses
and collects in church in reverence of her; nay, they declare her to be greater than all
God's saints, after Our Lady; they set up her images on the altars of Saints, wear medals
of lead or other metal in her likeness, like those made for the anniversaries of saints
canonized by the Church; and they preach in public that she is sent from God, an angel
rather than a woman. These are most scandalous actions, hurtful to the Christian religion
and dangerous to the salvation of souls."
To this fifty-second article, this Wednesday, March 28th, Jeanne answers that, in
respect of the beginning she has already given answer, and of the end, that she refers to
Our Lord.
On Saturday, March 3rd, asked whether she ever knew brother Richard, she answered:
"I had never seen him when I came before Troyes." Asked what manner of greeting
he gave her, she answered that the people of Troyes, she thought, sent him to her, saying
that they were afraid she was not a thing sent from God; and when he drew near her, he
made the sign of the cross and sprinkled holy water; and she said to him: "Come
boldly; I shall not fly away." Asked whether she has not seen or made any images or
pictures in her likeness, she answered that at Arras she saw a painting in the hands of a
Scot; she was shown in full armor, presenting letters to her king, with one knee on the
ground. Asked about a certain
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painting, at her host's house in Orleans, showing three women, Justice, Peace, Union,
she answered that she knew nothing of that. Asked whether she knows that certain of her
party had service, Mass, and prayers said for her, she answered that she knows nothing of
it; and if any service was held, it was not at her instruction; though if they prayed for
her, she feels they did not ill. On this Saturday, March 3rd, she was asked what honor the
people of Troyes did her when she entered the town, and she answered: "They did me
none," and added that she thought brother Richard entered Troyes with her, but she
does not remember seeing him enter. Asked whether he preached a sermon when she arrived,
she answered that when she came she scarcely stopped at Troyes and did not sleep there;
and as for the sermon, she knew nothing of it.
LIII
"The said Jeanne, against the bidding of God and His Saints, proudly and
presumptuously assumed domination over men; she appointed herself leader and captain of an
army which rose at times to the number of 16,000 men, in which there were princes, barons,
and other nobles, all of whom she made fight under herself as principal captain."
To this fifty-third article, this Wednesday, March 28th, Jeanne answers that in the
matter of being leader in war she has already given her reply, and if she was leader, it
was to conquer the English. In respect of the end of the article she refers to Our Lord.
On Tuesday, February 27th, asked what forces her king gave her, when he set her to
work, she answered that he gave her ten or twelve thousand men, and that she went first to
Orleans to the fortress of St. Loup and then to the fortress of the Bridge.
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LIV
"The said Jeanne unashamedly walked with men, refusing to have the company or care
of womenfolk, and wished to employ only men whom she made serve in the private offices of
her room and in her secret affairs, a thing unseen and unheard of in a modest or devout
woman."
To this fifty-fourth article, Jeanne answers that her government was through men; as
for where she lodged or slept at night, she usually had a woman with her; when she was
fighting, she would lie fully dressed and armed, if there was no woman to be found. In
respect of the end of the article, she refers herself to God.
LV
"The said Jeanne misused the revelations and prophecies she claims to have from
God, turning them into worldly profit and advantage; for, by means of them she acquired a
great number of riches, great state and apparel, many officers, horses, ornaments; wherein
she imitated the false prophets who for love of worldly goods and to gain the favor of the
great of this world, are wont to pretend that they have revelations concerning them, and
hope to please the temporal princes: then they abuse the divine oracles and attribute
their false lies to God."
To this fifty-fifth article, Jeanne answers that she has already replied to this; and
in respect of the gifts made to her brothers, the king gave them from his grace, without
her seeking. In respect of the charge the Promoter makes and the end of the article she
refers herself to God.
On Saturday, March 10th asked if she ever had any other riches from her king than her
horses, she answered that she never asked anything of her king save good arms, good
horses,
[217]
and money to pay the people of her household. Asked whether she had no treasure, she
answered that the ten or twelve thousand worth she had was not much to carry on a war
with, very little indeed, and that, she thinks, her brothers have. What she has is her
king's own money. She said she was captured when she was riding a demi-charger; asked who
gave her it, she answered that her king or his people with the king s money gave her it;
she had five chargers from the king's money, not counting the hacks, which were more than
seven.
LVI
"The said Jeanne has often boasted of having two counselors whom she calls her
counselors of the fountain, who came to her after she was captured, as has been proved by
the confession of Catherine de La Rochelle before the official at Paris, which Catherine
said that Jeanne would escape from her prison with the devil's aid if she were not well
guarded."
To this fifty-sixth article, the said Jeanne answers that she abides by her other
answers. As for the counselors of the fountain, she does not know what that means; but she
believes she once heard St. Catherine and St. Margaret there. In respect of the end of the
article, which she denies, she declares on oath that she would not want the devil to drag
her out of prison.
On Saturday, March 3rd, asked if she saw or knew Catherine de La Rochelle, she answered
yes, at Jargeau, and at Montfaucon-en-Berry. Asked whether this Catherine did not show her
a lady robed in white who, she said sometimes appeared to her, she answered no. Asked on
the same day what this Catherine said to her, she answered that Catherine told her she was
visited by a white lady robed in cloth of gold who told the said Catherine to go through
the good towns and
[218]
her king would give her heralds and trumpets, and she should cry out that whoever had
hidden gold' or silver or treasure should forthwith bring it out; and those who did not
she would immediately know, and would be able to find their treasure; and it would be to
pay Jeanne's soldiers. To which Jeanne answered Catherine that she should go home to her
husband, do her work, and look after her children. To make sure, she spoke to St.
Catherine and St. Margaret who told her that the mission of this Catherine was all madness
and nonsense. Jeanne wrote to her king about Catherine, and told him what he should do
with her; and when she came into his presence, she told him it was all madness and
nonsense.
Nevertheless, brother Richard wanted to put her to work, and he and Catherine were
ill-pleased with Jeanne. Asked whether she spoke to Catherine de La Rochelle of going to
La Charité, she answered that Catherine did not advise her to go there, for the weather
was too cold, and she would not go. This March 3rd Jeanne confessed that she told
Catherine, who wished to go to the Duke of Burgundy and make peace, that no peace would be
found save at the lance's point. The said Jeanne confessed to having asked Catherine if
the white lady came to her every night, and would sleep with her to see her, which she
did, watched till midnight and saw nothing, and then fell asleep. In the morning she asked
Catherine if the lady had come and Catherine answered that she had, when Jeanne was
sleeping, and she had not been able to awaken her. Then Jeanne asked if the lady would
come the following night, and Catherine said she would, so Jeanne slept during the day so
that she could watch at night, and the next night she lay with Catherine and watched all
night long, but saw nothing, although she asked Catherine if the lady would come, and
Catherine answered "Yes, soon."
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LVII
"The said Jeanne, on the day of the Festival of the Nativity of Our Lady, called
together all the soldiers of Charles's army to march to the attack upon Paris, led them
against the city, promised them they should enter that day, for she knew it by revelation,
and had every measure taken by which she could attack the city: this nevertheless she was
not afraid to deny in judgment before us. Likewise, in many other places, at La
Charité-sur-Loire, at Pont l'Évêque, at Compiègne, when she attacked my Lord Duke of
Burgundy's army, she made many promises and uttered many prophecies which she claimed to
know by revelation, which in no way came true, and were altogether contradicted. Now
before you she denied having made such promises and prophecies, because they did not turn
out as she had said; yet many trustworthy persons have reported that these promises were
uttered and published by her. Also, at the attack on Paris, she said that thousands of
angels accompanied her, ready to bear her to Paradise should she die. Yet when she was
asked why her entry into Paris according to her promise had not taken place, and many of
her company, and she too, had instead been hurt with grievous wounds, some even killed,
she is said to have answered: 'Jesus has failed in His promise."'
To this article on Wednesday, March 28th Jeanne answers in respect of its beginning
that she has already answered it, and "If I am advised further, I will gladly answer
more." In respect of the end, that Jesus had failed her, she denies it.
On Saturday, March 3rd, asked what she did in the trenches of La Charité, she answered
that she had an assault made there, but she did not throw or sprinkle holy water. Asked
why she did not enter the town, since she had God's bidding, she answered: "Who told
you I was commanded to enter?"
[220]
Asked if she had not counsel of her voice, she answered that she wished to come to
France, but the soldiers told her it was better to go first before La Charité.
On Tuesday, March 13th, asked whether when she went to Paris it was revealed by her
voices that she should go there, she answered no, but it was at the request of noblemen
who wanted to make a skirmish or assault, but she really intended to go beyond and cross
the trenches. Asked whether she had any revelation concerning her going before La
Charité, she said no, but went there at the request of soldiers as she formerly said. The
same Tuesday, asked if it was not revealed to her that she should go to Pont l'Évêque,
she answered that after it was revealed to her at Melun that she would be captured, she
generally deferred to the will of the captains in questions of war, yet she did not tell
them that it had been revealed that she should be captured. Asked if it was right to
attack Paris on the day of Our Lady's Nativity, she answered that in her opinion and
conscience "It is good to keep the Festival of Our Lady" from beginning to end.
LVIII
"The said Jeanne had painted on her standard two angels and God holding the world
in His hand, with the words Jhesus MARIA, and other designs; and this she says she did at
God's command, who revealed it to her through His angels and saints. This standard she
placed in the cathedral of Reims near the altar when the said Charles was crowned,
desiring out of overweening vainglory that others should honor this standard in
particular. She also had her coat-of-arms painted with two lilies or in a field azure, and
in the midst of the lilies a sword argent, a hilt and guard or, with the point surmounted
by a crown or: which appears to partake of ostentation and vanity and not of piety or
religion, and to attribute
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such vanities to God and the angels is against the reverence due to God and His
Saints."
To this fifty-eighth article on this March 28th, Jeanne answers: "I have answered
this," and of the contradiction indicated by the Promoter: "I refer me to Our
Lord."
On Tuesday, February 27th, asked whether when she went to Orleans she had a standard,
and what color it was, she answered yes, and its field was sown with lilies, and the world
was pictured on it, and two angels at the sides. It was white, of white linen or
boucassin. The names Jhesus MARIA were written on it, and it was fringed with silk. Asked
whether these names were written above or at the side or beneath, she said they were at
the side. Asked if she liked her sword better than her standard, she answered that she
liked her standard forty times better. Asked who made her paint it in this fashion, she
answered: "I have told you often enough that I have done nothing except at God's
command." She said she herself bore the standard when going among her enemies, to
avoid killing any one; she said she had never killed a man.
On Saturday, March 3rd, she said her standard was in the church of Reims, she thought,
fairly near the altar; she bore it for a short time., but did not know whether brother
Richard did.
On Saturday, March 10th, asked whether the world with two angels was painted on her
standard, she answered yes, she had but one. Asked what this signified to take God holding
the world, and two angels, she answered that St. Catherine and St. Margaret had told her
to take this standard and bear it boldly; and to paint thereon the King of Heaven. She
told her king this, much against her will, in French, "très envis"; that was
all she knew of its significance. Asked whether she had not a shield and arms, she
answered that she never had, but the king granted arms to her brothers, namely a
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shield azure, with two fleurs-de-lis or, and a sword between; which she described to a
painter in this town of Reims because he asked what arms she bore. She said the king gave
them to her brothers to their joy without her request and without revelation.
On Saturday, March 17th, asked what decided her to have painted on her standard angels
with arms, feet, legs, and robes, she answered: "You have my reply to that."
Asked if she had the angels painted as they came to her, she answered that they were
painted in the fashion that they are represented in churches. Asked if she ever saw them
in the manner in which they were painted, she answered: "I will not tell you
more." Asked why the light which came with the angels and her voices was not painted,
she answered that she was not commanded to paint it. The same day she was asked if the two
angels painted on her standard were St. Michael and St. Gabriel, she answered that the
representations of two angels was solely for the honor of Our Lord, who was painted
holding the world. Asked if the two angels on her standard were the two angels who guard
the world, and why there were not more, seeing that she was bidden in Our Lord's name to
take the standard, she answered that the whole standard was commanded for Our Lord, by the
voices of St. Catherine and St. Margaret who said to her: "Take the standard in the
name of the King of Heaven." And because the saints told her "Take the standard
in the name of the King of Heaven," she had this figure of Our Lord and the angels
painted in color on it. All this, and the color, she did at God's command.
Asked if she questioned her saints whether in virtue of this standard she would win all
battles in which she fought, she answered that the saints told her to bear it boldly and
God would aid her. Asked which was of more help, she to the standard or the standard to
her, she answered that whether
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the victory was hers or the standard's, it all must be attributed to God. Asked whether
the hope of victory was founded in the standard or in herself, she answered that it was
founded in Our Lord, and nothing else. Asked whether if any one else had carried the
standard he would have been as fortunate as she had been, she answered: I do not know, and
I leave it to God." Asked whether if one of her party had sent her his standard to
carry, and particularly if she had been given the king's standard, and had borne it, she
would have had as firm a hope in that as in her own, which she received in God's name, she
answered: "I more gladly bore that which was bidden me in God's name; yet in all
things I committed myself to God." The same day, asked if she did not make her
standard wave above the king's head when it was unfurled, she answered that she did not
know it had been done. Asked why her standard was borne into the church at Reims rather
than those of other captains at the Consecration of her king, she answered: It had been
present in the perils, and that was reason enough for it to be honored."
LIX
"At Saint-Denis in France the said Jeanne offered and deposited in the church in a
high place the armor in which she had been wounded in the assault on Paris, so that it
might be honored by the people as relics. And, in the same town, she had waxen candles
lit, from which she poured melted wax on the heads of little children, foretelling their
fortune, and making by these enchantments many divinations about them."
To this fifty-ninth article, on Wednesday, March 28th, Jeanne replies: "I have
answered this," in respect of the arms; and in respect of the lighted candles which
were melted. she denies it.
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On Saturday, March 17th, asked what arms she offered to Saint-Denis, she answered that
it was a whole black suit of armor for a man-at-arms, with a sword, which she had worn at
Paris. Asked to what end she made an offering of these arms, she answered that it was an
act of devotion, such as soldiers perform when they are wounded; and since she had been
wounded before Paris, she offered them to Saint-Denis, because it was the war-cry of
France. Asked if she did it so that the arms might be worshiped, she said no.
LX
"The said Jeanne, scornful of the precepts and sanctions of the Church, many times
refused to take oath to speak the truth, so exposing herself to the suspicion of having
said or done certain things in questions of faith or revelation which she dare not reveal
to the ecclesiastical judges, being fearful of a just punishment: this it appears she
sufficiently acknowledged by the proverb, 'Men are sometimes hanged for telling the
truth,' and often she said, 'You will not know everything,' and 'I would rather have my
head cut off than tell you everything."'
To this sixtieth article, Jeanne answers that she only asked for delay so that she
could more certainly answer the questions; and as for the end of the article, she was
afraid to answer, and she asked for delay to discover if she should speak. She said that
since her king's counsel did not concern the case she did not wish to reveal it; she told
the sign given to her king because the clergy condemned her to tell it.
On Thursday, February 22nd, asked whether there was no light when the voice showed her
the king, she answered: "Continue." Asked whether she did not see an angel over
the king's head, she replied: "Spare me and continue." She said that before the
king set her to work he had many apparitions
[225]
and beautiful revelations; asked what kind these were, she answered: "I will not
tell you this; you will get no further answer. But send to the king, and he will
tell-you."
On Saturday, February 24th, we explained to Jeanne that she must swear to speak the
simple and absolute truth with no reservation to her oath, and she was thrice admonished
to do this. She said: "Give me leave to speak," and added: "By my faith,
you could ask such things as I would not answer." She said also: "Perhaps I
shall not answer you truly in many things you ask me concerning the revelations; for
perhaps you would constrain me to tell things I have sworn not to utter, and so I should
be perjured, and you would not wish that." Also: "I tell you, take good heed of
what you say, that you are my judge, for you assume a great responsibility, and overburden
me." Asked if she would swear simply and absolutely, she answered: "You should
be content. I have sworn enough, twice," adding that all the clergy of Rouen and
Paris could not condemn her, but by law. She could not tell everything in a week: of her
coming, she would gladly speak the truth, but not the whole truth. She was told to take
the advice of the assessors whether or not she should swear, but she answered that of her
coming she would willingly speak the truth, and not otherwise, and we must not speak of it
to her any more. She was again warned that she lay herself open to suspicion; she answered
as before. Then we Bishop of Beauvais summoned her to swear precisely; she answered: I
will willingly tell what I know, but not all." She was required to swear, and
admonished under penalty of being charged with what was imputed to her, and she answered:
"I have sworn enough," and "Continue." Then, required and admonished
to speak the truth in matters concerning the trial, and being told that she exposed
herself to great danger, she answered: I am ready to swear to speak the truth of what I
know concerning
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the trial, but not all I know," and in this manner took the oath.
The same day, February 24th, asked if the voice forbade her to tell everything, she
answered: "I will not answer you that. I have revelations concerning, the king which
I shall not tell you." Asked if the voice forbade her to tell of the revelations, she
replied: "I have not been advised on that," and asked for a fortnight in which
to answer. She said she asked for a delay in which to answer that. "If the voice
forbade me, what would you say?" Again asked if the voices forbade her, she answered:
"Believe me, it was not men who forbade me." She said she would not answer that
day, and she does not know if she should answer all that was revealed to her. Asked
whether she thought it displeasing to God for her to tell the truth, she answered that her
voices said she was to tell certain things to the king and not to us. Asked if the counsel
revealed to her that she should escape from prison, she answered: "Must I tell you
that?" Asked whether that night the voice had not advised her what she should reply,
she said that if the voice revealed it she did not well understand. Asked whether a light
was visible on the last two days that she heard the voices, she answered that the light
comes in the name of the voice. Asked whether she saw anything with this voice, she
answered: "I will not tell you everything and I have not permission for that,"
for her oath did not touch on that. She said the voice is beautiful, good, and worthy, and
she is not bound to answer what she is asked. Asked whether the voice had sight or eyes
(this was asked because she desired to have in writing the points on which she did not
reply), she answered: "You will not learn that yet," in French "Vous ne
l'aurez pas encore." She said that little children have a proverb, "Men are
sometimes hanged for telling the truth."
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On the Tuesday, February 27th, when we required the said Jeanne to take an oath and
swear to speak the truth on questions concerning the trial, she answered that she would
willingly swear in respect of the questions concerning her case, but not of all she knew.
Then we required her to answer truthfully everything she should be asked. She replied as
before, saying, "You ought to be satisfied. I have sworn enough." She said she
would willingly speak the truth concerning subjects for which she had leave from Our Lord,
but without the permission of her voice she will not tell the revelations concerning her
king. The same day, asked whether St. Catherine and St. Margaret were dressed in the same
cloth, she said: "I will not tell you any more now," for she had not permission
to reveal it; and "if you don't believe me, go to Poitiers." She said certain
revelations came to her king and not to those who questioned her. Asked if the saints who
appeared to her were of the same age, she said she had not leave to tell. Asked whether
they spoke at the same time, or one after another, she said she may not tell, but every
day she had counsel of both.
Asked which first appeared to her, she answered: "I did not recognize them
immediately"; once she knew well enough, but has now forgotten. If she is permitted
she will willingly tell: it is written down at Poitiers. Asked in what form St. Michael
appeared to her she said: "There is as yet no reply to that, for I have not leave to
answer." Asked what St. Michael said to her the first time, she answered: "You
will get no further reply to-day." She says the voices told her to answer boldly, and
added that she has not yet leave to reveal what St. Michael told her; and wishes her
examiner had a copy of the book at Poitiers, if it were God's will. Asked if St. Michael
and the other saints told her she must not reveal them without their leave, she said:
"I still may not answer,"
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and, What I have permission to, I will gladly answer," and if the voices forbade
her, she did not understand them. Asked what sign she gives that this revelation comes
from God, and that it is St. Catherine and St. Margaret who speak to her, she answered:
"I have told you often enough that it is St. Catherine and St. Margaret," and
"Believe me if you will." Asked what revelations the king had, she answered:
"You will not learn from me this year."
On Thursday, March 1st asked what the saints promised her, she answered: "That is
not in your case at all." Asked if they promised her anything beyond that they would
lead her to Paradise, she answered that there were other promises, but she will not tell
them, they do not concern the trial. Within three months she will tell the other promises.
Asked if the saints said that within three months she should be delivered out of prison,
she answered: "That is not in your case." Nevertheless she does not know when
she will be delivered.
She says that they who want to get her out of this world may well go before her. Asked
whether her counsel had not told her she would be delivered from jail, she answered:
"Speak to me of it in three months' time; I will answer you." She added that we
should ask the assessors on their oath 'whether it concerned the trial, and after they had
deliberated and unanimously decided that it did, she said: "One day I must be
delivered, and I want permission to tell you," and so asked for delay. Asked whether
the saints forbade her to speak the truth, she answered: "Do you want me to tell you
what is the concern of the king of France?" She said many things do not concern her
case. The same day, asked what sign she gave the king that she came from God, she said: I
have always told you you will not drag this from my lips. Go and ask him." Asked if
she had sworn not to reveal what she
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was asked concerning the trial, she answered: "I have already told you that I will
not tell you what concerns our king."
Asked if she did not know the sign, she answered: "You will not learn it from
me." She was told that it concerned the trial, and answered: "What I have
promised to keep secret I shall not tell you," and added: "I have already
declared that I could not tell you without perjury." Asked to whom she made the
promise, she answered that she promised St. Catherine and St. Margaret, and this was shown
to her king. She said she promised without their asking, of her own accord, and said that
too many people would have asked her about her sign, had she not made this promise to her
saints. Asked whether any one else was present when she showed the sign to the king, she
said: "I think there was no one but him, although many people were quite near."
Asked if she saw the crown on her king's head, when she showed him the sign, she answered:
"I cannot tell you without perjury."
On Saturday, March 3rd, asked whether she believes God created St. Michael and St.
Gabriel from the beginning in the form and fashion in which she saw them, she answered:
"You will learn no more at present from me than I have told you." Asked whether
she had seen or known by revelation that she would escape, she answered: "That does
not concern your case. Do you want me to speak against myself?" Asked if the voices
told her anything of it, she said: "That is not in your case. I leave it to Our Lord,
and if everything concerned you, I would tell you everything." She added: "By my
faith, I do not know the hour." Asked whether when God told her to change her dress
it was through the voice of St. Michael or St. Catherine or of St. Margaret, she answered:
"You will not learn any more."
On Monday, March 12th, asked whether she had received letters from St. Michael or her
voices, she answered: "I have
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not leave to tell you, but within a week I will gladly tell you what I know."
LXI
"The said Jeanne, admonished to submit all her acts and sayings to the decision of
the Church Militant, and advised of the distinction between the Church Militant and the
Church Triumphant, professed to submit to the Church Triumphant and refused to submit
herself to the Church Militant, so declaring her erroneous opinion in respect of the
article Unam Sanctam, etc., and in all this showing herself at fault. She said it was for
God, without an intermediary, to judge her, and she committed herself, her acts and her
sayings to Him and His Saints, and not to the judgment of the Church."
To this sixty-first article, Jeanne answers that she would desire to bring to the
Church Militant all the honor and reverence in her power, but in respect of submitting her
actions to the Church Militant, she says: "I must submit them to the Lord God who
commands me."
Asked whether she submits her actions to the Church Militant, she answers: "Send
me the clerk next Saturday and I will tell you."
On Thursday, March 15th she was told of the Church Triumphant and the Church Militant,
and was required to submit her sayings and her actions both good and bad to the decision
of the Church, and she answered: "I will not give you any further answer for the
present." And after warnings and summons had been given her, that if she had done
anything contrary to our faith she ought to refer it to the decision of the Church, she
answered that her replies should be seen and examined by the clergy, and then she should
be told if there were anything contrary to the Christian faith: she would certainly be
able to tell what it was, and then she would say
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what she learned from her counsel. "Nevertheless if there were anything contrary
to the Christian faith which Our Lord ordained she would not wish to sustain it, and would
be grieved to be in opposition. The same day, asked whether she would submit her acts and
sayings to the decision of the Church, she answered: "Everything I have said or done
is in God's hands, and I commit myself to Him. I certify to you that I would do or say
nothing contrary to the Christian faith, and if I had said or done anything, or if
anything were found on me, which the clerks should declare to be against the Christian
faith established by Our Lord, I would not uphold it, but would cast it out." Then
asked whether she would not submit herself therein to the decision of the Church, she
answered: "I will not now answer you more, but on Saturday next, send me the clerk,
if you do not wish to come, and I will answer him this with God's aid, and it shall be set
down in writing."
On Saturday, March 17th, asked if she thought she was bounden to answer the whole truth
to Our Holy Father the Pope, God's Vicar, on everything we asked her concerning the faith
and the state of her conscience, she answered that she required to be taken to him and
then she would answer.
On Saturday, the last day of March, asked whether she would submit to the decision of
the Church on earth everything she had done, either good or evil, especially the
questions, crimes, and misdemeanors imputed to her, and all that concerns her case, she
answered that in respect of what she was asked she would submit to the Church Militant
provided we did not ask her to do what was impossible, meaning by impossible the
revocation of her acts and sayings, put forth in the proceedings, which concern the
visions and revelations she claims to have from God; she would not revoke them for
anything in the world. What Our Lord has bidden her she will not for any man alive cease
to do; that, she could not revoke.
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In the event of the Church wishing her to do otherwise against the bidding of Our Lord
she would not obey for anything. Asked whether she would submit to the Church if the
Church Militant said that her revelations were false and devilish things, superstitious
and evil, she answered that she would submit to Our Lord, whose bidding she will ever
perform, for she knows that the happenings described in the proceedings were done at His
bidding; it would be impossible for her to do other than what she declares she has done at
God's bidding. If the Church Militant told her to do otherwise, she would submit to none
other than Our Lord, whose good bidding she always performed. Asked if she believes she is
subject to the Church on earth, namely Our Holy Father the Pope, to the cardinals,
archbishops, bishops and other prelates of the Church, she answered yes, Our Lord being
first served. Asked whether her voices bade her not to submit to the Church Militant on
earth, or its judgment, she said that she does not answer anything which comes to her
mind, but answers according to the voices' instruction, and they do not forbid her to obey
the Church, Our Lord being first served.
On Wednesday, April 18th, the said Jeanne was told that because of her sickness the
more fearful she was of her life the more necessary it was for her to reform, and that she
would not receive the rights of the church as a Catholic if she did not submit to the
Church. She answered: "If my body dies in prison, I expect you to bury it in holy
ground, and if you do not, I put my trust in Our Lord." The same day, asked since she
desired the Church to grant her the sacrament of the Eucharist, whether she would submit
to the Church if she were promised the Eucharist, she answered that she would not answer,
in respect to this submission, other than she had done; but she loves and serves God, as a
good Christian, and would aid and sustain the Church with all her might.
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LXII
"The said Jeanne endeavors to scandalize the people, to induce them to believe all
her words and prophecies, assuming the authority of God and His angels, lifting herself
above all ecclesiastical power to lead men unto error, as false prophets are wont when
they introduce sects of error and perdition and separate from the unity of the body of the
Church: which is pernicious to the Christian religion; and unless the prelates of the
Church take action, a subversion of the future ecclesiastical authority may ensue; men and
women pretending to have revelations from God and His angels will flock in from all sides
and sow lies and errors, as has often occurred since this woman arose and began to
scandalize the Christian people and propagate her inventions."
To this sixty-second article on this Wednesday, March 28th, Jeanne answers that she
will answer on Saturday.
LXIII
"The said Jeanne has not been afraid to lie before the law, in violation of her
oath, and affirmed successively many conflicting and contradictory things about her
revelations; she has uttered curses against nobles and notable people, against a whole
nation; she has without shame uttered falsehoods and contemptuous words in no way becoming
to a holy woman, showing adequately that she has been directed and governed in her actions
by evil spirits, and not by the counsel of God and His angels, as she boasts. Now Christ
said of false prophets, 'By their fruits ye shall know them."'
To this sixty-third article, Jeanne this day answers: "I refer to what I have
said," and in respect of the accusation and conclusion of the article refers herself
to Our Lord.
On Tuesday, February 27th, she said that she had a sword
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at Lagny, and from Lagny to Compiègne she bore the sword of a Burgundian which was a
good fighting weapon, excellent for giving hard clouts and buffets; and that where she
lost the other sword is not in the case, so she will not answer.
On Thursday, March 1st she said she would have died but for the daily revelation and
comfort. Asked whether St. Michael had any hair, she answered: "Why should it be
shorn off?" She had not seen St. Michael since she left the castle of Crotoy and did
not often see him.
LXIV
"The said Jeanne boasts of knowing that she has obtained remission of the sins she
committed when from a despairing heart and at the incitement of an evil spirit she cast
herself from the top of the tower of the castle of Beaurevoir, although the Scripture
teaches that none knows if he is worthy of love or of hatred, and therefore if he is
purged or freed from sin."
To this sixty-fourth article on Wednesday, March 28th, Jeanne answers: "I have
answered you this, and I refer you to my answer," and in respect of the conclusion,
refers herself to Our Lord.
LXV
"The said Jeanne many times declared that she asked God to send her special
revelation, through St. Catherine and St. Margaret, for her conduct, for instance whether
she should answer truthfully in this trial certain questions and matters personal to her.
That is to tempt the Lord God, to ask needlessly of Him forbidden things, without having
performed all inquiries and investigations possible to man. Especially in respect of her
leap from the tower, it is manifest that she tempted God."
To this sixty-fifth article on this Wednesday, Jeanne says
[236]
that she has answered it; she will not utter what has been revealed to her without
permission from God; and that she did not ask needlessly; and she wishes He would send
other revelations still so that it could be better seen that she comes in His name and
that He has sent her.
LXVI
"Certain of her prophecies depart from divine, evangelic, canon, and civil law,
contrary to the decisions approved by the Councils General; they contain spells,
enchantments, superstitions; some formally, others casually, and otherwise, pertaining to
heresy; many errors against the faith encourage and incite to heretical error. Some are
seditious, harmful, and contrary to peace; some encourage the spilling of human blood;
some too are nothing but curses and blasphemies against God and His saints; others still
offend the ears of pious men. In all this the accused with daring rashness and at the
instigation of the Devil offended God and His Holy Church, against which she has
scandalously committed excesses and crimes, is notoriously defamed thereof and has
appeared before you to be corrected and reformed."
To this sixty-sixth article, the said Jeanne answers that she is a good Christian and
in respect of all the accusations contained in this article commits herself to God.
LXVII
"Each and every one of these things the accused has committed, perpetrated,
uttered, produced, declared, published and accomplished both in this and other
jurisdictions, in many and divers places of the realm, not once, but repeatedly, on many
times, days, and hours; she has persisted in them and given her aid, counsel and favor to
those who committed them."
This sixty-seventh article the said Jeanne denies.
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LXVIII
"Therefore from the time that you discovered, by the insinuating noise which
struck your ears not once but many times, and by public report and evidence collected
herein, that the accused was vehemently suspected and defamed, you decreed that it was
meet to hold an inquiry against her, and that you or one of you must take proceedings
against her and call her to answer these questions, as it has been done." To this
sixty-eighth article, Jeanne answers: "This article concerns the judges."
LXIX
"The said accused in everything which precedes was and is vehemently suspected,
scandalous, and to the highest degree, notoriously defamed in the eyes of honest and sober
men. Yet she in no way corrected her ways or reformed; on the contrary, she put off and
declined to correct and amend herself; and continued and persisted in her errors, and
still does, although both you and other notable clergy and other honest folk have,
charitably and otherwise, duly and sufficiently summoned and required her so to do."
To this sixty-ninth article, Jeanne says that she has not committed the errors imputed
to her by the Promoter; for the rest, she commits herself to God, and in respect of the
crimes of which she is accused she does not think she has done anything contrary to the
Christian faith.
Asked whether if she had done anything contrary to the Christian faith she would be
willing to submit to the Church and to those whose part it is to administer corrections,
she answered that she would reply after dinner on Saturday.
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LXX
"That each and every one of these propositions is true, known, and manifest, and
that the public voice and report has worked on them; and the accused has acknowledged and
confessed them as true on many and sufficient occasions, before men trustworthy and
upright, both in and out of court."
This seventieth article Jeanne denies, except that which she has confessed.
"On these points, and on others you will complete, correct and further inquire
into, the said Promoter requests and demands that the accused be examined before you: and
concludes against her that inasmuch as he has sufficiently proved to the proposed end the
foregoing wholly or in part, you should decide on and pronounce sentence on each and every
one of the foregoing ends, and make further utterance and judgment according to law and
reason; and therein he duly and humbly implores your offices."
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Saturday, the last day of March, in Prison
The following Saturday, Easter Eve, the last day of March, in the year of Our Lord
1431, in our presence in Jeanne's prison in the castle of Rouen, and with Jean Beaupère,
Jacques de Touraine, Nicolas Midi, Pierre Maurice, Gérard Feuillet, doctors, William
Haiton and Thomas de Courcelles, bachelors of sacred theology, and Guillaume Mouton and
John Grey.
The said Jeanne was examined on certain points in the answering of which she had
required a delay until this day, although she had replied to the preceding articles.
And first she was asked whether she would submit to the judgment of the Church which is
on earth in her every act and saying, whether good or evil, and especially in the causes,
crimes and errors of which she was accused, and in everything concerning her trial: she
answered that in all these she would submit to the Church Militant provided that it did
not command her to do the impossible. And by this it is understood she means the
revocation of the things she has said and done (as the trial reports) in respect of the
visions and revelations she claims to have from God. She will not deny them for anything
in the world. What Our Lord told her and shall tell her to do she will not cease from
doing for any man alive. It would be impossible for her to deny them, and in the event
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of the Church commanding her to do anything contrary to God's bidding, she would by no
means undertake it.
Asked whether she would submit to the Church if the Church Militant said that her
revelations were illusions, diabolical, superstitious and evil things, she said she would
submit to Our Lord whose will she would always do. She knows that what is written in the
proceedings came at His bidding, and what she therein claimed to have done at God's
command she could in no way have done otherwise. If the Church Militant commanded her to
do otherwise she would not submit to it for any man in the world, except Our Lord, whose
good will s she would always do.
Asked if she did not think herself subject to the Church on earth, namely to Our Holy
Father the Pope, the cardinals, archbishops, bishops, and other prelates of the Church,
she answered yes, Our Lord being first served. Asked whether her voices had bidden her not
to submit to the Church Militant on earth, or its judgments, she answered that she did not
reply whatever happened to come into her head, but answered at Our Lord's command. Her
voices did not tell her not to obey the Church, Our Lord being first served.
Asked whether files had been found upon her in the castle at Beaurevoir or Arras or
elsewhere, she answers: "If any were found on me, I have nothing more to
answer." At this point we retired and stayed these proceedings upon matters of faith.
Monday, April 2nd. A digest of the propositions is prepared
On the following Monday after Easter, April 2nd, 1431,and on the Tuesday and Wednesday
following, we the aforesaid judges, with several other lords and lawyers assembled
thereto, perused the above articles and the examinations and
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replies of the said Jeanne, and caused to be drawn up from them all certain statements
and propositions, in the form of twelve articles resuming summarily and comprehensively
many of her sayings. These we decided to dispatch to doctors and other men learned in
canon and civil law, requesting their advice and consultation for the good of the faith.
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Thursday, April 5th. The digest is submitted to the assessors
The following Thursday, April 5th, we conveyed our schedule of requisition, with the
said statements, in the following form to each of the doctors who to our knowledge were in
this town.
"We, Pierre by divine mercy Bishop of Beauvais and brother Jean Le Maistre
Vice-Inquisitor, etc., demand and beseech you for the faith's sake to deliver to us in
writing under your seal a salutary counsel upon the following assertions, namely whether,
being respectively seen, weighed, and discussed, they or some of them are contrary to
orthodox faith or suspect with regard to Holy Writ, opposed to the decrees of the Holy
Roman Church and the canonical sanctions, scandalous, rash, noxious to the public weal,
injurious, enveloped in crimes, contrary to good customs and in every respect offensive;
or whatever shall be said of the statements in the judgment of the faith. Written this
Thursday after Easter, April 5th, 1431
Here follows the tenor of the said assertions
"And firstly this woman says and affirms that in the thirteenth year of her age,
or thereabouts, she saw with her bodily eyes St. Michael, who would console her, and at
times St.
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Gabriel, and they appeared to her in bodily form. Sometimes also she saw a great host
of angels; and since then, St. Catherine and St. Margaret have appeared to the said woman
who saw them in the flesh. And every day she sees them and hears their speech; and, when
she embraces and kisses them, she touches them and feels them physically. She has seen,
not only the heads of the said angels and the saints, but other parts of their bodies,
whereof she has not chosen to speak. And the said St. Catherine and St. Margaret spoke to
her at times by a certain fountain, near a great tree, commonly called 'The Fairies'
Tree'; in the matter of the fountain and of the tree, the common report is that it is the
frequent resort of witches, that many sick of the fever go to this fountain and tree to
recover their health, although these are situated in an unhallowed spot. There, and
elsewhere, on several occasions, she has adored them and done them reverence.
"In addition she has said that St. Catherine and St. Margaret appeared and showed
themselves to her, crowned with rich and beautiful crowns. And from that moment, taking up
the matter afresh on divers occasions, they said to this woman that God had commanded her
to go to a certain prince of this world, promising that, by the aid and effort of the said
woman, this prince would recover by force of arms great worldly dominions and glory, and
that he would overcome his enemies; and also that this prince would welcome her, and lend
her soldiers and weapons to fulfill her promises. Moreover, the said St. Catherine and St.
Margaret instructed this woman, in the name of God, to take and wear a man's clothes: and
she has worn them, and still wears them, stubbornly obeying the said command, to such an
extent that this woman has declared that she would rather die than relinquish these
clothes.
"She has made this declaration simply and purely, adding at times 'except at Our
Lord's command.' She has preferred
[244]
to be absent from the office of the Mass, to be deprived of the Holy Sacrament of
Communion, at the times when the Church commands the faithful to receive the said
Sacrament, rather than wear woman's clothes once more and relinquish male costume. These
saints would seem to have shown similar favor to this woman when, unknown to and against
the will of her parents, in the seventeenth year of her age or thereabouts, she left her
father's house, joined with a company of men following the profession of arms, living with
them day and night, and never, or rarely, having another woman with her. And these saints
have told and commanded her many other things: this is why this woman has claimed to be
sent by the God of Heaven and by the Church Triumphant of the saints already in bliss, to
whom she submits any good that she has wrought. But she has postponed and declined to
submit her acts and words to the Church Militant; and, having been interrogated and
admonished on this point more than once, she has answered that she could not do otherwise
than what she has claimed, in her statement, to have done, in answer to the commands of
God; for in these things she did not refer herself to the consideration and decision of
living man, but to the judgment of Our Lord alone; that these saints had revealed to her
that she would enter into the salvation and glory of the Blessed: that her soul would be
saved if she preserved the virginity she had consecrated to them when she first saw and
heard them. And at the time of this revelation she has asserted that she was as sure of
her salvation as if she had suddenly found herself in reality in the Kingdom of
Paradise."
II
"This woman has said that the sign which the prince, towards whom she had been
sent, received, which led him to
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trust her revelations, to receive her, and to let her direct the war, was that St.
Michael approached the said prince, in company with a multitude of angels of whom some
wore crowns and others were winged; and with them were St. Catherine and St. Margaret. And
the angel and this woman walked together by land and by highway, mounting steps, crossing
the hall, traveling far; other angels and the said saints were with them. And one angel
gave to the said prince a precious crown of fine gold, and bowed down before the prince,
making obeisance to him. And on one occasion she has stated that when her prince received
this sign, he seemed to be alone although there were several men quite near him: and on
another occasion it would seem to her, an archbishop received this sign with the crown and
gave it to the prince, in the presence and view of several lords temporal."
III
"This woman recognizes and is certain that he who visits her is St. Michael: she
is certain of this because of the good counsel, consolation, and wise doctrine which the
said St. Michael brings her; and also because he names himself, saying that he is Michael.
And similarly she recognizes and distinguishes from one another, St. Catherine and St.
Margaret, because they name themselves and greet her. This is why she believes that the
St. Michael who visits her is St. Michael himself, and that his acts and words are good
and true, as firmly as she believes that Our Lord Jesus Christ suffered death to redeem
us."
IV
"The said woman says and affirms that she is as certain of future and purely
contingent events, and that they will be realized, as she is of what she sees in reality
before her; she
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boasts that she has and has had knowledge of secret things through the verbal
revelations of St. Catherine and St. Margaret : as for example that she will be delivered
from prison, that the French will have more glorious success in her presence than all
Christendom had hitherto. In addition she has, according to her own account, recognized,
by revelation, people she had never seen before, and whom none had shown to her; she has
revealed and given forth that a certain sword was hidden in the ground."
V
"This woman says and affirms that, by the will. and command of God, she has taken
to herself and has worn, and still dons and wears, clothes like those of a man. Moreover,
she has said that, since she had God's command to wear man's clothes, she must take hood
and doublet, breeches and hose with many points, her hair cut round above her ears, and
nothing about her to display and announce her sex, save Nature's own distinctive marks.
And in this garb she has received the Sacrament of the Eucharist on several occasions. And
she has declined and still declines to wear woman's clothes once more, although many times
she has been gently requested and reproved: for she says that she would rather die than
relinquish a man's clothes; she has said this purely and simply, at times adding 'unless
it be at Our Lord's command.' She has said that if she found herself in this garb among
those of her company, for whom she took up arms erstwhile, and if she could do as she did
before her capture and captivity, it would be one of the greatest blessings that could
come to the whole realm of France: she added that not for anything in the world would she
swear to give up man's clothes and to bear weapons no more. In all this she
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has declared that her acts were good, and are good, and that she has obeyed God and His
commands."
VI
"This woman confesses and affirms that she has caused certain letters to be
written and that on some of them were affixed the names: Jhesus Maria, with the invocation
of the sign of the Cross, and sometimes she affixed a cross to show she did not wish what
she set forth in her letters to be done. Moreover, in others she has caused to be written
that she would have those who disobeyed her letters and warnings killed, and that 'by
blows would the favor of the God of Heaven be seen.' And frequently she has said that she
has performed nothing except by the revelation and command of God."
VII
"This woman says and confesses that in or about her seventeenth year, according to
her own account, she went and found, intuitively and by revelation, a certain squire on
whom she had never set eyes before, leaving her paternal house against her parents'
wishes. The latter, when they knew of her departure, were almost stricken out of their
senses. And this woman requested the said squire to lead her or have her led to the prince
before mentioned. Then the said squire, a captain, lent this woman a man's clothes and a
sword at her own request: and he told and instructed a knight, a squire, and four troopers
to escort her. And when they had come to the aforesaid prince, this woman declared to him
that she wished to direct the war against his enemies, promising him great dominion, that
he would annihilate his foes, and saying that she had been sent for this purpose by the
King
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of Heaven. In this matter she states that she has done well according to revelation and
the command of God."
VIII
"This woman says and confesses that, without constraint or compulsion, she threw
herself down from a lofty tower, preferring death to captivity in the hands of her enemies
or life after the destruction of the town of Compiègne. Moreover, she has said that she
could not help throwing herself down in this fashion, although St. Catherine and St.
Margaret had forbidden her to do so, and she says that to offend them was a grave sin. Yet
she claims to know that this sin was pardoned after she confessed it. And she says that
she has had revelation of this."
IX
"This woman says and affirms that St. Catherine and St. Margaret promised to lead
her into Paradise, if she preserved the virginity of body and soul which she consecrated
to them. And she says that she is as certain of this as if she was already among the
Blessed in glory. She thinks she has in no wise wrought mortal sin; for, if she were in
mortal sin, it seems to her that the said St. Catherine and St. Margaret would not visit
her every day as they do."
X
"This woman says and affirms that God loves certain persons whom she points out
and names, who are still alive, and that He loves them more than He loves her. And she is
aware of this by the revelations of St. Catherine and St. Margaret, who often speak to her
in the French tongue, and not in English, for they are not on their side. And since she
has known
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by revelation that they were on the side of the aforementioned prince, she has disliked
the Burgundians."
XI
"The said woman says and confesses that she has on several occasions made
reverence to the aforesaid voices and spirits whom she calls St. Michael, St. Gabriel, St.
Catherine, and St. Margaret, has uncovered, knelt, and kissed the ground where they
walked, and has consecrated her virginity to St. Catherine and St. Margaret, when she
embraced and saluted them. And she has touched them bodily and felt them, asking their
advice and consolation, has called upon them, although they have often visited her without
invocation. She has acquiesced in and obeyed their advice and commands, and has done so
from the beginning, without asking counsel of any, as for example her father or mother, or
from a priest or prelate, or any other cleric. And nevertheless she firmly believes that
the voices and revelations she has had, through saints male and female, come from God and
are ordained by Him. And she believes it as solemnly as she believes the Christian faith,
or the fact that Our Lord Jesus Christ suffered death for our sakes. She has added that if
an evil spirit were to appear to her, pretending to be St. Michael, she would be able to
tell whether he were St. Michael or not. This woman has also said that, of her own free
will, without being in any way requested or constrained, she swore to St. Catherine and
St. Margaret, who appeared to her, that she would not disclose the sign of the crown which
she was to give to the prince to whom she was sent. And, finally, she said: 'unless she
was given leave to reveal it."'
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XII
"This woman says and confesses that if the Church were to desire her to do
anything contrary to the command she claims to have from God, she would not do it, for any
reason whatever. She affirms that she is quite certain that the things declared in her
deposition were done in God's Name, and that it would be impossible for her to do
otherwise. She does not submit herself to the judgment of the Church Militant, or to that
of living man, but to God alone, Our Lord, whose commands she will always obey; and she
does this principally in all matters relating to these revelations, and what she claims to
have performed owing to them. She says she did not make this reply, and others, by the
power of her own mind alone: but she made and gave them as instructed by voice and
revelation, although the judges and others present often reminded her of that article of
faith: Unam Sanctam Ecclesiam Catholicam, explaining to her that every faithful pilgrim of
this life must obey it, must submit his words and acts to the Church Militant, principally
in matters of belief, in all that concerns holy doctrine and ecclesiastical
sanctions."
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The tenor of the deliberations
Here follow the deliberations relating to the said assertions, which we received on
divers following days.
And first sixteen doctors and six licentiates or bachelors in theology gave their
opinions on the digest as follows:
"In the name of the Lord, Amen. By this present public act, be it evident and
known to all that, in the year of Our Lord 1431, convocation 9, Thursday the 12th of
April, the fourteenth year of the pontificate of our most Holy Father in Christ and Lord,
Martin, by the divine providence fifth of that name, and in the presence of us, the
undersigned public notaries and witnesses, the following reverend fathers and lords,
venerable and discreet persons, lords and masters, were personally in session: Erard
Emengart, president; Jean Beaupère, Guillaume Le Boucher, Jacques de Touraine, Nicolas
Midi; Pierre Miget, prior of Longueville; Maurice de Quesnay, Jean de Nibat, Pierre
Houdenc, Jean Le Fèvre, Pierre Maurice, the lord abbot of Mortemer, Gérard Feuillet,
Richard Prati, and Jean Charpentier, professor of divinity; William Haiton, bachelor in
theology; Raoul Le Sauvage, licentiate in theology; and also Nicolas Couppequesne,
Ysambard de La Pierre, and Thomas de Courcelles, likewise bachelors in theology; and
Nicolas Loiseleur, master of arts.
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"They informed us that the reverend father in Christ, the lord bishop of Beauvais,
and brother John Le Maistre, vicar of the worthy doctor, master Jean Graverent, Inquisitor
of Heretical Error for the kingdom of France, judges in a certain case of doctrine brought
before them, had assembled the said doctors and masters, all and severally, by means of a
certain summons of which the tenor commenced thus: 'We, Pierre, etc., the following
articles, etc.: A certain woman, etc.' When the said doctors and masters had received, in
the necessary manner, the said summons and its contents, they examined it diligently, with
serious and mature consideration, on many occasions. And whereas, they stated, every
doctor in divinity is legally required to give worthy counsel in matters of doctrine,
whenever he is so requested for the good of the faith by the prelates of the Church and
the inquisitors of heresy: and wishing, therefore, as their duty and their vocation bade
them, to the extent of their power and duty towards God, to obey the lord judges and their
request; they have declared firstly, having been desired urgently and often, verbally and
in writing, by the aforesaid judges, to fulfill that request, as has been reported, for
the good of the faith, that they understand they are to give their opinions in this matter
as shall seem to them to conform with Holy Scripture, with the doctrines of the saints,
and with the sanctions of the Church, having before their eyes nothing but the will of God
and the truth of the faith.
"They have declared secondly that all their words and deliberations, in this
matter and others, they submit to the scrutiny, correction, and judgment of the most Holy
Roman Church and to all those to whom scrutiny, correction, and judgment belong, or to
whom it will and should belong: with all the accustomed reservations in similar matters,
and in the best form and manner which is wont to be employed
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in such declarations. With the said reservations, the doctors and masters gave judgment
in the following form:
"We declare, having conscientiously considered, discussed and weighed the quality
of the person in question, her words and her acts, the manner of her apparitions and
revelations, the purpose, cause, circumstances, and all that is contained in the said
articles and proceedings, that there is reason to think that the said apparitions and
revelations, which she boasts and affirms she has had from God through His angels and His
saints, do not come from God through His angels and His saints; but are rather the
fictions of the human imagination or proceed from the spirit of evil. She has not had
sufficient evidence to believe and recognize them; in the aforesaid articles there are
fabricated lies, certain improbabilities, and beliefs lightly accepted on her part:
superstitions and divinations: scandalous and irreligious acts; temeritous, presumptuous,
and boasting speech: blasphemies of God and His saints (St. Michael and St. Gabriel);
disrespect towards parents; disregard of the command to love our neighbor; idolatry, or at
least misleading fiction; schism directed against the unity, authority, and power of the
Church; things of evil sound and to be vehemently suspected of heresy. In proclaiming that
these apparitions were St. Michael, St. Catherine, and St. Margaret, and that their acts
and words are good, as firmly as she holds the Christian Faith, she is to be held suspect
of straying from the faith: for if she believes that the articles of the faith have no
more assurance than her own beliefs, her apparitions whom she names St. Michael, St.
Catherine, and St. Margaret, and her statement that their acts and words are good, she
strays from the faith. For to say thus, as contained in Article V and also in Article 1,
that in not receiving the Sacrament of the Eucharist, at the time ordained by the Church,
she has acted
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rightly, and that all she has done was done by God's command, is to blaspheme against
Him, to stray from the faith.
"The said doctors and masters asked of us, as public notaries, a deposition for
all that precedes, and requested us to forward it to the said lord judges. This was done
in the chapel of the archbishop's manor at Rouen, in the said year, convocation, month,
day, and pontificate, in presence of the discreet persons master Jean de la Haye and Jean
Barenton, priests beneficed under the Church at Rouen, called and requested to be
witnesses hereto."
Signed so:
"And I, Guillaume Manchon, priest of the diocese of Rouen, notary public and sworn
by the imperial and apostolic authority of the archbishop's court of Rouen, have been
present at all that has been said, done, and reported, with another notary and the
above-signed witnesses, and have seen and heard it done. And for that reason I have
affixed my usual signature together with my seal and subscription as notary public, to
this present public instrument, faithfully written in my hand, as witness and in good
faith, at the request of the above."
G. Manchon.
"And I, Guillaume Colles, or Boisguillaume, priest of the diocese of Rouen, public
notary by apostolic authority and of the archbishop's Court of Rouen, notary sworn in this
case, have been present at all that has been said and done, with the witnesses and notary
named above, and have seen and heard it done. Hence I have signed the present public
instrument, which is a faithful record, but in another hand, with my usual signature and
seal as called and sworn to do, in assurance and as witness of the foregoing."
Colles.
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Master Denis Gastinel, licentiate in civil and canon law, gave his opinion in the
following form
"With all the customary protestations in a case of doctrine, and with all
submission to the corrections of my lords judges, of all other doctors in divinity, and of
all learned in civil and canon law, whom it behooves to penetrate the intricacies of this
matter, I feel compelled to say that this case is verily itself infected, its subject of a
suspected faith, persistent in error, schismatical, and heretical: and all this is opposed
to the dogma, wholesome custom, and decisions of the Church, the General Councils, the
holy canons, and civil, human, and political law: this woman is scandalous, seditious, and
wanton, towards God, the Church, and the faithful. She takes herself for an authority, a
doctor and a judge, when her very faith is suspect, and she herself persistent in
schismatical and heretical error, if she persists in her defense in the question submitted
to authority, and on which her plaint is based; she is seditious and a disturber of the
peace. He who undertakes an enterprise such as this, who professes such false and perverse
doctrine, who returns not with speed to the unity of the Catholic faith, refusing to
abjure publicly so extravagant a doctrine and the stain of obstinate heresy, and who does
not make suitable reparation, as soon as the errors and perversities of such a doctrine
have been brought home to him, is to be abandoned to the judgment of the secular judge, to
undergo the sentence meet for his crime. If he would abjure, let him have the blessings of
absolution, and let him suffer what is wont to be inflicted in these cases: and let him be
confined in prison, that penitence may not delay, with the bread of sorrow and the water
of affliction, let him weep for his sins, and commit no more for which he need weep."
Signed: D. Gastinel.
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Master Jean Basset, licentiate in canon law, official of Rotten, gave his counsel in
the following manner
"Reverend fathers and masters, lord judges in this suit, have little or nothing to
say in a matter of such importance for the faith, so arduous and difficult, especially in
what relates to the revelations mentioned in the papers which your Highnesses have passed
to me. Nevertheless, with the wonted reservations in such matters, and under the benign
correction of those interested, I feel compelled to speak as follows on the said papers:
'Firstly, with regard to the revelations themselves, I say that it may be that the
statements of this woman thereon are possible with God: none the less, seeing that this
woman has not confirmed them by miracle or Scripture, and that there is no evidence, no
belief must be accorded to the speech and statements of this woman concerning her
revelations.
"With regard to her abandonment of feminine attire, if she has not been commanded
by God to this effect, which is not credible, she has acted against honor, the decency of
her sex, and honest living. "In the matter reported above, that she has not been
willing to attend Communion, at least once a year, she has gone expressly against the
decision and command of the Church.
"In that she has not seen fit to submit to the judgment of the Church Militant, it
seems that she has infringed the article of faith: Unam Sanctam Ecclesiam Catholicam.
"Nevertheless I intend all which precedes on the assumption that her visions do
not come from God: which I do not believe. But on that, and on other propositions of hers
I refer to the decision of my lords the theologians and others whose business it is to be
able to determine them, in order to qualify or name them in a Christian fashion. As for
the form and manner of this woman's trial, if it is shown and explained
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to me according to the last chapter de Haereticis in the VIth book, notwithstanding my
poor intellect and my unworthiness and ignorance in law, I offer to work at it with all my
power.
"Your Jean Basset, unworthy licentiate in decrees and official of Rouen in the
vacancy of the archiepiscopal see."
So signed: Jean Basset.
The reverend father in Christ, Gilles, lord abbot of Ste. Trinité de Fécamp gave his
opinion in conformity with that of the said lords and masters, as is shown in the
following letter signed with his own hand
"Reverend father and most distinguished master, your servant most humbly and
promptly commends himself to your very reverend paternity. I received yesterday at ten
o'clock your letters summarily containing the request made by your reverend self, and by
the Vice-Inquisitor, of the doctors of theology, lately at Rouen, to deliberate
doctrinally upon certain articles of faith; which has been done. You further desired my
opinion. But, very reverend father and most distinguished master, when such men, in so
great numbers, cannot be found in the whole world, what can my ignorance conceive or my
unlearned tongue bring forth? Nothing. Therefore I adhere to their opinion, in everything,
and in conformity with them I cleave to their deliberations, adding my protests and the
customary preparatory submissions; and I fix thereto my sign manual, in witness thereof.
If, very reverend father and master, there is any pleasure of yours: command it. For in
the performance of your wishes though my ability may falter my good intentions never
shall. May the Most High keep you, very Reverend father, and grant you blessed times of
prosperity and success. Written at Fécamp, April 21, your very reverend father's
disciple, abbot of Fécamp.
So signed: G. de Fécamp
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Master Jacques Guesdon, minor brother, doctor of sacred theology, gave his opinion in
conformity with that of the said lords and masters, of which the tenor follows, signed
with his own hand.
"This Wednesday, April 13th, Jacques Guesdon, master of theology of the Franciscan
convent of Rouen, appeared before my lord bishop of Beauvais. He affirmed that he had been
present, with my lords the theologians and the masters of this town, in the archiepiscopal
chapel of Rouen, at the meeting and deliberations which took place there, upon the case of
the said Jeanne, commonly called The Maid. Since each gave his advice separately, as he
himself did, and they came to a single and unanimous opinion, he continues in agreement
with them, and adds his opinion to theirs. But since he must attend to other business
elsewhere he asks leave of my lord to retire and depart. Nevertheless he is ready to
continue his work in the trial, if he is so bidden, as he is bounden to do, and when he
returns, to participate in it again."
So signed: "I certify this to be true." Guesdon
Master Jean Maugier, canon of Rouen, licentiate in canon law, gave an opinion to
corroborate that of the said lords and masters, as is shown below and signed with his own
hand
"Reverend father, and you my lord the vicar of the lord Inquisitor, pray learn
that I have received your communication with all due humility and obedience. I have seen
its contents and your request: and the qualifications and opinions of my reverend lords
and masters the distinguished professors of sacred theology, assembled in so great number
with unanimous opinion and judgment, and I will answer your request. Certainly their
decision and opinion appear to me good, just, holy, and meet to be followed, to conform
and agree to the
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holy laws and ecclesiastical sanctions. Therefore, following their opinion I join
myself with them in everything, and for every occasion, with the protestations they made
when they delivered their sentence, and those customary in these affairs.
"Always ready to do your good pleasure."
Signed: Jean Maugier.
Master Jean Bruillot, licentiate in canon law, chantry priest and canon of Rouen
Cathedral, gave his opinion in conformity with that of the said lords and masters, as is
shown below written in his own hand and signed with his sign manual
"Having seen, reverend fathers and my lord vicar of the lord Inquisitor appointed
by the apostolic see in all the Kingdom of France, the confessions and statement and other
matters you have sent to me in writing; having conferred with many learned authorities in
canon and civil law; having repeatedly turned over the leaves of the registers and
meditated on the acts of the woman in question; and also considered the motives which can
incline me towards the opinion of my lords and masters, these men learned in divine law
and so experienced in such affairs who in great number are absolutely unanimous, I refer
to and sustain their decision which appears to me according to holy laws; and I am with
them in their opinion, subject to the customary protestations."
So signed: "J. Bruillot, chantry priest and canon of Rouen Cathedral."
Master Nicolas de Venderès, licentiate in canon law, archdeacon of Eu and canon of
Rouen, gave judgment sustaining the opinion of the said lords and masters, as is shown in
the schedule below signed with his own hand
With the protestations customary in such acts, which have been made by my lords and my
masters the distinguished professors
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in sacred theology when they gave their opinion, I have seen their judgments which you
addressed to me, reverend father and lord vicar of the Inquisitor, and their appreciations
of the statements and confessions. To answer your request according to the faculties God
has granted me, and with as little incompetence as possible, I declare that my lords and
masters judged, proceeded and acted well, piously and sweetly: as I turned over the pages
I found their opinion good, just, reasonable, and far from divergency from canonical
sanctions, it is much more in complete agreement therewith. Consequently it is my opinion
that I should embrace their decision and follow my lords and masters and adhere to their
judgment in everything."
So signed: "Your servant and chaplain."
Nicolas de Venderès.
Master Gilles Deschamps, licentiate in canon law, chancellor and canon of the cathedral
of Rouen, gave judgment sustaining that of the said lords and masters in a communication,
signed with his own hand, of which the tenor follows
"Reverend father in Christ, you and the lord vicar of the reverend lord Inquisitor
of Heretical Error, sent to me in connection with this woman certain propositions which
your Highnesses had extracted. With the submissions and protestations proper in matters of
faith, and without affirming any rash thing, intending in no way to derogate from the
Divine Power, and having reflected and weighed it all: in view of and considering the
charitable admonitions, the many summons and the choice offered even yesterday to the said
Jeanne, in the presence of the venerable assembly of prelates and doctors in both canon
and civil law, by you reverend father and my lord archdeacon of Évreux your deputy, to
the end that she
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should submit the acts and sayings contained in these articles and her trial to the
decision and judgment of the Church Universal, of the sovereign pontiff or of four notable
men in obedience to him or of the church of Poitiers (which summons and exhortations were
to my mind justly and reasonably made to her; and by all means should these charitable
monitions and exhortations laudably begun by you to the honor of God, be continued for her
salvation): now in view of all the preceding matter, the replies she made, and especially
that she would in no way meet these exhortations or take the choice offered her, unless
some other fact is brought before me to reveal the correction and reform of her
statements, or some more healthy explanation, I think the said articles are suspect in
faith, contrary to good customs, and ecclesiastical sanctions. For further more learned
and illuminating qualification of the articles I think the judgments of the doctors of
both canon and civil law are very worthy of consideration. Given in the year of our Lord
1431, May 3rd, under my sign manual."
So signed: G. Deschamps.
Master Nicolas Caval, licentiate in civil law, canon of the cathedral of Rouen, gave
judgment sustaining that of the said lords and masters in a communication signed by his
own hand of which the tenor follows
"I have seen the statements you sent me under the seals of the notaries public,
reverend father in Christ and you lord vicar of the Inquisitor; have seen and heard the
unanimous opinion of many notable masters of sacred theology which was given to you
reverend father; and seeing that in my judgment their opinion is in accordance with
ecclesiastical sanctions, I hold to their opinion: subject notwithstanding to your
corrections and the protestations customary in such matters. Your
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very humble Nicolas Caval, canon of the church of Rouen."
Master Robert Le Barbier, licentiate in canon law, canon of the church of Rouen, gave
his decision sustaining the opinions of the said lords and masters in a communication
which follows
"The statements of this woman which were sent to me on behalf of you reverend
father, my most feared lord and bishop, and of your highness, my lord vicar of the lord
Inquisitor, I have seen, as well as the decisions given in this matter by several lords,
masters and professors of sacred theology. After deliberating with certain of them and
with other men learned in canon law, I refer and decide for the time being in accordance
with the opinions the masters of theology have addressed to you; with the reservations
customary in matters of faith. But to my little intelligence and subject to the superior
judgment of others the statements should be sent for the good of the matter and the
justification of the faith to our holy mother the University of Paris, and in particular
to the Faculties of Theology and of Decrees: their opinions must be had before judgment on
the case is delivered."
So signed: Le Barbier.
Master Jean Alespée licentiate in civil law, canon of the church of Rouen, gave an
opinion in conformity with that of the said lords and masters, as is shown in the
following communication signed with his sign manual and written with his own hand
"To the reverend father in Christ my most feared lord and bishop of Beauvais,
ordinary judge in this trial, and to you venerable father, master Jean Le Maistre, vicar
of the lord Inquisitor, reverence, honor, and promptitude in your service. Although I am
not worthy or even sufficient among the least,
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you have requested and then summoned me under legal penalty before Thursday next (this
delay being fixed once and for all from Monday, April 16th, 1431) to send you in writing
my deliberation, namely whether the statements contained in the articles dispatched to me
with your first request, or certain of them, are suspect or contrary to the orthodox
faith, contrary to Holy Scripture and the Holy Roman Church, and the judgment of
authorities approved by the Church, to ecclesiastical sanctions, whether they are
scandalous, rash, hurtful, criminal, offensive in any way to good manners; and what it is
fitting to say in the judgment of the faith. I, Jean Alespée, son of obedience, although
the limits of my mind know little, nevertheless in order not to appear disobedient --
which God forbid -- and with the protestations which have been sent to you in writing by
the reverend fathers and my lords and masters who have digested the matter better than I
have, I hold and believe that the statements and propositions sent and dispatched by them
have been well, duly, justly, and piously judged according to the ecclesiastical
sanctions. Therefore I must refer to their deliberations and opinions; I refer and adhere
thereto. If, however, you have conferred with our mother the University of Paris, the
Faculty of Theology or Decrees, or one of them, or if you happen to do so, I in no way
wish to think alone and separate myself from their deliberations; but rather would I
submit myself in advance to their decision, to that of the holy Roman Church and the holy
Council General."
So signed: J. Alespée.
Master Jean de Châtillon, archdeacon and canon of Évreux, doctor of sacred theology,
gave judgment sustaining that of the said lords and masters in a communication signed with
his own hand of which the tenor follows "Under the protestations customary in such
matters I declare
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that I am in agreement with the said professors of sacred theology, and differ in no
way from their opinion of the quality, acts and sayings of the person, etc. (here follows
the opinion of the sixteen assessors). This I declare, subject to the correction of those
whose duty is to bring back the wanderers to the way of truth, and with the said
protestations and submissions, under my seal, in my own hand, in witness of these things
written above, according to the form of the request."
So signed: Jean de Châtillon.
Master Jean de Bouesgue, -doctor of theology, almoner of Fécamp gave his opinion in
this form
"I, Jean de Bouesgue, doctor of theology of the University of Paris, for 25 years
almoner of the venerable abbey of Fécamp, in view of what has been written on the subject
of this woman, her acts and her sayings, the quality of her person, the kinds of
apparitions and revelations, etc., think she is schismatic of the unity, authority, and
power of the Church; infected with heresy, in view of her obduracy, and of what she said
concerning St. Michael, St. Catherine, and St. Margaret, of the sacrament of communion,
etc., and that she did it all at God's bidding. Therefore is she to be punished and dealt
with by law, to the honor of God and the exaltation of the faith."
So signed: J. de Bouesgue.
Master Jean Garin, doctor of law, canon of the church of Rouen gave judgment sustaining
the lords and masters above named in a public document as is shown in the schedule signed
with his own hand.
"Reverend father and lord, by divine mercy bishop of Beauvais and you brother Jean
Le Maistre, vicar of the Inquisitor, etc., know that I have received with reverence and
honor the propositions, inserted in a codicil, which you transmitted to
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me. I have seen them and their content, as well as the opinions of the learned doctors
in respect of them; I have studied them according to my mean intelligence. Then, with
doctors of canon an civil law and others as learned who met together, when I had heard the
judgments on the said propositions an statements of our reverend fathers the distinguished
professors of theology who were assembled in great number to this end, in order to confer
with one another, I compared them according to judicial procedure. These judgments are to
my mean intelligence in accordance with the decisions of the Holy Roman Church, and of
doctors approved by the Church and by ecclesiastical sanctions; moreover, they are
entirely in conformity with the holy laws. Therefore, with the protestations which the
reverend masters and the doctors of law, of whom I am the least, made in this respect,
which are customarily formulated in matters of this kind and importance, I sustain their
opinion which is so learned, just and reasonable, and to my meager mind, in accordance
with the doctrine of the holy laws. With a zealous heart and as far as in me lies I am
ready to obey with all speed the commands of the Church and yourself in all things.
So signed: Entirely yours. J Garin.
The venerable chapter of the cathedral of Rouen deliberated as follows
"You reverend father and you venerable lord vicar of the Inquisitor of Heretical
Error, you have summoned the chapter of the cathedral of Rouen to give you for the faith's
sake a salutary counsel on certain propositions extracted and chosen from the confessions
and sayings of the woman commonly known as The Maid: to wit whether these statements or
any thereof being seen and weighed are contrary to the orthodox faith, etc., what in the
judgment of the faith they must be
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thought of, as is contained at greater length in the exordium of the memorandum of
these statements. But as we reflected on the importance of this matter we deferred our
answer since we desired first, in order to give you a more certain and positive counsel,
to be acquainted with the conferences, deliberations and decisions of the distinguished
University of Paris, particularly of the Faculties of Theology and Decrees. Eventually, we
saw and carefully considered the opinions of many doctors of sacred theology who were in
this town; and also of the assembly of prelates, doctors of theology, of canon law, of
licentiates in both canon and civil law and of other learned men, which you solemnly held
and presided over on May 2nd, wherein many gentle and pious exhortations and summons were
addressed to the said woman both by you and by the venerable lord archdeacon of Évreux
the distinguished professor of sacred theology especially appointed by your order and
authority, to persuade this woman that for the salvation of her soul and the welfare of
her body, for the honor and praise of God, for the reparation due to the Catholic faith,
she should correct and amend her shameless ways and words, and submit as every Catholic
should to the judgment and decision of the Church Universal, of our Holy Father the Pope,
of the Council General and of the other prelates of the Church to whom she could turn, of
four distinguished and learned churchmen from the temporal obedience and dominion of her
own party, of the doctors and others aforementioned who being present here confirmed that
counsel.
"Now this woman would in no way accept and receive these admonitions, exhortations
and charitable summonses. Far from so doing, when she was so urgently and repeatedly
offered for the sake of the salvation of her body and soul, she damnably and perniciously
scorned and rejected them all. She absolutely refused to submit to the decision and
judgment of the
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Church, of the Sovereign Pontiff or of any other of her judges, notwithstanding the
explanation and exposition of her errors and failings which were all mostly clearly shown
her. Therefore, subject of course to the submissions and protestations customary in these
affairs, we declare as follows in favor of the faith. Yes, the decisions and appreciations
delivered by the doctors of theology -on these statements were gentle, just and
reasonable. We adhere to their doctrine, adding that upon consideration of and careful
attention to the warnings, admonitions and charitable exhortations, to the answers and
denials made by this woman, and to her obstinacy of heart, it appears to us Proper for her
to be accounted a heretic. Given in our chapter in the year of Our Lord 1431, May
3rd."
Signed: R. Guérould.
Masters Aubert Morel and Jean Duchemin, licentiates in canon law, advocates of the
official's court of Rouen, gave their opinion as follows
"With the protestations customary in matters of faith, and submitting ourselves to
the correction of our lords and judges and of the other doctors of sacred theology and the
legal authorities to whom it is fitting to go deeply into this, it appears to us meet to
declare: first, that in respect of the alleged revelations of this woman, according to
written law it is possible for them to exist in God; nevertheless as this woman has not
confirmed them by miracle or testimony of Holy Writ, as there is no evidence for them,
there is no reason to believe in the words and statements of this woman. And in respect of
her refusal of woman's dress, since she has not received God's bidding to this effect
(which cannot be believed, since she alone did it, of her own accord, against both the
honor and repute of her sex as well as good manner of life), since she was duly warned and
disdained our admonitions, she is and should be
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excommunicate and anathema. This woman, in default of a reasonable motive or the
instruction of her priest, is compelled to receive the sacrament of communion from time to
time, and at least once a year, otherwise she breaks the ruling and commands of the
Church: likewise to submit to the Church Militant. And if, being 'admonished on this point
in a competent manner, she has not submitted, she appears to have broken the article of
the faith: Unam Sanctam Ecclesiam Catholicam. All this we state on the assumption that her
revelations did not come from God; and on these and other propositions, statements., and
pretensions indicated, we refer ourselves to the judgment of our lords the theologians
whom they more particularly concern. Whence it appears to us that the propositions are
suspect in respect of the faith, contrary to honest living, to the decisions of the
Church, and even scandalous and seditious, and make whoever professed such a doctrine
suspect in respect of the faith, especially if she obstinately sustains it. She must
therefore be punished with perpetual imprisonment, with bread of sorrow and water of
affliction, to weep for her sins and never again do anything that need be wept for, or
some other extraordinary penalty, subject to the moderation of the good pleasure of my
lords the judges."
Signed: A. Morel. J. Duchemin.
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Eleven advocates of the court of Rouen, licentiates in canon or civil law, or both,
gave their opinion as follows, as set forth in a public document to this effect. They were
Guillaume de Livet, Pierre Carel, Guérould Poustel, Geoffroy du Crotay, Richard des
Saulx, Bureau de Cormeilles, Jean Le Doulx, Laurent du Busc, Jean Colombel, Raoul Anguy,
Jean le Tavernier
"In the name of the Lord, Amen. Know all those who shall see this present public
instrument that in the year of our Lord 1431, indiction nine, the last day of April in the
fourteenth year of the pontificate of Our most Holy Father in Christ Martin by divine
Providence fifth of that name: in the chapel or oratory of the archiepiscopal manor of
Rouen there were assembled the venerable and discreet advocates of the archiepiscopal
court, to the number of eleven, whose names and surnames have not been declared herein.
They, for their knowledge of law, had been summoned under legal penalties by the reverend
father in Christ my lord Pierre by divine mercy bishop of Beauvais and by the religious
brother Jean Le Maistre vicar of the Inquisitor, to confer upon certain articles which the
said lord judges had dispatched to the said advocates so that they might send in writing
their own deliberations to the judges before the Monday following, as is contained in a
certain paper memorandum, signed with the signs manual of Guillaume Colles, otherwise
called Boisguillaume, and of
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Guillaume Manchon, priest, notaries public. In my presence and of the undersigned
witnesses especially called and summoned, the said lord advocates assembled, for they were
prepared to obey as far as they were able the commands of my lord judges, since they were
not anxious to incur the penalties of the law, but as true sons of obedience with a
unanimous consent and a single will they deliberated thus, in the manner and form shown
below:
"Subject to the kindly correction of our fathers and lords the judges and all
other meet persons, although in an affair of such difficulty and importance as that which
concerned the articles which your highnesses have dispatched to us we can say and declare
in writing very little or nothing, nevertheless, subject to the protestations customary in
such matters we think it proper to declare this.
"First, in respect of the revelations mentioned in the article; although it may be
that the claims of this woman concerning these articles are possible in God, nevertheless
there is no reason to believe this woman, since she has not confirmed her words by working
miracles or by the testimony of the Holy Scripture. In respect of her rejection of woman's
dress or refusal to wear it, it appears that she acted against the honor of woman's sex:
she should be warned of the necessity of resuming woman's dress, otherwise sentence of
excommunication can be pronounced against her, if she has not received God's command on
this point, which cannot be presumed. When she says she would be deprived of the sacrament
of communion with Christ at the times when the faithful are wont to partake of it, rather
than put off man's dress, on this point, it appears, she goes directly counter to her holy
duties, since every Christian is compelled to receive the sacrament of the Eucharist once
a year. When she will not submit to the judgment of the Church Militant, it appears she
contravenes
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the article Unam Sanctam and the decision of the law. This, be it always understood, on
the assumption that her visions and statements do not proceed from God, which is not
credible. Nevertheless for the estimate or detail of these propositions and others related
in the trial and the articles, we refer ourselves to the decision of the theologians of
our mother the University of Paris, who by their learning are more proper judges thereof.
"On each and every one of these points the eleven lord advocates in assembly
before me as notary public, asked me to have made and set forth an official declaration,
in one or more copies-which was done in the said chapel in the morning of the year,
indiction, month, day and pontificate aforesaid, in the presence of master Pierre Cochon
and Simon Davy, priests, sworn notaries of the archiepiscopal court of Rouen. And I,
Guillaume Lecras, priest and notary of the diocese and archiepiscopal court of Rouen, by
imperial and apostolic authority, charged with the inspection of witnesses, was present,
with the said witnesses, at each and everything which the said advocates did and said, and
I saw and heard their acts and deliberations and wrote them down. Therefore to this
present public instrument written by my hand I have fixed my customary seal, and I have
signed below as I was required and sworn, in witness of the truth of these things."
Signed: G. Lecras.
The reverend father in Christ Philibert, lord bishop of Coutances, gave his opinion in
this form
"To the reverend father and lord in Christ Pierre by God's grace bishop of
Beauvais, my very dear lord. Reverend father and lord in Christ, I received in all
cordiality and esteem the letters which you addressed to me in this in my absence, as well
as a certain book, containing the confessions and statements
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of a certain woman divided into twelve articles and signed with the signs manual of
three notaries and with the royal seal. As far as I have been able to gather from these
articles, this woman affirms that St. Michael and St. Gabriel with a host of angels, and
St. Catherine and St. Margaret, appeared to her, sometimes near a fairy tree: that she
bodily touched these saints who comforted her, and promised them, to keep her virginity.
And these saints told the woman, at God's bidding, to go to a certain prince and with her
he would regain a great kingdom: that she should assume and wear male dress, as she did.
Therefore she went to this prince, accompanied by St. Michael and a host of angels and
saints; and a most precious crown was given by the angel to the king. She said she knew by
revelation that she would escape from prisons, that the French with her company would do a
greater deed than ever before or ever was done by all Christendom: that for her to be in
man's dress amongst the French as she was before her capture, would be one of the greatest
pieces of fortune that could happen to the whole kingdom of France.
"That from her prince she received arms and soldiers, and had often published
mandates in which she inserted the words Jhesus and Maria, and also the sign of the cross,
when she intended men to do other than as she -declared; in others she threatened with
death those who did not obey her letters. Moreover, she hurled herself from a tower in
spite of the prohibition of St. Catherine and St. Margaret, which was a great sin, capable
of remission however by confession. This she knew by revelation. So she hurled herself
out, preferring death to imprisonment in the hands of her enemies and the prospect of
seeing the town of Compiègne destroyed. She said she would die and go without holy
communion rather than give up man's dress: that she believes she has never been guilty of
mortal sin, that she knows she is as assured of the salvation of her
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soul as if she were already in the kingdom of heaven. Of certain purely contingent
events she Professes to have certain knowledge, as if she saw them in reality. Further she
claims to know that God loves certain living persons she has named more than He loves her:
also she affirms she did reverence to the angels, St. Catherine and St. Margaret,
uncovering her head, bending her knees, kissing the earth on which they walked. She said
she was as convinced and positive that her revelations came from God as she firmly
believed in the Catholic faith and that Our Lord Jesus Christ suffered passion for our
salvation. That if the Church wished her to do aught contrary to the command. she had
received she would not for any reason do it, it would be impossible for her. That she is
sure that what is written in her trial comes from God, and she will not submit to the
judgment of the Church Militant or of any man alive, but to God whose will she does,
especially in respect of the revelations. This, reverend father, is what I have been able
to gather from the articles summarized from the original trial, and, to my mind, a
lawfully conducted one.
"There is naturally no reason to suppose that you, reverend- father, and the lords
and masters so learned and experienced whom you have consulted in such an affair, could in
anything, much less in such a question, wander from the path of truth. And, although this
matter has been conducted in the most learned and accurate fashion, and though I can
supply no forceful or new explanation, I will, as you command, require and constrain me,
with as little error as possible, speak in this way, but will abstain from evaluating the
omissions in each of the articles since I do not wish to seem to teach Minerva herself.
Certainly, reverend father, I consider this woman to have a subtle spirit, inclined to
evil, excited by a devilish instinct, bereft of the grace of the Holy Spirit, namely
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virtue and humility. It is evident that these two signs are in no way present in this
woman, if we carefully weigh her words. "Truly, certain of her statements (saving a
superior judgment) appear contrary to the Catholic faith, heretical or at least vehemently
suspected of heresy. These and others are filled only with boastings, superstitions that
are scandalous, seditious of the public weal, and very frequently, more than I can
express, offensive and dangerous. These statements even to blind eyes may not be
dissimulated or passed over lightly without the timely remedy of justice, and as justice
moreover advises, their condemnation may not be put off: for it is possible that some are
of the opinion that it is meet to postpone the discussion and decision of this cause. For
this woman, even if she were to consent to revoke all those parts of her statements which
are in need of it, must be left under excellent guard as long as it is necessary until the
day when she shall appear to have been sufficiently reformed and corrected. If she will
not revoke what she should, she should be dealt with according to the custom for those who
are stiffnecked against the faith: this is all subject to a higher opinion than mine.
Thus, reverend father and lord, have I felt it my duty to speak in this circumstance,
bating every correction which a higher judgment than my own can bring. I am ready to
perform whatever is your pleasure, and may the Most High please to keep you in happiness
according to your desires. Written at Coutances, May 5th. Yours in all things, most
reverend father, Philibert, bishop of Coutances."
Signed: Santigny.
The reverend father in Christ, the lord bishop of Lisieux, gave the following opinion
"To the reverend father and lord in Christ my lord Pierre by divine grace bishop
of Beauvais and to the prudent and
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learned master Jean Le Maistre, vicar of the Lord Inquisitor of Heretical Error, Zanon,
by the same grace bishop of Lisieux, greeting in Our Lord and cordial goodwill in
complying with your demands. Reverend father and lord, know that I have received your
letters and the statements confessed recently by a certain woman commonly called The Maid
in her trial, in the form of articles drawn up in a paper memorandum, with all the
integrity of purpose proper to your reverence from my part. And having seen, examined, and
carefully studied them all, I send you herewith the articles with my judgment and opinion,
under my seal. Given at Lisieux this 14th day of March, 1431."
Signed: Langlois.
"Reverend father, it is extremely difficult to establish a certain judgment in the
matter of apparitions and revelations contained in the articles you have addressed to me
under the seals of certain notaries: for according to the words of the Apostle 'the
natural man receiveth not the things of the spirit of God, and will not know the mind of
the Lord that he may instruct him'; and as St. Augustine declares in his treatise De
spiritu et anima, the mind is often deceived and mocked in this kind of vision or
apparition; for -now it sees true things, now false, and at times either a good or a false
spirit is in control. It is not easy to distinguish by what spirit the mind is directed;
therefore we cannot give credence to any person who simply and barely affirms he is sent
from God to show forth in the world the secret and invisible judgment of God, unless he is
justified by the appearance of signs and miracles or by the special testimony of the
Scriptures (as is declared in the decretal concerning heretics, Cum ex injuncto): but no
conjecture or external appearance, or sign of admirable holiness or distinguished life
appear in her, to my mind, from which it
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may be presumed that God has breathed into this woman the breath of prophecy, in virtue
whereof she might have per. formed such marvelous deeds as she boasts. Therefore and in
view of these facts I. Zanon, bishop of Lisieux, subject to the protestations and
submissions usual in these affairs, after a mature examination and deliberation, I declare
that considering the vile condition of her person, the foolish and presumptuous statements
she has made, the manner and form in which she claims to have received these visions and
revelations, and after having reflected on her other words and deeds, there is in truth
reason to conclude that her visions and revelations do not come from God through the
ministry of His angels, as she affirms.
"One of two things must be accepted: either that there have been deceptions and
phantasms on the part of devils who usurp the form of angels and sometimes counterfeit the
appearance and likeness of different persons, or that they are lies humanly conceived and
invented to abuse gross and ignorant natures. In the first case many of the said articles
contain false and scandalous innovations, rash and presumptuous declarations, full of
false pride offensive to pious ears, of impiety, and of contempt of the sacrament of
Communion. When she says she will not submit her acts and sayings to the decision and
judgment of the Church Militant she utterly destroys the power and authority of the
Church. Wherefore, after she has been properly and charitably admonished and exhorted, and
solemnly required and summoned to submit the interpretation of her declarations and
confessions as every faithful Christian must to the judgment and decision of Our Holy
Father the Pope, of the Church Universal met together in general council, or of the other
prelates of the Church who possess this authority, if she refuses and disdains with an
obstinate mind to submit, she must be judged schismatic and vehemently
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suspected in the faith. This is my opinion in the present matter, bating a superior
judgment. In witness whereof I affix my seal on the year and day above mentioned."
Signed: Zanon of Lisieux.
The reverend fathers in Christ, masters Nicolas, abbot of Jumièges, and Guillaume,
abbot of Cormeilles, doctors of decrees, gave their opinion in a memorandum signed with
their hand, of which the tenor follows
"You ask and require us in a memorandum, most reverend father and lord in Christ,
Pierre, bishop of Beauvais, and you brother Jean Le Maistre, vicar of the lord Inquisitor,
that we humble abbots, Nicolas de Jumièges and Guillaume de Cormeilles, should present to
you in writing before Monday next our deliberations upon the subject of whether the
statements contained in the articles that you have addressed to us in regard to a certain
woman are contrary to the orthodox faith or suspect, etc., as is declared more fully in
the memorandum. Formerly, however, we made answer to your demand under our seals that the
whole trial of this woman should be submitted to our mother the University of Paris, whose
opinion in such a difficult task we are most anxious to follow. Nevertheless you were not
satisfied with our answer and have once more made this request: therefore, submitting our
opinion to the decision of the Holy Roman Church and the Council General, we declare
to-day that the case of this woman may be reduced to four points. First, concerning
submission to the Church Militant, this woman should be charitably admonished in public
and before all eyes, and the danger she is incurring should be explained to her; if after
this lawful warning she persists in her evil-doing she must be deemed suspect in the
faith. As for her revelations, and the wearing of man's dress which she claims to have
from God, it does not prima facie
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appear to us that we can hold or believe or give faith to them, since they are not
supported by holiness of life or miracles. The fourth point, that she is not guilty of
mortal sin, God alone knows, who reads the heart of men; and as these are things we cannot
know who may not judge of what is hidden, the more so since we were not present at her
examination, we refer ourselves to the masters of theology for a further decision. In
witness whereof we fix our signs manual to this scrip, Sunday, April 29th, 1431."
Signed: N. de Jumièges. G., abbot of Cormeilles.
Master Raoul Roussel, doctor of canon and civil law, treasurer of the church of Rouen,
gave his opinion as follows
"Reverend father in Christ my most feared lord and you, our honored lord and
master, may your highnesses know that beyond what I have already written to you I can say
nothing, except that I believe these statements to be false, treacherous and cunningly
invented by this woman and her abettors to accomplish her aims and those of her party. For
further qualification of these propositions I defer to the masters of theology and intend
to adhere to their opinion. These opinions are subject to the customary protestations in
such difficult affairs. Given this last day of April, 1431."
Signed: Your servant, R. Roussel.
Master Pierre Minier, Jean Pigache, and Richard de Grouchet, bachelors of theology,
gave their opinion in the following manner
"Subject to the protestations we elsewhere indicate, and to which we adhere, upon
those things which you reverend father and the vicar of the lord Inquisitor demand our
reply, namely a formal judgment on certain statements of this woman's
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which we heard, whether they are contrary to the orthodox faith, to Holy Scripture, and
suspect in matters of faith, it appeared to us then as now, that a formal answer on these
statements, subject to a higher decision, is dependent upon a positive distinction which
our insufficiency cannot attain, concerning the origin of the revelations mentioned in the
articles which you addressed to us. Because, if these revelations proceed from an evil
spirit or demon, or are imagined by her own efforts, it appears to us that many of the
statements are suspect in faith, injurious, contrary to honest living and infected with
many errors indicated in the memorandum. If on the contrary these revelations come from
God or a good spirit, which is however not clear to us, they cannot in our opinion be
interpreted in an evil sense. Thus, reverend father and lord, our consciences dictate in
all humility and due submission in respect of the points whereon you seek our
answer."
Signed: P. Minier, J. Pigache, R. de Grouchet.
Master Raoul Le Sauvage, bachelor of theology, gave his opinion on a memorandum signed
with his own hand of which the tenor follows
"Subject to all due protestations and submissions which I have elsewhere expressed
in my deliberation, to which I adhere and which I beg you once more to receive, reverend
father in Christ, my most feared lord and you, my reverend master lord vicar of the
Inquisitor; of the statements concerning certain revelations in respect of which you
lately addressed me, some, as I have already indicated, prima facie appear to me and
formally are scandalous: others are suspect in faith, others still are rash, inciting to
evil and error. And the better to expound them I have referred myself and do so once more
to the lords and masters my superiors. Nevertheless now, without affirming anything which
may not be affirmed, and humbly submitting
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my person and sayings to your kindly correction, reverend father and lord, as well as
that of the lords and masters my superiors, when in Articles I and XI she says she saw St.
Michael in the flesh, I do not know whether she is speaking the truth, but I fear there is
some phantasm or invented lie. In respect of St. Catherine and St. Margaret ordering her
in God's name to wear man's dress which she would rather die than put off, there is, I
fear, presumptuousness. To prefer not to receive Mass, to be deprived of the sacrament of
the Eucharist at the time ordained by the Church, rather than to give up her male costume,
seems to me scandalous and of evil example. When she postponed and refused the submission
of her person and deeds to the Church Militant, after being repeatedly admonished and
required so to do, and in Article XII when she will not refer herself in respect of her
revelations to the decision of the Church Militant or any living man, she appears in my
opinion schismatic, suspect of error, and of evil example, for she is the more firmly and
with greater assurance bound to obey the instructions and commands of the Church rather
than her apparitions which are perchance fantastic and diabolical, since evil spirits
sometimes counterfeit the appearance of good angels.
"In respect of Article II and the sign that she claims the prince to whom she was
sent received, I do not know: perhaps as before, an invention and lying fiction. In
respect of Article III, that she is certain that he who visited her was St. Michael
because he so named himself, it appears a presumption beyond credence of any spirit, and
perhaps as before the illusion of the evil one. In respect of her belief in her own truth
and goodness, which she holds as firmly as she believes that Christ suffered and died for
us, it appears that she is suspect of heresy, that she exposes our faith to derision and
so endangers its strength.
"In respect of Article IV, that she is as sure of divers future events as of that
which is actually before her eyes, she is presumptuous,
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for the things to come are not established of necessity; and even if one allowed it to
be a divine revelation, it is perhaps merely in the category of the prophet Jonah's
foretelling, 'Yet forty days and Nineveh shall be overthrown! In respect of St. Catherine
and St. Margaret revealing to her that they would deliver her, it is doubtless a false
invention or boasting. In respect of the revelation of the sword, perhaps it was the
revelation of an evil or human spirit, and there is no reason to give it credence. In
respect of Article V, that she assumed man's dress at God's command, it is not probable,
but scandalous, shameful, and dishonest, especially for the woman and young girl she
claims to be, unless she did it to escape violence and keep her virginity. In respect of
Article VI, that in the letters she had written she inserted the sign of the cross and
this sign was to indicate to those whom she wrote that they must not do as she commanded,
although crosses signify what we wish, nevertheless she can be suspected of having done it
at the instigation of the enemy to the scorn and blasphemy of Christ crucified, that is of
the highest truth, which she hates.
"In respect of the remainder of the proposition, it discloses nothing but
haughtiness and boasting. In Article VII, when she joined the company of a squire she had
never seen, she acted with rashness and lay herself open to outrage; and in respect of
Article VIII, of hurling herself from a high tower, that is evident. When of her own will
she left her father's house against her parents' will, she showed less than the honor and
love we owe our parents; she broke the commandments of honoring her father and mother, and
doubtlessly acted from headstrong malice and a hard heart. In respect of Article VIII, as
we have already said, when she threw herself from the tower she was ill and madly advised,
and it appears that the evil spirit incited her and showed her the sign of despair; the
remainder of this proposition can only be boasting.
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In respect of Article IX, that St. Catherine and St. Margaret gave her promises, I do
not know; but it is undoubtedly a rash invention and boastful lie. When she imagines she
has not committed mortal sin, that seems to be presumptuousness, and contrary to her leap
from the tower. With regard to Article X, when she affirms that God loves certain people,
it is well: but when she says that St. Catherine and St. Margaret do not speak English,
she utters a rash statement and what seems to me a sort of blasphemy, for is not God lord
of all, the supreme providence, both for the English and others? Thus she appears to have
spoken contrary to the law of love which we should bear our neighbor. In respect of
Article XI, that she embraced and kissed bodily and with her senses St. Catherine and St.
Margaret, I see in this nothing but imagination, and fictitious lies, or the deception of
demons: and if she had adored them, simply and unconditionally, she would not have rashly
exposed herself to the charge of idolatry. In respect of Article XII, I have the same
opinion as of Article I. Nevertheless, my reverend father and my lords, it is meet to take
into account the frailty of womankind; and the propositions and statements should be
repeated to her in French, she should be charitably admonished to reform, and not to
presume so much upon revelations which may be uttered and invented by the evil spirit or
some other. Therefore, as I said, to bring this to a more certain and positive conclusion
and issue, so that it cannot be suspect from any quarter, I think, though submitting to
higher opinion, that for the honor of his royal majesty and of yourself, for the peace and
tranquillity of your conscience, the said articles should be sent with the appropriate
comments to the apostolic Holy See. These, reverend father in Christ, and my master the
lord vicar of the Inquisitor, are my opinions in this matter, subject to all correction
and in all obedience."
Signed: R. Le Sauvage.
[284]
Wednesday, April 18th. Jeanne is charitably exhorted
Therefore on Wednesday, April 18th, 1431, we the said judges, knowing from the
deliberations and opinions of many doctors of sacred theology and of canon law, of
licentiates in law and graduates of the other faculties, the great number of serious
errors discovered in the answers and assertions of the said Jeanne, and knowing that if
she did not correct herself she exposed herself to grave perils: for these reasons we
decided to exhort her charitably and gently admonish her, and to have her admonished
gently by many men of honesty and learning, doctors and others, in order to lead her back
to the way of truth and a sincere profession of the faith. To this end we did this day
repair to the place of her prison, accompanied by Guillaume Le Boucher, Jacques de
Touraine, Maurice du Quesnay, Nicolas Midi, Guillaume Adelie, and Gerard Feuillet,
doctors, and William Haiton, bachelor of sacred theology.
In their presence we the said bishop addressed the said Jeanne, who then said she was
ill: we told her that the said masters and doctors had come in all friendliness and
charity to visit her in her illness, to comfort and console her. Then we reminded her that
for many different days in the presence of many learned persons she had been examined on
grave and difficult questions concerning the faith, to which she had given varied and
divergent answers which wise and learned men
[285]
considering and examining diligently had found to contain words and confessions that
from the point of view of the faith were dangerous; but because she was an unlettered and
ignorant woman we offered to provide her with wise and learned men, upright and kindly,
who could duly instruct her.
We exhorted the doctors and masters then present to give salutary counsel to this
Jeanne for the salvation of her body and soul and to conform to the duty of faithfulness
which bound them to the true doctrine of the faith. If Jeanne knew others apt for this we
offered to send them to her so that they should give her advice and instruction upon what
she should do, maintain and believe. We added that we were clergy, that we were by our
vocation, will, and inclination, disposed to seek the salvation of the soul and assure
that of the body by all possible means, as we should do it for our nearest and for
ourselves. That we should be happy each day to furnish her with such men as would instruct
her duly, and in a word to perform for her all the Church is accustomed to do in such
circumstances, for she does not shut the fold against the lamb who would return. Finally
we told the said Jeanne to take good account of the present admonition and to put it into
effect. For if she should act in opposition thereto, trusting to her own mind and her
inexperienced head, we should be compelled to abandon her; that she must therefore see the
peril which would result to her in that case; which, with all our might and affection, we
hoped to avoid.
To which Jeanne answered that she thanked us for what we said of her salvation, and
added: "It seems to me, seeing how ill I am, that I am in great danger of death: if
it be that God desires to do His pleasure on me, I ask to receive confession and my
Saviour also, and a burial in holy ground."
Then she was told that if she wished to receive the sacraments of the Church, she must
do as good Catholics are in
[286]
duty bound, and must submit to the holy Church, and if she persisted in her intention
not to submit to the Church she would not be allowed to receive the sacraments she asked
for, except the sacrament of penance, which we were always ready to administer. But she
answered: "I cannot now tell you anything more."
She was told that the more she feared for her life because of her illness, the more she
ought to amend that life; that she would not enjoy the rights of the Church as a Catholic
if she did not submit to the Church. She answered: "If my body dies in prison, I
trust you will have it buried in holy ground; if you do not, I put my trust in Our
Lord."
She was told that in her trial she had said that if she had done or said anything
contrary to our Christian faith ordained by God she would not wish to sustain it. She
answered: "I refer me to the answer which I made and to Our Lord."
Then, as she had professed to have many revelations from God through the medium of St.
Michael, St. Catherine and St. Margaret, she was asked this question: "If some good
creature were to come to you and affirm that he had received revelations from God
concerning your mission, would you believe him?" She answered that no Christian in
the world could come to her saying he had a revelation about her but she would know
whether he was speaking the truth or not; she would know it through St. Catherine and St.
Margaret.
Asked whether she thought God could reveal nothing to a good creature which she would
not know, she answered that she knew well that He could. "But " she added
"I should not believe any man or woman if I had no sign."
Asked whether she believed that the Holy Scriptures were revealed by God, she answered:
"You know it well, it is good to know that it was."
Then she was summoned, exhorted and required to take
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the good counsel of the clergy and notable doctors and trust in it for the salvation of
her soul. She was asked if she would submit her acts and sayings to the Church Militant,
and answered in the end: "Whatever happens to me I will do and say nothing except
what I have already said in the trial."
Whereupon the venerable doctors above mentioned who were present exhorted her as
urgently as they could, to submit herself and her sayings to the Church Militant, citing
in explanation to her many authorities and examples from the Holy Scriptures. And in
particular one of the doctors [master Nicolas Midi], in his exhortation, quoted this
passage from St. Matthew, chapter xviii. "If thy brother shall trespass against thee,
etc.," and also, "If he neglect to hear the Church, let him be unto thee as an
heathen man and a publican." This was explained to Jeanne in French, and she was
finally told that if she would not submit to the Church and obey it she would be abandoned
as an infidel.
To which the said Jeanne answered that she was a good Christian, and had been properly
baptized, and so she would die a good Christian.
Asked why, since she requested the Church to administer the sacrament of the Eucharist
to her, she would not submit to the Church Militant, as then she had been promised the
sacrament, she answered that she would not reply other than she had already done on the
question of submission; she loved God, was a good Christian and desired to aid and support
Holy Church with all her strength.
Asked if she did not wish a fine and distinguished procession to be ordained to restore
her to a good estate if she were not therein, she answered that she much desired the
Church and the Catholics to pray for her.
[288]
Wednesday, May 2nd. Public Admonition of The Maid
On Wednesday, May 2nd, in the year of Our Lord 1431, we the said judges held session in
the room of the castle of Rouen near the great hall of the castle, assisted by the
reverend fathers, lords and masters assembled at our order: Nicolas de Jumièges,
Guillaume de Cormeilles, abbots, doctors of law; the abbot of St. Ouen, the prior of St.
Lô, and Pierre, prior of Longueville; Jean de Nibat, Jacques Guesdon, Jean Footer,
Maurice du Quesnay, Jean Le Fèvre, Guillaume Le Boucher, Pierre Houdenc, Jean de
Châtillon, Erard Emengart, Richard Prati, Jean Carpentier, and Pierre Maurice, doctors;
Nicolas Couppequesne, William Haiton, Thomas de Courcelles, Richard de Grouchet, Pierre
Minier, Raoul Le Sauvage, Jean Pigache, Jean Maugier, and Jean Eude, bachelors of sacred
theology; Raoul Roussel, treasurer of the cathedral of Rouen, doctor of canon and civil
laws; Jean Garin, doctor of canon law; Robert Le Barbier, Denis Gastinel, Jean Le Doulx,
licentiates of canon and civil laws; Nicolas de Venderès, archdeacon of Eu, Jean Pinchon,
archdeacon of Josas; Jean Bruillot, chantry priest of the church of Rouen; Richard des
Saulx, Laurent du Busc, Aubert Morel, Jean Duchemin, Jean Colombel, Raoul Anguy, Jean Le
Tavernier, Guérould Poustel, licentiates of canon law; André Marguerie,
[290]
archdeacon of Petit-Caux; Jean Alespée, Gilles Deschamps, chancellor, Nicolas Caval,
canons of the cathedral of Rouen; Guillaume de Livet, Pierre Carel, Geoffroy du Crotay;
Bureau de Cormeilles, licentiate in civil laws; Guillaume Desjardins, Jean Tiphaine,
doctors of medicine; brother Ysambard de La Pierre, Guillaume Legrant, Jean de Rosay,
curate of Duclair, brother Jean Des Bats, Eustache Cateleu, Regnault Lejeune, Jean
Mahommet, Guillaume Le Cauchois, Jean Le Tonnellier, Laurent Leduc, priests.
We the said bishop addressed the said lords and masters as follows:
"After she had been thoroughly interrogated this woman replied to the articles
judicially prepared against her by the Promoter, and we sent the digest of her
confessions, drawn up and summarized in the form of twelve articles, to doctors and other
persons learned in canon and civil law for the purpose of obtaining their advice. Already
we have adequately perceived that in the opinion and decision of many this woman appears
reprehensible in many points, although the case has not finally been decided by us; and
before we come to a final judgment many honest, conscientious and learned men have thought
it expedient to endeavor by every possible means to instruct this woman on the points in
which she seems to be in error, and, as far as we are able, to bring her back to the way
and knowledge of truth. This end we have always desired and still with all our strength
desire to attain. This also we ought all to seek, especially we who live in the Church and
for the ministration of holy things: we ought to show her in all charity wherein her acts
and sayings are out of harmony with the faith, truth, and religion, and charitably warn
her to consider her salvation. To this end we first tried to lead her back by means of
many notable doctors of theology
[291]
whom we sent to her on many different days; they gave themselves with all possible zeal
to this work though they did not coerce her. But the cunning of the Devil prevailed and
they have not yet been of any effect. When we perceived that private admonitions bore no
fruit, it appeared to us opportune that this woman should by you in solemn assembly be
gently and charitably admonished to amend: since perhaps your presence and the
exhortations of some among you will more easily induce her to humility and obedience, and
dissuade her from too much reliance on her own opinion, so that she will give credence to
the advice of worthy and learned men, versed in divine and human laws, and will not expose
herself to perils so great that they endanger her body and soul.
"To address this solemn admonition to her we have appointed an old and learned
master of theology, one particularly understanding in these matters, namely Jean de
Châtillon, archdeacon of Évreux, who, if it so please him, will accept the present task
of demonstrating to this woman certain points on which she is in error, according to the
counsel and consultations we have received from the said authorities, and he will persuade
her to abandon her faults and errors and will show her the way of truth. Now therefore
this woman will be brought before you and be admonished: if any among you thinks he can
say or do any good thing to facilitate her return or helpfully instruct her for the
salvation of her body and soul, we pray him not to hesitate to speak to us or to the
assembly."
When Jeanne was led in before us and the judges on this day, we, bishop, in our name
and on behalf of the Vice-Inquisitor her judge with us, counseled her to attend to the
advice and warnings which the lord archdeacon, professor of sacred theology, would address
to her, as he was about to
[292]
utter many things profitable for the salvation of her body and soul, to which she must
agree, for if she did not she lay herself open to peril of body and soul: and we explained
many things to the said Jeanne, according to the tenor of the memorandum below.
Then we the said judges required the lord archdeacon to proceed charitably to the said
admonitions. In obedience to our order the lord archdeacon, beginning to teach and
instruct the said Jeanne, explained to her that all faithful Christians were compelled and
obliged to believe and hold firmly the Christian faith and its articles; and he warned and
required her in a general admonition to correct and reform herself, her words and her
deeds, in accordance with the advice of the venerable doctors and masters who were learned
in divine, canon and civil law.
To this general monition Jeanne answered, "Read your book," meaning the scrip
the lord archdeacon held in his hand, "and then I will answer you. I trust in God my
creator for everything. I love Him with my whole heart."
And when she was asked if she had anything further to say in answer to this general
monition, she answered: "I trust in my Judge. He is the King of Heaven and of
earth."
Then the lord archdeacon proceeded to the particular monitions which he had to address
to Jeanne, according to the tenor of the following memorandum. He began thus:
I. In the first place he reminded her that she had recently said that if anything evil
were found in her acts and sayings which the clergy pointed out to her, she would desire
to correct herself in that respect. This was a good and laudable thing to say, for every
Christian must be meek, ever ready to obey those who are wiser than he, and give greater
credit to the judgment of good and learned men than to his own. Since then the acts and
words of this woman had been diligently
[293]
gently examined for many days by doctors and clergy, who had found in them many grave
deficiencies: yet, if she wished to reform, as a good devout Christian must, the clergy
were always ready to act towards her in all mercy and charity to effect her salvation. If,
however, out of arrogant and haughty pride she desired to persist in her own views, and
imagine she understood matters of faith better than doctors and learned men, she would
expose herself to grave danger.
II. He explained to her, in respect of the revelations and visions she professed to
have, that she would not submit to the Church Militant or any living man, but intended to
refer herself to God alone in respect of her acts and sayings. He expounded to her on this
point the nature of the Church Militant, the authority it derives from God, in Whom its
power resides; how every Christian is bound to believe that the Holy Church is one and
Catholic, that the Holy Spirit governs it, and it never errs or falls into error; that
every Catholic is bound to obey it as a son his mother, and must submit all his acts and
sayings to its judgment: that none, whatever his apparitions or revelations, must on their
account withdraw from the judgment of the Church, since the apostles submitted their
writings to the Church and that the whole Scripture, which is revealed by God, is sent for
our belief by our mother the Church as an infallible guide to which we ought to conform in
all things without schism or division of any kind, as St. Paul the apostle teaches in many
passages. Moreover, every revelation from God leads us to preserve meekness and obedience
towards our superiors, and never otherwise: for our Lord never desired any one to presume
to call himself subject to God alone or to refer himself in respect of his acts or sayings
to Him only. Indeed, he committed and gave into the hands of the clergy the authority and
power to know and judge the deeds of the faithful, whether they
[294]
were good or evil: who scorned them, scorned God; who listened to them listened to God.
Finally he warned her that she must believe that the Catholic Church is incapable of error
or false judgment, for he who does not hold this belief infringes the article Unam Sanctam
which had been explained to her in detail: and he who persists in denying it must be
accounted a heretic. He who does not is schismatic, and shows himself an evil thinker in
respect of the holiness of the Church and the infallible direction of the Holy Spirit, and
the canon laws lay it down that heavy punishment must be inflicted upon such wanderers.
III. She was shown how for a long time she persisted in wearing man's dress, in the
fashion of men-at-arms, and continually and needlessly wears it still, contrary to the
honesty of her sex: which is scandalous and against good living and custom; and she wore
her hair cut round. All these habits are contrary to the commandments of God declared in
Deuteronomy, chapter xxii. "The woman shall not wear, etc.," contrary to the
instruction of the Apostle who says that woman shall veil her head, and to the
prohibitions of the Church uttered in the holy Council General, to the teaching of saints,
and of doctors in canon and civil law: and are of evil example to other women. And
especially the said Jeanne was in error when out of a strange insistence upon her
disgraceful dress she preferred not to receive the sacrament of the Eucharist at the time
ordained of the Church rather than put off this dress and put on another in which she
might receive the sacrament reverently and decently: scorning the command of the Church in
order to satisfy such an insistent desire, although she had been often warned on this
point, particularly about Easter, when she declared she greatly desired to hear Mass and
receive Communion. Then we told her to resume woman's dress, which she had and still
refused to
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do: in which in our opinion she gravely erred. Therefore she was admonished to change
these things and put off her male costume.
IV. The said Jeanne, not content to wear this costume with the aforesaid aggravating
circumstances, even wished to up. hold that in this she acted wisely and did not err. But
to say that one is acting well when one goes against the teaching of the saints, against
the commandments of God and His apostles, in scorn of the teachings of the Church, out of
mere obstinacy in wearing a dishonest and indecent dress, is to deviate from the faith;
and he who sustains it falls into heresy. Moreover, she desired to attribute the
responsibility for her sins to God and His saints: wherein she blasphemed God and His
saints by attributing unseemly things to them: for they wish all honesty to be preserved
and all perversities and sins avoided, nor would they have the commandments of the Church
disdained for such ends. Therefore he admonished her to cease from pronouncing such
blasphemies, from rashly attributing such thoughts to God and His saints, and from
maintaining them as lawful.
V. Many doctors and notable ecclesiastics have considered and examined with diligence
the statements of the said Jeanne concerning her revelations and apparitions, and in view
of the manifest falsehoods regarding the crown brought to Charles, and the coming of the
angels, which she had invented, falsehoods and imaginations which have been recognized as
such, both by those who afterwards were of our party and by others; in view also of her
statements touching the kisses and embraces she gave to St. Catherine and St. Margaret,
who, if she were believed, came to her every day, and even many times daily with no
special intention or apparent manifestation, when there was no reason why they should come
so frequently, and no precedent of saints revealing themselves
[296]
in such miraculous apparitions; considering that she said she knew nothing of their
limbs or any other details of their person, except their head, which does not accord with
such frequent visions, in view also of many commands she declares they gave her, such as
to wear man's dress, and to make such answers as she did in the trial, commands not in
accord with God and His saints and which cannot be allowed to have emanated from them; in
view finally of numerous other points which the doctors and learned men have well weighed
in this matter: they see and recognize that such revelations and apparitions were not sent
from God as she boasts. And then she was shown how dangerous in the extreme it was to
believe audaciously that one is fit to receive such apparitions and revelations, for she
lied in respect of things in the province of God, falsely prophesying and telling of
things to come, which power God had not granted her, but she discovered it in the
imaginations of her heart; and from it nothing can ensue but the seduction of the people,
the springing up of new sects and many other ills inclining to the overthrow of the Church
and the Catholic people.
And how grave and dangerous it is to search curiously into the things passing our
understanding, to put faith in what is new without consulting the opinion of the Church
and its prelates; and even to invent new and unaccustomed things, for devils are wont to
insinuate themselves into this kind of oddity, either by occult instigation or by visible
apparitions in which they transform themselves into angels of light, and beneath an
appearance of piety or some other good they lead one on to pernicious pacts, plunge one
into error, as is permitted by God to punish the presumption of those who allow themselves
to be carried away by such things. Therefore he admonished her to renounce these vain
imaginations,
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to cease propagating such falsehoods, and to return to the way of truth.
VI. These revelations so invented had been as it were the root which had induced her to
so many other crimes, and so, usurping the office of God, she had not hesitated to
announce and affirm future and contingent events, the presence of hidden objects, such as
a sword buried in the ground; and further she had boasted of knowing with certainty that
some people were loved by God; and for her own part she knew she would receive forgiveness
for the sin she had committed by hurling herself from the tower of Beaurevoir: which was
nothing but divination, presumption and rashness. She said also that she had adored these
novel things which appeared to her, although she had concerning them no sufficient proof
for her to believe that they were good spirits; that she had not taken the counsel of
priests or any other ecclesiastic on this point, but presumed too much upon herself, in a
matter wherein the danger of idolatry is ever imminent: she had rashly believed where she
should not have given. the faintest credence, even if there were a sort of reality in
these apparitions (which nevertheless to our mind are false). Moreover, she dared to say
that she believed these apparitions to be St. Catherine and St. Margaret and angels as
firmly as she believed in the Catholic faith; wherein she showed a rash credulity and
appeared to indicate that there is no more or stronger reason to believe in the Christian
faith and its articles, which the Church has handed down to us, than in certain
apparitions of a new and unaccustomed kind. In this she had no judgment or consultation of
the Church: further, Christ and His saints teach that it is not meet to give faith lightly
to such apparitions, and she was told to consider these things carefully.
Whilst the archdeacon was explaining all this to Jeanne
[298]
in French, according to the text of the memorandum, she answered as follows:
And first, concerning the first and second articles of this memorandum, she said:
"As I have answered you before, so I will answer you now."
And when she had been told of the nature of the Church Militant, and had been
admonished to believe and hold the article Unam Sanctam, and that she must submit to the
Church Militant according to the tenor of Article II of the memorial, she answered:
"I believe indeed in the Church on earth; but for my words and deeds, as I have
already declared, I trust in and refer me to God." Then she said: "I believe
that the Church Militant cannot err or fail; but in respect of my deeds and words I submit
them and refer in everything to God who caused me to do what I have done." She said
she submitted to God her creator who had caused her to do those things, and referred
herself to Him and to her own self concerning them. '
Asked if she wished to say that she had no judge on earth and whether our Holy Father
the Pope were not her judge, she answered: "I will not say anything more. I have a
good master, Our Lord, to whom I refer everything, and to none other."
When she was told that if she would not believe in the Church and the article Unam
Sanctam Ecclesiam Catholicam she would be a heretic, and would suffer the punishment of
fire by the sentence of other judges, she answered: "I will say no more to you: and
if I saw the fire, I should say all that I do now to you, and nothing more."
Asked whether if the General Council, or Our Holy Father the Pope, the cardinals and
other ecclesiastics were present, she would submit and refer herself to the said General
Council she answered: "You will get nothing further from me."
[299]
Asked if she would submit to Our Holy Father the Pope, she answered, "Take me to
him, and I will reply to him," and would make no other answer.
In respect of what was said of her dress in Articles III and IV, she answered that as
for her dress she would willingly take a long dress and a woman's hood and go to Church
and receive the sacrament of the Eucharist, as she had formerly said, provided that
immediately after her return she might take it off and wear her present dress. And when it
was explained to her that she was in no need of wearing this dress, particularly in
prison, she said: "When I have done what God sent me to do I will resume woman's
dress."
Asked if she thought she was doing well to wear man's dress, she answered: "I
refer me to Our Lord."
Then when she was admonished and the contents of the fourth article were explained to
her, she answered that she had blasphemed neither God nor His saints. And admonished to
discontinue the wearing of this dress* and the belief that it was good to wear it, and
advised to resume woman's dress, she said she would not do otherwise.
Asked whether whenever St. Catherine or St. Margaret came to her she made the sign of
the cross, she answered that sometimes she did, and sometimes she did not.
Asked about what she had been told regarding her revelations in Article V of the
memorandum, she answered that on that question she referred herself to her judge, namely
God. She said her revelations came to her from God direct.
Asked, concerning the sign given to her king, whether she would defer to the archbishop
of Reims, to the Sire de Boussac, to Charles de Bourbon, to the Sire de la Trémouille and
to Étienne called La Hire, to whom or to some of whom she said she had shown the crown,
since they were present when the angel brought it to him she calls her king and gave
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it to the archbishop; asked whether she would refer to others of her party writing
under their seal of this matter, she answered: "Give me a messenger and I will write
to them about this trial." Otherwise she would not believe in or refer to them.
Asked, with regard to the sixth article, about [the temerity of her belief and] her
presumption in prophesying of future and contingent events, she answered: I refer me to my
judge, that is to God, and to my earlier answers written in this book."
Asked whether if she were sent three or four clergy of her own party under a safe
conduct she would refer herself to them concerning the apparitions and all that was
contained in the trial, she replied that we should first let them come and then she would
answer: otherwise she would not refer herself or submit to them in this trial.
Asked whether she would refer herself and submit to the church of Poitiers where she
was examined, she answered: "Do you think you will catch me in that way and draw me
to you so?"
Then in conclusion she was abundantly admonished anew in general to submit to the
Church under pain of being abandoned by the Church; for if the Church abandoned her she
would be in great peril of body and soul, her soul would be in danger of eternal fire and
her body of temporal fire by the sentence of other judges. She answered: "You will
not do as you say against me without evil overtaking you, in body and soul."
Asked to give at least one reason why she would not refer herself to the Church, she
would make no other reply.
Whereupon many doctors and learned men of divers estates and faculties admonished and
charitably guided her, exhorting her to submit to the Church Universal and Militant, to
Our Holy Father the Pope, to the sacred General Council,
[301]
and explaining to her the perils of body and soul to which she exposed herself by her
refusal to submit her acts and sayings to the Church Militant. She answered as before.
Finally we the said bishop told Jeanne to be sure to take into serious account the said
admonitions, our counsel and charitable exhortations, and to change her mind. She answered
by the question: "How long will you give me to think it over?" We told her that
she must think it over immediately and answer as she wished: but as she made no further
reply we left the place and the said Jeanne was taken back to her prison.
[302]
Wednesday, May 9th. She is threatened with torture
On Wednesday, May 9th of the same year, Jeanne was brought into the great tower of the
castle of Rouen before us the said judges and in the presence of the reverend father,,
lord abbot of St. Carmel de Compiègne, of masters Jean de Châtillon and Guillaume Erart,
doctors of sacred theology, of André Marguerie and Nicolas de Venderès, archdeacons of
the church of Rouen, of William Haiton, bachelor of theology, Aubert Morel, licentiate in
canon law; Nicolas Loiseleur, canon of the cathedral of Rouen, and master Jean Massieu.
And Jeanne was required and admonished to speak the truth on many different points
contained in her trial which she had denied or to which she had given false replies,
whereas we possessed certain information, proofs, and vehement presumptions upon them.
Many of the points were read and explained to her, and she was told that if she did not
confess them truthfully she would be put to the torture, the instruments of which were
shown to her all ready in the tower. There were also present by our instruction men ready
to put her to the torture in order to restore her to the way and knowledge of truth, and
by this means to procure the salvation of her body and soul which by her lying inventions
she exposed to such grave perils.
To which the said Jeanne answered in this manner: "Truly
[303]
if you were to tear me limb from limb and separate my soul from my body, I would not
tell you anything more: and if I did say anything, I should afterwards declare that you
had compelled me to say it by force." Then she said that on Holy Cross Day last she
received comfort from St. Gabriel: she firmly believes it was St. Gabriel, she knew by her
voices it was he. She said she asked counsel of her voices whether she should submit to
the Church since the clergy were pressing her hard to submit: her voices told her that if
she desired Our Lord to aid her she must wait upon Him in all her doings. She said that
Our Lord has always been the master of her doings, and the Enemy never had power over
them. She asked her voices if she would be burned and they answered that she must wait
upon God, and He would aid her.
When asked about the crown she said she had given to the archbishop of Reims, and
whether she would refer herself to him, she answered: "Send him here [and let me hear
him speak]: and then I will answer you. He dare not deny what I have told you."
But seeing the hardness of her heart and her manner of answering, we the said judges,
fearing that the torments of torture would be of little profit to her, decided to postpone
their application until we had received more complete advice on the question.
Saturday, May 12th. Jeanne is not to be tortured
On Saturday following, May 12th, in our episcopal dwelling at Rouen, before us the said
judges and in the presence of the venerable masters Raoul Roussel, treasurer, Nicolas de
Venderès and André Marguerie, archdeacons and canons of Rouen; Guillaume Erart, master
of theology; Robert Le Barbier, Denis Gastinel, Jean Le Doulx, and Aubert Morel,
licentiates in canon law; Thomas de Courcelles, Nicolas Couppequesne.
[304]
bachelors of sacred theology; Nicolas Loiseleur and brother Ysambard de La Pierre.
We the said bishop recalled what had taken place on the previous Wednesday, and we
asked the counsel of the assessors on what remained to be done, in particular if it was
expedient to put Jeanne to the torture.
[And first the said Raoul Roussel stated that he thought it was not expedient, lest a
trial so well conducted should be exposed to calumny.
Master Nicolas de Venderès said he thought it was not yet expedient to put her to the
torture.
Master André Marguerie said it was not yet expedient.
Master Guillaume Erart said it was needless to put her to the torture, sufficient
matter was possessed without it.
Master Robert Le Barbier gave a similar opinion; but thought she should again be
charitably admonished, once and for all, to submit to the Church. If she would not, then
in God's name the proceedings should continue.
Master Denis Gastinel said it was not expedient.
Master Aubert Morel said he thought it expedient to put her to the torture in order to
discover the truth of her lies.
Master Thomas de Courcelles said he thought it wise to torture her. She ought also to
be examined whether she would submit to the judgment of the Church.
Master Nicolas Couppequesne said it is not expedient to put her to the torture, but she
should, once more, be charitably admonished of the necessity of submitting to the decision
of the Church.
Master Jean Le Doulx, similarly.
Brother Ysambard de La Pierre, similarly; but for the last time she should be
admonished to submit to the Church Militant.
Master Nicolas Loiseleur said he thought it good for the
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health of her soul to put her to the torture: nevertheless he deferred to the earlier
opinions.
Master William Haiton, who came later, was of the opinion that there was no need for
torture.
Master Jean Le Maistre, Vice-Inquisitor, said she should once more be examined on
whether she believed she should submit to the Church Militant.]
When these opinions had been heard and the answers which Jeanne had made on the
previous Wednesday considered, in view of her disposition and will and of the
circumstances, we concluded that it was neither necessary nor expedient to submit her to
the torture, and that we should proceed further in the matter.
[306]
Saturday, May 19th. The deliberations of the University of Paris are read, and the
doctors give their opinions
On Saturday following, May 19th, before us the said judges in the chapel of the
archiepiscopal manor of Rouen, where we were constituted tribunal, there appeared. the
venerable lords and masters Gilles, abbot of Fécamp, Guillaume, abbot of Mortemer,
doctors of theology; Nicolas, abbot of Jumièges, Guillaume, abbot of Cormeilles, doctors
of canon law; and the abbot of Préaux, the priors of St. Lô and of Longueville, Jean de
Nibat, Jacques Guesdon, Jean Fouchier, Maurice du Quesnay, Jean Le Fèvre, Guillaume Le
Boucher, Pierre Houdenc, Jean de Châtillon, Erard Emengart, Jean Beaupère, Pierre
Maurice, Nicolas Midi, doctors of theology; William Haiton, Nicolas Couppequesne, Thomas
de Courcelles, Richard de Grouchet, Pierre Minier, Raoul Le Sauvage, Jean Pigache,
bachelors of sacred theology; Raoul Roussel, doctor of canon and civil law; Robert Le
Barbier, Denis Gastinel, licentiates in canon law; André Marguerie, in civil law; Nicolas
de Venderès, Jean Pinchon, in canon law; Jean Alespée, Gilles Deschamps, Nicolas Caval,
in civil law; Jean Bruillot, licentiate in canon law; and Nicolas Loiseleur, canons of
Rouen; Jean Le Doulx, Guillaume de Livet, Pierre Carel, Geoffroy du Crotay, Richard des
Saulx, Bureau de Cormeilles, Aubert Morel, Jean Duchemin, Laurent du Busc, Jean Colombel,
[307]
Raoul Anguy, Guérould Poustel, licentiates in either canon or civil law.
In their presence we the said bishop explained how we had recently received a
considerable number of the deliberations and opinions of notable doctors and masters upon
the statements and confessions of the said Jeanne; and that from these resolutions we
might have proceeded to conclude the judgment of the case, for they were assuredly
sufficient. Nevertheless, to show our honor and reverence for our mother the University of
Paris, and to obtain a clearer and more detailed elucidation of the matter, to the great
peace of our conscience and the edification of all, we had judged it wise to transmit the
said statements to our mother the University, and in particular to the Faculties of
Theology and Decrees, and to ask the advice of the learned masters of the University, in
particular those of these two Faculties. The University, and in particular these two
Faculties, burning with no ordinary zeal for the faith, gave us their diligent, mature and
solemn counsel upon each of the statements, and addressed them to us in the form of a
Public Instrument. Which deliberations contained in the said instrument we ordered to be
read aloud, word for word, clearly and publicly, and all the said doctors and masters
heard them. And after they had heard the reading of these deliberations of the University
and the two Faculties, the said masters gave and expounded to us their opinions, in
conformity with those of the said Faculties and University, in addition to the opinions
they had already formulated, upon the manner of procedure which we ought henceforth to
adopt. We have written below the tenor of these deliberations and of the letters of the
University.
First follows the tenor of the letters addressed by the University to Our Lord the King
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"To the most excellent, high and mighty prince, the King of France and England,
our most feared and sovereign lord. Most excellent prince, our most feared and sovereign
lord and father, your royal excellence ought in all things carefully endeavor to keep
entire the honor, reverence and glory of the divine Majesty and of His Holy Catholic
faith, by the extirpation of errors, false doctrines and all other offenses hostile
thereto. In the continuance of this your highness will in all things have effective aid,
succor and prosperity through the grace of the Most High, and receive large increase of
your high renown. To this end your most noble highness with God's grace began a most
excellent work concerning our holy faith, namely the legal proceedings against this woman
known as The Maid, against her scandals, errors and crimes, which are manifest in this
entire realm, and the form and manner of which we have repeatedly written to you. With the
matter and form of this trial we are acquainted by letters we have received, from the
account supplied in your name in our general assembly by our agents the very honorable and
most reverend masters Jean Beaupère, Jacques de Touraine, Nicolas Midi, masters of
theology; who have brought and given us answers on other points with which they were
entrusted.
"In truth when we had heard and well considered this account, it appeared to us
that in this woman's trial extreme gravity and a holy and just procedure had been
observed, which must be pleasing to all men. Therefore we give most humble thanks, first
to the sovereign Majesty, then to your most high nobility, with a humble and loyal
affection; and finally to all those who from reverence of God have given their pains,
labor and energies to this matter, for the good of our holy faith.
"Further, most dread and sovereign lord, according to the pleasure of your
instructions and demands in letters and through these reverend masters, after many
assemblies as well
[309]
as great and mature deliberations among ourselves, we return to your excellence our
counsel, conclusions and deliberations on the points, statements and articles which were
transmitted and explained to us; and we are always prepared to employ ourselves
whole-heartedly in matters so directly concerning our faith, as our profession directly
enjoins, and as we have at all times shown to the best of our ability. If anything further
remained to be said or expounded by us, these honorable and reverend masters, who now
return to your highness and who were present at our deliberations, will be able to set
forth, expound and declare all that pertains thereto in accordance with our intention. May
it please your magnificence to give faith to all they shall say in our name and receive
them with especial recommendation: for in truth they have shown great diligence in the
said matters from pure and holy affection, unsparing of their efforts, their persons and
their faculties, and careless of the great and threatening dangers particularly on the
roads; and indeed through their wisdom, their ordered and discreet prudence this matter
has been and shall be conducted to its end, if it please God, with wisdom, holiness and
reason.
"Finally we humbly beseech your excellent highness to bring this matter as soon
and diligently as possible to its conclusion, for in truth the length and delays are
perilous, and a great and notable reparation is necessary to bring the people, so
scandalized by this woman, back to a true and holy doctrine and belief. To the entire
exaltation and integrity of our faith and for the praise of the eternal God who may in His
grace maintain your excellency in prosperity until you reach eternal glory. Written at
Paris in our solemn assembly, met at St. Bernard, on May 14th, 1431. Your most humble
daughter the University of Paris."
Signed: Hébert.
[310]
Then follows the tenor of the letters addressed by the University of Paris to Us the
said bishop
"To the reverend father and lord in Christ the bishop of Beauvais. The diligent
labor of pastoral vigilance is shown to be animated by an immense fervor of most singular
charity, my lord and most reverend father, when a most firm righteousness never, in its
stable and constant industry, out of pious concern for the public safety, ceases from work
on behalf of our holy faith. The virile and famous martial spirit of your most sincere
fervor showed its true measure when thanks to your valiant and forceful probity this woman
commonly known as The Maid was brought into the hands of your justice by the propitious
grace of Christ; by her poison widely discharged the most Christian flock of almost the
entire western world seemed infected: the vigilant solicitude of your reverence which is
ever at pains to perform the duties of a true pastor did not fail to oppose thereto a
public obstacle.
"In our general assembly divers famous doctors of theology, our agents, masters
Jean Beaupère, Jacques de Touraine and Nicolas Midi elegantly explained to us the form
and conduct of the procedures already begun against the grave offenses of this perfidious
woman, with certain propositions, articles, letters from our lord the king and from your
reverence, credentials and demands. When we had heard their speeches in full we resolved
to address our most active gratitude to your highness and reverence who has never
displayed indifference when this celebrated work of exalting the divine name is in
question, or the integrity and glory of the orthodox faith, and the salutary edification
of the faithful people. We approved of this celebrated trial, and of its form, and
considered it to be according to the holy canons and to emanate from the most eloquent and
experienced minds. And out of respect for our lord the king and our ancient devotion to
your reverence
[311]
we granted all the requests which the said doctors presented to us verbally or in
writing, since we desired with all our strength and sincere affection to please you,
reverend father.
"On the principal question we took care to hold many most serious consultations
and deliberations in which, after the matter had been frequently discussed with all
liberty and candor, we decided to have drawn up in writing these deliberations and
consultations at which in the end we had unanimously arrived: these the said doctors our
agents who return to your reverence will faithfully show you. They will take care also to
explain certain other things more fittingly explained at great length and which we more
fully declare in our letters to our lord the king of which a copy is enclosed. May your
reverence receive with especial recommendation these eminent doctors who have not spared
their energies: who, heedless of perils and labors, have not ceased toiling at this matter
of faith. To the accomplishment of this most famous task which has not been vainly
undertaken we will give our succor and perseverance to your reverence's tireless zeal
until reason shall decide that the divine Majesty has been appeased by a reparation
proportionate to the offense, that the truth of our orthodox faith remains stainless, and
the iniquitous and scandalous demoralization of the people is past. Then when the Prince
of shepherds shall appear he will grant to the pastoral fervor of your reverence a crown
of eternal glory. Written at Paris in our general assembly solemnly held at St. Bernard on
May 13th, 1431. The Rector and the University of Paris."
Signed: Hébert.
Then follows the deliberation of the University of Paris
"In the name of the Lord, amen. Be it known and patent to all by the tenor of this
present public instrument that in
[312]
the year of the Lord 1431, indiction nine, on the 19th [29th] day of April in the
vacancy of the apostolic see our mother the University of Paris was assembled and called
together solemnly at St. Bernard in respect of two articles. The first and principal of
these articles was to hear the reading of letters and propositions from the most Christian
prince our lord the king, from his council and the lord judges, regarding the proceedings
in matter of faith against a certain woman of the name of Jeanne commonly called The Maid,
and to deliberate thereupon; the second was ordinary, concerning supplications and
complaints. These articles were expounded by the venerable and prudent master Pierre de
Gouda, master of arts, rector of the University and president of the assembly.
"When these letters had been opened and read, and their credentials explained by
one of the ambassadors of our lord the king, a member of his council and one of the judges
sent to the University, the twelve articles inserted below were read: My lord the rector
discovered, proposed and declared that the content of the articles just mentioned was
important and difficult, and concerned the orthodox faith, the Christian religion and the
holy laws. He said that the task of considering and qualifying these articles concerned
especially the venerable Faculties of Theology and Decrees, according to their
professions; he added that the University could not deliberate and decide upon the
judgment of these matters and articles without the aid of the said Faculties; the decision
and judgment of the Faculties would then be submitted to the University, together or
separately. After this explanation the rector opened the deliberation on each and every
one of the things which had just been set forth in the general assembly of all the masters
and doctors here present. Whereupon each Faculty or Nation retired and met separately in
the place where it customarily assembled to consider the most difficult matters
[313]
and tasks; and each of them continued to hold sessions there. After the mature-
deliberations of the Faculties and Nations the private decisions of each were made public
in accordance with custom and were reported in common. Finally the University through the
offices of the lord rector and in conformity with the deliberations of the Faculties and
Nations resolved to entrust the decisions of this matter and the qualifying of the said
articles to the Faculties of Theology and Decrees, and their deliberations should be
reported to the University.
"In the year and indiction aforesaid on the fourteenth day of March, during the
vacancy of the apostolic see, the said mother the University of Paris was solemnly
assembled at St. Bernard to consider two articles. The chief one was to hear the reading
of the deliberations of the venerable Faculties of Theology and Decrees on a matter of
faith according to the commission of the University dated April [29th]. After the matter
of this article was fully and gravely expounded by the office of the lord rector, the said
lord required the Faculties present at the assembly to make known and report their
deliberations on this subject, and their judgment on the articles, in the presence of the
University. Whereupon the venerable Faculty of Theology through the medium of master Jean
de Troies, then vice-dean of the Faculty, answered that on many frequent occasions each of
the said Faculties of Theology and Decrees in whole or in special commissions had
assembled to judge the matter and qualify the articles. In the end they each after long
and mature deliberation had doctrinally reached a decision according to the exact tenor of
a certain memorandum which master Jean held in his hands. In the presence of the
University he first displayed and then read it in a clear and loud voice, with the
articles already mentioned. The tenor of these articles, judgments and qualifications
contained in the said memorandum are given below word for word."
[314]
Here follow the articles concerning the words and deeds of Jeanne commonly known as The
Maid
"And firstly this woman says and affirms that in her thirteenth year or
thereabouts, etc."
Here follow the deliberations and conclusions reached by the Holy Faculty of Theology
in the University of Paris, in judgment of the articles already transcribed concerning the
words and deeds of Jeanne commonly called The Maid: the entire deliberations and
conclusions of the said Faculty and all which concerns this matter, the Faculty submits to
the judgment of Our Holy Father the Pope and the Holy Council General
I
"And firstly regarding article the first, the Faculty declares doctrinally that in
view of the end, manner and content of the revelations, the quality of her person, the
place and other circumstances, these revelations are fictitious, pernicious and misleading
lies, or that these are superstitions, proceeding from evil or diabolical spirits, such as
Belial, Satan and Behemoth."
II
"Regarding article the second, its content appears less the truth than a
presumptuous, misleading, pernicious, feigned lie, hostile to the dignity of angels."
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III
"Regarding article the third, there is no sufficient sign, and the said Jeanne
believes lightly and affirms rashly. Moreover, in the comparison she made her belief is
evil and she wanders from the faith."
IV
"Regarding article the fourth, its content is nothing but superstition,
divination, presumptuous affirmation and vain boasting."
V
"Regarding article the fifth, the said woman is blasphemous towards God,
contemptuous of God in His sacraments, unmindful of divine and sacred law and the
ecclesiastical sanctions, evil thinking and erring in the faith, foolishly. boastful, and
must be suspected of idolatry, and of the execration of herself and her garments; she has
imitated the rites of the heathen."
VI
"Regarding article the sixth, the said woman is treacherous, cunning, cruel,
athirst for the spilling of human blood, seditious, inciting to tyranny, and blasphemous
of God in her commands and revelations."
VII
"Regarding article the seventh, the said woman is impious towards her parents,
contemptuous of the commandment to honor her father and mother, scandalous, blasphemous
towards God; she wanders from the faith and has made rash and presumptuous promises."
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VIII
"Regarding article the eighth, we observe a pusillanimity verging on despair and
by interpretation on suicide; a rash and presumptuous assertion concerning the remission
of a sin; and an erroneous opinion in the said woman concerning man's free will."
IX
"Regarding article the ninth, there appears a rash and presumptuous assertion, a
pernicious falsehood. She contradicts herself in the preceding article, and holds evil
opinions in matters of faith."
X
"Regarding article the tenth, we find rash and presumptuous affirmations,
superstitious divination, blasphemy of St. Catherine and St. Margaret, transgression of
the commandment to love her neighbor."
XI
"Regarding article the eleventh, this woman, supposing she has had the revelations
and apparitions of which she boasts according to the circumstances of article one, is
idolatrous, a caller up of evil spirits, a wanderer from the faith, and makes rash
affirmations and unlawful oaths."
XII
"Regarding article the twelfth, the said woman is schismatic, erroneous in her
opinions of the unity and authority of the Church, apostate: and still obstinately
persists in her deviation from the faith."
[317]
Here follow the deliberation and doctrinal judgment of the venerable Faculty of Decrees
of the University of Paris upon the twelve articles, transcribed and annotated above,
concerning the words and deeds of Jeanne commonly called The Maid: the Faculty submits
these deliberations and judgments to the decision and judgment of the sovereign Pontiff of
the apostolic Holy See and of the Holy Council General.
"If this woman with a sane mind persisted in maintaining the propositions set
forth in the twelve articles, and performed the things described therein, the opinion of
the Faculty of Law, after a diligent examination, by way of counsel and doctrine, is in
charitable speech:
"Firstly, that this woman is schismatic, for schism is an unlawful separation, due
to disobedience, from the unity of the Church, and that she separates herself from
obedience to the Church Militant, as she has said, etc."
II
"That this woman deviates from the faith; contradicts the article of the faith
contained in the symbol: Unam Sanctam Ecclesiam Catholicam: and, as St. Jerome says, he
who contradicts this article proves not only that he is ignorant, malicious and not
Catholic, but heretical also."
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III
"That this woman is apostate, for the hair which God gave her for a veil she has
had untimely cut off, and also, with the same design has rejected woman's dress and
imitated the costume of men."
IV
"That this woman is a liar and witch when she says she is sent from God, speaks
with angels and saints, and yet justifies herself by no miracle or special evidence of the
Scriptures. When the Lord wished to send Moses into Egypt to the sons of Israel he gave
them a sign so that they might believe he was sent from God: he changed a rod into a
serpent and a serpent into a rod. Likewise, when John the Baptist began his mission he
brought a special testimony from the Scriptures when he said: 7 am the voice of one crying
in the wilderness. Prepare ye the way of the Lord,' as Isaiah had foretold."
V
"That this woman, in law and in presumption of law, deviates from the faith: for
in the first place when she is anathema by the authority of the canon law she remains so
long in this condition; in the second place, by declaring that she preferred not to
receive the body of Christ, not to confess herself at the time ordained of the Church,
rather than assume woman's dress. She is, moreover, vehemently suspected of heresy and
should be diligently examined on the articles of the faith."
VI
"This woman sins also when she says she is as certain of being received into
Paradise as if she were- already partaker of
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that blessed glory, seeing that on this earthly journey no pilgrim knows if he is
worthy of glory or of punishment, which the sovereign judge alone can tell. Consequently
if this woman being charitably exhorted and duly admonished by a competent judge, will not
willingly return to the unity of the Catholic faith, publicly abjure her error to the good
pleasure of this judge, and give fitting satisfaction, she must be abandoned to the
discretion of the secular judge to receive the penalty proportionate to her crime.
"After these articles, decisions and qualifications were read, the lord rector
clearly and publicly demanded of the venerable Faculties of Theology and Decrees if the
deliberations and qualifications which had just been read from the book corresponded to
the deliberations and decrees of the said Faculties. Whereupon the Faculties separately
answered, the Faculty of Theology through master Jean de Troies, the Faculty of Decrees
through the venerable master Guérould Boissel, its dean, that these decisions and
qualifications were exactly those which they had given and decreed. Then the lord rector
reminded them and declared how the University had commissioned the Faculties of Theology
and Decrees to issue these decisions and qualifications; that the University, as had been
reported, had undertaken to accept and esteem these decisions emanating from the said
Faculties of Decrees and Theology as good, ratified and acceptable. When this was declared
in this general form the lord rector opened the discussion of the particular points which
had been set forth and declared to the general assembly of all the masters and doctors
present. Then each Faculty or Nation retired from the assembly and met in the place where
it customarily deliberated on the most difficult cases and matters; where it ordinarily
assembled to discuss such points and other difficult concerns of the University and held
an habitual session. After a long and mature discussion by the
[321]
Faculties and Nations, each deliberation was made and repeated in public, according to
custom, and the University, through the person of the lord rector, concluded that it
esteemed the decisions and qualifications of the Faculties of Theology and Decrees as
good, ratified, and acceptable, and held them for its own. In witness of which the
circumspect and venerable masters Jean Beaupère, Jacques de Touraine, and Nicolas Midi,
professors of sacred theology, requested us to deliver and present to each of them one or
more public instruments signed by the following notaries.
"This was done at Paris in the place, year, indiction, day and month aforesaid, in
the presence of the venerable and discreet lords and masters, namely, for the instrument
of April 29th: Pierre de Dyerré, professor of sacred theology; Guérould Boissel, doctor
of decrees; Henri Thiboust, master of arts and medicine; Jean Barrey, Gerolf de Holle, and
Richard Abesseur, master of arts; Jean Vacheret, principal beadle of the venerable Faculty
of Theology, and Boémond de Lutrea, principal beadle of the [French] Nation; for the
instrument of May 14th, there were present Jean Soquet, Jean Gravestain, professors of
theology; the said Guérould Boissel; Simon de La Mare, master of arts and medicine;
André Pelé, Guillaume Estocart, Jacques Nourisseur, Jean Trophard and Martin Berech,
masters of arts, and a great number of doctors and masters of each Faculty, with the
beadles Jean Vacheret and Boémond de Lutrea, witnesses specially called and summoned.
So signed:
"And I, Jean Bourrillet, called François, priest, master of arts, licentiate in
decrees and bachelor of theology, notary public by imperial and apostolic authority, with
the venerable master Michel Hébert, priest of the diocese of Rouen, master of arts,
notary and secretary of our Mother the University of Paris by imperial and apostolic
authority, I declare that I was
[322]
present at all which was said, expounded, discussed, deliberated and resolved in the
assemblies of the University. In witness whereof I have put my habitual seal to this
present document, as I have been summoned and called to do, in testimony of its faith and
truth."
J. Bourrillet.
"And I, Michel Hébert, priest of the diocese of Rouen, master of arts, notary and
secretary of the University of Paris by pontifical and imperial authority, having been
present with master Jean Bourrillet at all which was said, set forth, and discussed in the
University, as has been declared above, I certify I have seen and heard these things.
Therefore I have put my habitual sign to this present document, written with my own hand,
and signed below in witness of its faith and truth, as I have been summoned and called to
do."
Hébert.
[323]
Deliberation of the doctors and masters of Rouen who gave their opinion in conformity
with the University of Paris
Then master Raoul Roussel, treasurer and canon of the cathedral of Rouen where he
lived, doctor of canon and civil law, gave his opinion that the case had been notably and
solemnly debated; that it should be concluded and defined in the presence of the parties;
and unless Jeanne returned to the way of truth and salvation, she should be deemed a
heretic. He adhered to the decision of the University of Paris.
Master Nicolas de Venderès, licentiate in canon law, arch. deacon of Eu, canon of the
church of Rouen, gave an opinion similar to master Raoul Roussel's, adding that one day
would be sufficient to conclude, pronounce the sentence, and abandon Jeanne to the secular
justice.
The reverend father in Christ, Gilles, lord abbot of Ste. Trinité de Fécamp, doctor
of sacred theology, gave the following opinion: on a fixed day the Promoter should ask her
if she wished to say anything more; then she should be admonished. Afterwards if she would
not retract and return to the way of truth, she should be considered a heretic, sentence
must be pronounced and Jeanne given over to secular justice.
Master Jean de Châtillon, doctor of sacred theology, archdeacon of Évreux, declared
that those who have not fully considered the matter are bound to accept the opinion of the
University
[324]
of Paris. For his own part he accepted it, and in respect of the rest agreed with the
abbot of Fécamp
The reverend father in Christ, Guillaume, lord abbot of Cormeilles, doctor of decrees,
followed the University of Paris.
Master André Marguerie, licentiate in law and bachelor of decrees, archdeacon of
Petit-Caux and canon of Rouen, in view of the admonitions addressed to Jeanne, adheres to
the opinion of the University of Paris. Regarding the procedure, he said one day was
sufficient to conclude and pronounce the sentence.
Master Erard Emengart, doctor of sacred theology, thought Jeanne should be once more
admonished; and if after this she did not return to the path of truth, he agreed to the
opinion of the University of Paris.
Master Guillaume Le Boucher, doctor of sacred theology, held to the opinion he had
given with other doctors, masters and bachelors, on April 9th; he added that Jeanne should
be once more admonished and be informed of the deliberation of the University of Paris.
The lord Pierre, prior of Longueville-Giffard, doctor of sacred theology, gave a
similar opinion. Master Jean Pinchon, licentiate in canon law, archdeacon of Jouy and
canon of Paris, adhered to the opinion of master Guillaume Le Boucher.
Master Pasquier de Vaulx, doctor of decrees, canon of the churches of Paris and Rouen,
accepted the opinion of the University of Paris.
Master Jean Beaupère, doctor of sacred theology, canon of the churches of Rouen and
Besançon, accepted the opinion of the University, and in respect of the subsequent
procedure referred to us the judges. Master Denis Gastinel, licentiate in canon and civil
law, canon of the church of Rouen, said that if Jeanne would not
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obey after being warned he followed the opinion of the University of Paris.
Master Nicolas Midi, doctor of sacred theology, canon of the church of Rouen, thought
that the trial could be concluded and sentence pronounced on the same day; for the rest,
he held to the result of his deliberations on April 9th with the other doctors and
bachelors.
Master Maurice du Quesnay, doctor of sacred theology, thought Jeanne should once more
be charitably admonished, and if she did not obey, he accepted the opinion of the
University of Paris.
Master Pierre Houdenc, doctor of sacred theology, declared that for the salvation of
her body and soul Jeanne should be charitably admonished before the lord judges concluded;
if, after these warnings she did not return to the Church she would be obstinate and
heretical. For the conclusion he referred to ourselves the judges.
Master Jean Le Fèvre, doctor of sacred theology, held to the opinion he gave recently
with other doctors and masters on April 9th, and accepted the deliberation of the Faculty
of Theology; he added that Jeanne should be charitably admonished on a day chosen for that
purpose.
The religious brother Martin Ladvenu, held to the opinion of master Jean Le Fèvre.
The religious brother Thomas Amouret did likewise.
The venerable and discreet advocates of the archiepiscopal court of Rouen, licentiates
in canon and civil law, or both, namely, master Guillaume de Livet, Pierre Carel,
Guérould Poustel, Geoffroy du Crotay, Richard des Saulx, Bureau de Cormeilles, Jean Le
Doulx, Aubert Morel, Jean Duchemin, Laurent du Busc, Jean Colombel, Raoul Anguy and Jean
Le Tavernier, declared that if Jeanne would not obey after she had been admonished to
return to the way of truth and salvation
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nor submit to the Church, she should be proceeded against according to the
deliberations of the Faculty of Decrees.
The reverend father in Christ the religious Guillaume, lord abbot of Mortemer,
professor of sacred theology, declared that Jeanne should be once more charitably
admonished; if she would not obey the proceedings should be continued, and he accepted the
deliberation of the Faculty of Theology of the University of Paris.
The religious master Jacques Guesdon, professor of sacred theology, gave an opinion
similar to that of the lord abbot of Mortemer.
The religious master Jean Fouchier, doctor of sacred theology, gave an opinion like
that of the lord abbot of Mortemer.
Master Jean Maugier, licentiate in canon law, canon of Rouen, thought that Jeanne
should be once more charitably admonished and if she would not obey, the proceedings
should be continued.
Master Nicolas Couppequesne, canon of the church of Rouen, bachelor of theology,
accepted the opinion of the University of Paris.
Master Raoul Le Sauvage, bachelor of sacred theology, adhered to the opinion he lately
gave us in the tenor of the letter signed by his hand. He added that Jeanne should be
admonished again, in private and in public, before the people: if she would not return to
the way of truth and salvation, he referred to the judges for the subsequent procedure.
Master Pierre Minier, bachelor of theology, was of the same opinion as Master Raoul Le
Sauvage. Master Jean Pigache, bachelor of sacred theology, gave an opinion according to
the deliberation of the University.
Master Richard de Grouchet, bachelor of sacred theology, considered that Jeanne should
again be charitably admonished,
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and if after this warning she would not obey the Church she must be deemed a heretic.
The religious person brother Ysambard de La Pierre adhered to the opinion he gave with
others on April 9th, adding that Jeanne should be charitably admonished, and that if she
would not obey the Church after this warning he referred to us her judges for the method
of the subsequent procedure.
Master Pierre Maurice, doctor of sacred theology, adhered to the opinion he gave with
other doctors on April 9th, adding that on a certain fixed day Jeanne should be charitably
admonished and be informed of the peril she incurred by refusing to obey and submit to the
Church; if then she persisted in her disobedience the proceedings should be continued.
Master Thomas de Courcelles, bachelor of sacred theology, canon of the churches of Laon
and Thérouanne, adhered to the decisions reached with other doctors on April 9th. On
other points he was of the same opinion as the said Pierre Maurice, and added that if
Jeanne refused to obey the Church after this warning she should be considered a heretic.
Master Nicolas Loiseleur, canon of the churches of Chartres and of Rouen, master of
arts, gave an opinion similar to that of the said Thomas de Courcelles.
Master Jean Alespée, licentiate in law, canon of the church of Rouen, considered that
Jeanne must on a certain day be charitably admonished, and if she persisted in her
disobedience her trial must be concluded and the sentence pronounced.
The religious master Bertrand du Chesne, doctor of law, superior of the deanery of
Lihons-en-Santerre, of the Cluny order, held the opinion of the Faculty of Decrees in the
University of Paris.
Master Guillaume Erart, doctor of theology, sacristan and canon of the church of
Langres, followed the opinion of the
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chapter of the cathedral of Rouen and of the University of Paris.
Whereupon we the aforesaid judges, thanking the reverend fathers, lords and masters,
declared that we should once more charitably admonish the said Jeanne to return to the way
of truth, for the salvation of her body and soul, and that we should proceed further to
the conclusion of the case and the setting of a day for pronouncing sentence according to
their good deliberation and salutary counsel.
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Wednesday, May 23rd. Jeanne's faults are expounded to her by master Pierre Maurice. The
trial is concluded
On the following Wednesday, May 23rd, the said Jeanne was led to a room near her prison
in the castle of Rouen and into the presence of us her judges assembled in tribunal. There
were also present the reverend fathers and lords, the lord bishops of Thérouanne and of
Noyon, the lords and masters Jean de Châtillon, archdeacon of Évreux, Jean Beaupère,
Nicolas Midi, Guillaume Erart, Pierre Maurice, doctors of sacred theology; André
Marguerie, licentiate in law, and Nicolas de Venderès, licentiate in decrees, archdeacons
and canons of the church of Rouen.
In the presence of the said Jeanne we caused to be explained certain points on which
she had erred and strayed according to the deliberation of the Faculties of Theology and
Decrees of the University of Paris. The faults, crimes and errors contained in each of
these points according to the deliberation were explained to her: and we warned her and
caused her to be warned to abandon these shortcomings and errors, to correct and reform
herself, to submit to the correction and decision of our Holy Mother the Church, as is
declared at greater length in a memorandum transcribed below, which was expounded in
French to Jeanne by master Pierre Maurice, canon of Rouen and a celebrated doctor of
theology.
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I
Here follows the tenor of the memorandum
Firstly, Jeanne, you have said that from the age of thirteen years or thereabouts you
have had revelations and apparitions of angels, of St. Catherine and St. Margaret, whom
you have frequently seen with your bodily eyes; and that they have often spoken with you
and told you many things set forth at length in your trial.
On this point the clerks of the University of Paris and others have considered the
manner and end of these revelations, the matter of the things revealed, and the quality of
your person and having considered everything relevant they declare that it is all false,
seductive, pernicious, that such revelations and apparitions are superstitions and proceed
from evil and diabolical spirits.
II
You have said that your king received a sign by which he knew that you were sent from
God, that it was St. Michael, in the company of a host of angels, some with crowns, others
with wings, and St. Catherine and St. Margaret were among them, coming to you in the town
and castle of Chinon. They all mounted the stairs of the castle in your company up to the
chamber of your king, before whom the angel who bore the crown bowed. At another time you
said this crown, which you call a sign, was given to the archbishop of Reims, who
presented it to your king, before many princes and lords whom you have named,
Regarding this article, the clergy say it is not probable, but rather a presumptuous,
misleading and pernicious lie, an undertaking contrary and derogatory to the dignity of
angels.
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III
You have said that you recognized the angels and saints by the good counsel, comfort
and doctrine they gave you; by the fact that they told you their names and -the saints
greeted you; moreover, that you believe it was St. Michael who appeared to you; that their
words and deeds are good; all of which you believe as firmly as you hold the faith of
Jesus Christ.
Regarding this article, the clergy say that the signs were not sufficient for the
recognition of the angels and saints, that you believed lightly and affirmed rashly, that,
moreover, in the comparison you make you deviate from the faith.
IV
You have said you are certain of future and contingent events, that you have known
where things were hidden, that you recognized men you had never seen, through the voices
of St. Catherine and St. Margaret.
Regarding this article, the clergy find superstition, divination, presumptuous
assertions and vain boasting.
V
You have said that you wore and still wear man's dress at God's command and to His good
pleasure, for you had instruction from God to wear this dress, and so you have put on a
short tunic, jerkin, and hose with many points. You even wear your hair cut short above
the ears, without keeping about you anything to denote your sex, save what nature has
given you. And often you have in this apparel received the Sacrament of the Eucharist. And
although you have many times been admonished to put it off, you would not, saying that you
would rather die than put off this dress, unless it were God's command; and that if you
were still in this dress and with those
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of your own party, it would be for the great welfare of France. You say also that
nothing could persuade you to take an oath not to wear this dress and bear these arms; and
for all this you plead divine command.
Regarding such matters, the clergy declare that you blaspheme against God, despising
Him and His sacraments, that you transgress divine law, Holy Scripture and the canons of
the Church, that you think evil and err from the faith, that you are full, of vain
boasting, that you are given to idolatry and worship yourself and your clothes, according
to the customs of the heathen.
VI
You have often said that in your letters you have put these names Jhesus Maria, and the
sign of the cross, to warn those to whom you wrote not to do what was indicated in the
letter. In other letters you boasted that you would kill all those who did not obey you,
and that by your blows would the favor of the Lord be seen. Also you have often said that
all your deeds were by revelation and according to divine command.
In regard to such affirmations, the clergy declare you to be a traitor, perfidious,
cruel, desiring human bloodshed, seditious, an instigator of tyranny, a blasphemer of
God's commandments and revelations.
VII
You have said that according to revelations vouchsafed you at the age of seventeen, you
left your parents' house against their will, driving them almost mad. You went to Robert
de Baudricourt, who, at your request, gave you a man's dress and a sword, also men-at-arms
to take you to your king. And when you came to the king, you told him that his enemies
should be driven away, you promised to bring him into a great kingdom,
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to make him victorious over his foes, and that for this God had sent you. These things
you say you accomplished in obedience to God and according to revelation.
Regarding such things, the clergy declare that you have been irreverent to your father
and mother, thereby disobeying God's commandment, that you have given occasion for
scandal, that you have blasphemed; that you have erred from the faith; and that you have
made a rash and presumptuous promise.
VIII
You have said that of your own will you hurled yourself from the tower of Beaurevoir,
preferring to die rather than be delivered into the hands of the English and live after
the destruction of Compiègne. And although St. Catherine and St. Margaret forbade you to
leap, you could not restrain yourself. And in spite of the great sin you have committed in
offending these saints, you knew by your voices that after your confession your sin was
forgiven.
This act the clergy declare you committed because of cowardice verging on despair and
possibly suicide. In this matter you also uttered a rash and presumptuous statement in
asserting that your sin is forgiven, and you err from the faith touching the doctrine of
free will.
IX
You have said that St. Catherine and St. Margaret promised to lead you to Paradise
provided that you preserved the virginity which you vowed and promised them, and that you
are as well assured of it as if you had already entered into the glory of the Blessed. You
believe you have not committed mortal sin, and it seems to you that if you were in mortal
sin the saints would not visit you daily as they do.
Such an assertion the clergy declare to be a pernicious lie,
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presumptuous and rash, that it contains a contradiction of what you had previously
said, and that finally your beliefs err from the true Christian faith.
X
You have declared that you know well that God loves certain living persons better than
you, and that you learned this by revelation from St. Catherine and St. Margaret; also
that those saints speak French, not English, as they are not on the side of the English.
And since you knew that your voices were for your king, you began to dislike the
Burgundians.
Such matters the clergy pronounce to be a rash and presumptuous assertion, a
superstitious divination, a blasphemy uttered against St. Catherine and St. Margaret, and
a transgression of the commandment to love our neighbors.
XI
You declared that to those whom you call St. Michael, St. Catherine and St. Margaret,
you did reverence, bending the knee, taking off your cap, kissing the ground on which they
trod, vowing to them your virginity: that you believed in the instruction of these saints,
whom you invoked, kissed and embraced, as soon as they appeared to you, without seeking
counsel from your priest or from any other ecclesiastic. And, notwithstanding, you believe
these voices came from God as firmly as you believe in the Christian religion and the
Passion of Our Lord Jesus Christ. Moreover, you said that if any evil spirit should appear
to you in the form of St. Michael you would know such a spirit and distinguish him from
the saint. And again you said, that of your own accord, you have sworn not to reveal the
sign you gave to your king. And finally you added: "Save at God's command."
Now touching these matters, the clergy affirm that if you
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had the revelations and saw the apparitions of which you boast in such a manner as you
say, then you are an idolatress, an invoker of demons, an apostate from the faith, a maker
of rash statements, a swearer of an unlawful oath.
XII
And you have said that if the Church wished you to disobey the orders you say God gave
you, nothing would induce you to do so; that you know that all the deeds of which you have
been accused in your trial were wrought according to the command of God and that it was
impossible for you to do otherwise. Touching these deeds, you refuse to submit to the
judgment of the Church on earth or of any living man, and will submit therein to God
alone. And, moreover, you declared that this reply itself was not made of your own accord
but by God's command; in spite of the article of faith, Unam Sanctam Ecclesiam Catholicam,
having been many times declared before you, and notwithstanding that it behooves all
Christians to submit their deeds and sayings to the Church Militant especially all that
concerns revelations and similar matters.
Wherefore the clergy declare you to be schismatic, an unbeliever in the unity and
authority of the Church, apostate and obstinately erring from the faith.
Now when these assertions with the qualifications of the University of Paris had thus
been related and explained to Jeanne she was finally admonished in French by the same
doctor to think very carefully over her acts and sayings, especially in the light of the
last article. He spoke to her thus:
"Jeanne, dearest friend, it is now time, near the end of your trial to think well
over all that has been said. Although you have four times already, by the lord bishop of
Beauvais, by the lord vicar of the Inquisitor, by other doctors sent to
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you on their behalf, been most diligently admonished for the honor and reverence of
God, for the faith and law of Jesus Christ, for the tranquillity of their consciences, and
the alleviation of the scandal you have caused, to the salvation of your body and soul;
although you have been shown the perils to which you expose your body and soul if you do
not reform yourself and your sayings and correct them by submitting your acts and your
words to the Church, and by accepting her judgment, nevertheless up till now you have not
wished to listen.
"Now although many of your judges would have been satisfied with the evidence
collected against you, in their anxiety for the salvation of your body and soul they have
submitted your sayings for examination to the University of Paris, the light of all
knowledge and the extirpator of errors. When the lord judges received the deliberations of
the University they decided that you should to this end be once more admonished, warned of
your errors, scandals and other crimes, and that we should beg, exhort and advise you by
the bowels of Our Lord Jesus Christ who suffered cruel death for the redemption of
mankind, to correct your words and submit them to the judgment of the Church, as every
loyal Christian is bound and obliged to do. Do not permit yourself to be separated from
Our Lord Jesus Christ who created you to be a partaker in His glory; do not choose the way
of eternal damnation with the enemies of God who daily endeavor to disturb men,
counterfeiting often the likeness of Christ, His angels and His saints, who they profess
and affirm themselves to be, as is shown more fully in the lives of the Fathers and in the
Scriptures. Therefore if such apparitions have appeared to you, do not believe them: more
than that, put away the belief or imagination you had in such things, and believe rather
in the words and opinions of the University of Paris
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and other doctors who, being well acquainted with the law c God and the Holy
Scriptures, have concluded that no fait] should be given to such apparitions or in any
extraordinary apparition or forbidden novelty which is not supported by Holy Scripture or
sign or miracle, none of which you have
"You have believed these apparitions lightly, instead of turning to God in devout
prayer to grant you certainty; and you have not consulted prelates or learned
ecclesiastics to enlighten yourself: although, considering your condition and the
simplicity of your knowledge, you ought to have done so. Take this example: suppose your
king had appointed you to defend a fortress, forbidding you to let any one enter. Would
you not refuse to admit whoever claimed to come in his name but brought no letters or
authentic sign? Likewise Our Lord Jesus Christ, when He ascended into Heaven, committed
the government of His Church to the apostle St. Peter and his successors, forbidding them
to receive in the future those who claimed to come in His name but brought no other token
than their own words. So you should not have put faith in those which you say came to you,
nor ought we to believe in you, since God commands the contrary.
"First, Jeanne, you should consider this: if when you were in your king's domain,
a soldier or other person born in his realm or fealty had arisen and said, 'I will not
obey the king or submit to any of his officers,' would you not have said this man should
be condemned? What shall you say of yourself, who, brought up in the faith of Christ by
the sacrament of baptism, have become the daughter of the Church and the spouse of Christ,
if you do not obey Christ's officers, that is to say, the prelates of the Church? What
judgment shall you deliver upon yourself ? Cease, I pray you, from uttering these things
if you love your Creator, your precious spouse and your salvation; obey the Church and
submit to its judgment;
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know that if you do not, if you persevere in this error, your soul will be condemned to
eternal punishment and perpetual torture, and I do not doubt that your body will come to
perdition.
"Let not human pride and empty shame, which perhaps constrain you, hold you back
because you fear that if you do as I advise you will lose the great honors which you have
known. For the honor of God and the salvation of your body and soul must come first: you
will lose all if you do not as I say, for you will separate yourself from the Church and
from the faith you swore in the holy sacrament of baptism, you cut the authority of Our
Lord from the Church which is nevertheless led, ruled and governed by His spirit and
authority. For He said to the prelates of the Church: 'He that heareth you heareth Me, he
that despiseth you despiseth Me.' Therefore if you will not submit to the Church you
separate yourself in fact, and if you will not submit to her you refuse to submit to God,
and you err in respect of this article: Unam Sanctam Ecclesiam. What the Church is, and
her authority, has been sufficiently explained to you already in former admonitions.
"Therefore, in view of all these things, on behalf of your judges the lord bishop
of Beauvais and the lord vicar of the Inquisitor, I admonish, beg and exhort you by the
pity you have for the passion of your Creator, by the love you bear for the salvation of
your body and soul, correct and amend these errors, return to the way of truth, by
obedience to the Church and submission in all things to her judgment and decision. By so
doing you will save your soul and redeem, as I hope, your body from death; but if you do
not, if you persist, know that your soul will be overwhelmed in damnation and I fear the
destruction of your body. From these ills may Our Lord preserve you!"
[339]
After Jeanne had been admonished in this manner and had heard these exhortations she
replied thereto in this way: "As for my words and deeds, which I declared in the
trial, I refer to them and will maintain them."
Asked if she thinks she is not bound to submit her words and deeds to the Church
Militant or any one other than God, she answered: I will maintain that manner of speech
which I always said and held in the trial."
She said that if she were condemned and she saw the fire and the faggots alight and the
executioner ready 'to kindle the fire, and she herself were in it, she would say nothing
else and would maintain until death what she said in the trial.
Then we her judges asked the Promoter and Jeanne whether they had anything further to
say. They answered that they had not. Then we proceeded to conclude the proceedings
according to the formula of a certain schedule which we the said bishop held in our hands,
and of which the tenor follows:
"We, competent judges in this trial, as we esteem and declare ourselves in so far
as it is necessary, according to your refusal to say anything further, we declare the
trial has ended; and, this conclusion pronounced, we assign to-morrow as the day on which
you shall hear us give justice and pronounce sentence, which shall afterwards be carried
out and proceeded with according to law and reason. In the presence of the witnesses
brother Ysambard de La Pierre, master Mathieu le Bateur, priests, and Louis Orsel, clerk,
of the dioceses of Rouen, London and Noyon."
[340]
Thursday, May 24th. The public sermon. Jeanne recants. The mitigated sentence is
pronounced.
On Thursday after Whitsuntide, May 24th of the same year, we the said judges repaired
in the morning to a public place, in the cemetery of the abbey of Saint-Ouen at Rouen,
where the said Jeanne was present before us on a scaffold or platform. First we had a
solemn sermon pronounced by master Guillaume Erart, a distinguished doctor of sacred
theology, for the salutary admonition of the said Jeanne and of the great multitude of
people present. We had with us: the very reverend father in Christ Henry by divine
permission priest of St. Eusebius and cardinal of the Holy Roman Church, commonly called
cardinal of England; the reverend fathers in Christ the bishops of Thérouanne, of Noyon
and Norwich; my lord abbots of Ste. Trinité de Fécamp, of St. Ouen of Rouen, of
Jumièges, of Bec-Hellouin, of Cormeilles, of St. Michel au-peril-de-la-mer, of Mortemer,
of Préaulx; the priors of Longueville and of St. Lô of Rouen; masters Jean de
Châtillon, Jean Beaupère, Nicolas Midi, Maurice du Quesnay, Guillaume Le Boucher, Jean
Le Fèvre, Pierre Houdenc, Pierre Maurice, Jean Fouchier, doctors; William Haiton, Nicolas
Couppequesne, Thomas de Courcelles, Raoul Le Sauvage, Richard de Grouchet, Pierre Minier,
Jean Pigache, bachelors of sacred theology; Raoul Roussel, doctor of canon and civil
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law; Jean Garin, doctor of canon law; Nicolas de Venderès, Jean Pinchon, Jean Le
Doulx, Robert Le Barbier, licentiates in canon law; André Marguerie, Jean Alespée,
licentiates in civil law, Aubert Morel, Jean Colombel, Jean Duchemin, licentiates in canon
law, and many others.
The said doctor began his sermon by taking for his text the word of God in the
fifteenth chapter of St. John: "A branch *cannot bear fruit of itself except it abide
in the vine." Then he solemnly explained that all Catholics must abide in the true
vine of Our Holy Mother Church which Our Lord planted with His right hand: he showed how
this Jeanne had cut herself off from the unity of our Holy Mother Church by many errors
and grave crimes, and how she had frequently scandalized the Christian people. He
admonished and exhorted her and the multitude of people by salutary doctrines.
When the sermon was over he addressed Jeanne in these terms: "Behold my Lords your
judges who have repeatedly summoned and required you to submit all your words and deeds to
Our Holy Mother Church, showing and pointing out to you that in the opinion of the clergy
many things are to be found in your words and deeds which it is good neither to affirm nor
uphold."
To which Jeanne replied: "I will answer you. Touching my submission to the Church,
I have answered them on this point. Let all that I have said and done be sent to Rome to
our Holy Father the Pope to whom after God I refer myself. As for my words and deeds, they
were done at God's command." She said that she charged no one with them, neither her
king nor any other; and if there were any fault it was hers and no other person's.
Asked whether she would revoke all her words and deeds
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which are disapproved of by the clergy, she answered: I refer me to God and to our Holy
Father the Pope."
Then she was told that this would not suffice, that it was not possible to seek Our
Holy Father the Pope at such a distance: that the ordinaries were each in his own diocese
competent judges. Therefore she must needs submit to Our Holy Mother Church, and hold as
true all that the clergy and other authorities had said and decided concerning her words
and deeds. Whereupon she was admonished by three admonitions.
Then, as this woman would say no more we the said bishop began to read the final
sentence. When we had already completed the greater part of the reading, Jeanne began to
speak, and said she would hold all that the Church should ordain, all that her judges
should say and decree, and would obey our ordinance and will in all things. She said
repeatedly that inasmuch as the clergy had pronounced that her revelations and apparitions
were not to be upheld or believed, she would not maintain them; but would refer in all
things to her judges and our Holy Mother Church.
Then in the presence of the aforenamed and before a great multitude of people and
clergy, she made and pronounced her recantation and abjuration, according to the formula
of a certain schedule written in French which was then read, which she uttered with her
own lips and signed with her own hand. The tenor thereof follows.
Jeanne's Abjuration
"All those who have erred and been at fault in the Christian faith and have by
God's grace returned to the light of truth and unity of Our Holy Mother Church, should
vigilantly prevent the Enemy of Hell from driving them back and causing their relapse into
error and damnation. Therefore, I, Jeanne, commonly called The Maid, a miserable sinner
recognizing
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the snares of error in which I was held, and being by God's grace returned to Our Holy
Mother Church, in order to show that my return is made not feignedly but with a good heart
and will, I confess that I have most grievously sinned in falsely pretending to have had
revelations and apparitions from God, His angels, St. Catherine and St. Margaret; in
seducing others; in believing foolishly and lightly; in making superstitious divinations,
in blaspheming God and His Saints; in breaking the divine law, Holy Scripture, and the
canon laws; in wearing a dissolute, ill-shaped and immodest dress against the decency of
nature, and hair cropped round like a man's, against all the modesty of womankind; also in
bearing arms most presumptuously; in cruelly desiring the shedding of human blood; in
declaring that I did all these things by the command of God, His angels and the said
saints, and that to do so was good and not to err; in being seditious and idolatrous,
adoring and calling up evil spirits. I confess also that I have been schismatic and in
many ways have erred from the path: These crimes and errors, I, being by God's grace
returned to the way of truth through the holy doctrine and good counsel of yourself and
the doctors and masters whom you sent me, unfeignedly and with a good heart abjure and
recant, renouncing and cutting myself off from them all. Upon all the aforesaid things I
submit to the correction, disposition, amendment and entire decision of Our Holy Mother
Church and of your good justice. And I vow, swear and promise to you, to my lord Saint
Peter, Prince of the Apostles, to Our Holy Father the Pope of Rome, his vicar and his
successors, to you, my lords, to the lord bishop of Beauvais and the religious brother
Jean Le Maistre, vicar of the lord Inquisitor of the faith, my judges, that I will never
through exhortation or other means return to the aforesaid errors, from which it has
pleased God to deliver and remove me;
[344]
but will always dwell in the unity of Our Holy Mother Church and the obedience of our
Holy Father the Pope of Rome. This I say, affirm and swear by God almighty and the holy
Gospels. In sign whereof I have signed this schedule with my mark."
Signed "Jehanne +."
Here follows the tenor of this abjuration in Latin [an exactly similar document].
[345]
Sentence after the Abjuration
And lastly, after we the judges had received her recantation and abjuration as is set
forth above, we the said bishop pronounced our definitive sentence in these terms:
"In the name of the Lord, amen. All pastors of the Church who desire and endeavor
to lead the Lord's flock faithfully must, when the perfidious sower of errors laboriously
attempts with great cunning to infect the flock of Christ with virulent poisons, assemble
their whole strength in order to combat the assaults of the Evil one with greater
vigilance and more urgent solicitude. This is particularly necessary in these dangerous
times in which the words of the apostle announced that many false prophets would come into
the world and introduce sects of perdition and error, which by their varied and foreign
doctrines might seduce Christ's faithful people, if our Holy Mother Church with the aid of
healthy doctrine and canonical sanctions, did not struggle to overthrow these erroneous
inventions. Therefore before us, your competent judges, namely Pierre by divine mercy
bishop of Beauvais and brother Jean Le Maistre, vicar in this city and diocese of the
notable master Jean Graverent, Inquisitor of Heretical Error in the kingdom of France,
especially appointed by him to officiate in this cause, you, Jeanne, commonly called The
Maid, have been arraigned to account for many pernicious crimes
[346]
and have been charged in a matter of faith. And having seen and examined with diligence
the course of your trial and all that occurred therein, principally the answers,
confessions and affirmations which you made; after having also considered the most notable
decision of the masters of the Faculties of Theology and of Decrees in the University of
Paris, in addition to that of the general assembly of the University, and of the prelates,
doctors and men learned in theology and both canon and civil law who were met together in
a great multitude in this town of Rouen and elsewhere for the discussion and judgment of
your statements, words and deeds; having taken counsel and mature conference with those
zealots of the Christian faith, and having seen and weighed all there is to see and weigh
in this matter, all that we and any man of judgment and law could and should observe: we,
having the honor of the orthodox faith before our eyes, so that our judgment may seem to
emanate from the face of Our Lord, we say, decree and pronounce that you have gravely
sinned by falsely simulating revelations and apparitions, by seducing others, by lightly
and rashly believing, by uttering superstitious prophecies, by blaspheming God and His
saints, by prevaricating to the law, the Holy Scripture, and the canonical sanctions, by
despising God in His sacraments, by fomenting seditions, by apostasy, by falling into the
crime of heresy and erring on many points in the Catholic faith. But inasmuch as you have,
after repeated charitable admonitions, by God's help through a long delay returned into
the bosom of Our Holy Mother Church, and with contrite heart unfeignedly, as we would fain
believe, have openly renounced your errors, which since they have lately been reproved in
a public sermon, you have with your own lips publicly abjured along with all heresy:
according to the form appointed by ecclesiastical sanctions we unbind you by these
presents from the bonds of
[347]
excommunication which enchained you, on condition that you return to the Church with a
true heart and sincere faith, observing what is and shall be enjoined by us. But inasmuch
as you have rashly sinned against God and the Holy Church, we finally and definitely
condemn you for salutary penance to perpetual imprisonment, with the bread of sorrow and
water of affliction, that you may weep for your faults and never henceforth commit
anything to occasion weeping."
The afternoon of the same day, May 24th. Jeanne puts on woman's dress
In the afternoon of the same day we, brother Jean Le Maistre, vicar aforementioned,
accompanied by the noble lords and masters Nicolas Midi, Nicolas Loiseleur, Thomas de
Courcelles, and brother Ysambard de La Pierre, and several others, repaired to the prison
where Jeanne then was. We and our assessors explained to her how God had on this day been
most merciful to her, and how the clergy had shown her great mercy by receiving her into
the grace and pardon of our Holy Mother Church: how therefore it was right that she,
Jeanne, should humbly submit to and obey the sentence and ordinance of the lord judges and
ecclesiastics, and should altogether abandon her errors and her former inventions, never
to return to them; how, if she did return to them, the Church would not receive her to
clemency, and she would be wholly abandoned. Moreover, she was told that she must put off
her male costume and take woman's dress, as the Church had commanded.
Jeanne answered that she would willingly wear woman's dress, and in all things obey and
submit to the clergy. She was given woman's dress which she put on immediately she had
taken off the male costume: she desired and allowed her hair, which had hitherto been cut
short round the ears, to be shaved off and removed.
[348]
THE TRIAL FOR RELAPSE
Monday, May 28th
Jeanne resumes man's dress
On Monday following, the day after Holy Trinity Sunday, we the said judges repaired to
Jeanne's prison to observe her state and disposition. We were accompanied by the lords and
masters Nicolas de Venderès, William Haiton, Thomas de Courcelles, brother Ysambard de La
Pierre, Jacques Le Camus, Nicolas Bertin, Julien Flosquet, and John Grey.
Now because the said Jeanne was wearing a man's dress, a short mantle, a hood, a
doublet and other garments used by men (which at our order she had recently put off in
favor of woman's dress), we questioned her to find out when and for what reason she had
resumed man's dress and rejected woman's clothes. Jeanne said she had but recently resumed
man's dress and rejected woman's clothes.
Asked why she had resumed it, and who had compelled her to wear it, she answered that
she had taken it of her own will, under no compulsion, as she preferred man's to woman's
dress.
She was told that she had promised and sworn not to wear man's dress again, and
answered that she never meant to take such an oath.
[349]
Asked for what reason she had assumed male costume, she answered that it was more
lawful and convenient for her to wear it, since she was among men, than to wear woman's
dress. She said she had resumed it because the promises made to her had not been kept,
which were to permit her to go to Mass and receive her Saviour, and to take off her
chains.
Asked whether she had not abjured and sworn in particular not to resume this male
costume, she answered that she would rather die than be in chains, but if she were allowed
to go to Mass, if her chains were taken off and she were put in a gracious prison [and
were given a woman as companion], she would be good and obey the Church.
As we her judges had heard from certain people that she had not yet cut herself off
from her illusions and pretended revelations, Which she had previously renounced, we asked
her whether she had not since Thursday heard the voices of St. Catherine and St. Margaret.
She answered yes.
Asked what they told her, she answered that they told her God had sent her word through
St. Catherine and St. Margaret of the great pity of this treason by which she consented to
abjure and recant in order to save her life; that she had damned herself to save her life.
She said that before Thursday they told her what to do and say then, which she did.
Further her voices told her, when she was on the scaffold or platform before the people,
to answer the preacher boldly. The said Jeanne declared that he was a false preacher, and
had accused her of many things she had not done. She said that if she declared God had not
sent her she would damn herself, for in truth she was sent from God. She said-that her
voices had since told her that she had done a great evil in declaring that what she had
done was wrong. She said that what she had declared and recanted on Thursday was done only
for fear of the fire.
[350]
Asked if she believed her voices to be St. Catherine and St. Margaret, she answered
"Yes, and they came from God."
Asked to speak truthfully of the crown which is mentioned above, she replied: "In
everything, I told you the truth about it in my trial, as well as I could."
When she was told that when she made her abjuration on the scaffold or platform before
the judges and the people, she had admitted that she had falsely boasted that her voices
were St. Catherine and St. Margaret, she answered that she did not mean to do or say so.
She said she did not deny or intend to deny her apparitions, that is that they were St.
Catherine and St. Margaret; all that she said was from fear of the fire. She recanted
nothing which was not against the truth. She said she would rather do penance once and for
all, that is die, than endure any longer the suffering of her prison. She said that
whatever they had made her deny she had never done anything against God or the faith: she
did not understand what was in the formula of abjuration. She said she did not mean to
revoke anything except at God's good pleasure. If the judges wished, she would once more
wear woman's dress, but for the rest she would do no more.
After hearing these declarations we left her to proceed further according to law and
reason.
[351]
Tuesday, May 29th
The next day, the Tuesday after Holy Trinity, May 29th, we the said judges assembled in
the archiepiscopal chapel of Rouen the following doctors and persons learned in theology
and both canon and civil law: the reverend fathers in Christ the lord abbots of Ste.
Trinité de Fécamp, of St. Ouen of Rouen, and of Mortemer; the lords and masters Pierre,
prior of Longueville-Giffard, Jean de Châtillon, Erard Emengart, Guillaume Erart,
Guillaume Le Boucher, Jean de Nibat, Jean le Fèvre, Jacques Guesdon, Pierre Maurice,
doctors of sacred theology; Jean Garin and Pasquier de Vaulx, doctors of canon law; André
Marguerie, Nicolas de Venderès, archdeacons of Rouen; William Haiton, Nicolas
Couppequesne, Guillaume de Baudribosc, Richard de Grouchet, Thomas de Courcelles,
bachelors of sacred theology; Jean Pinchon, Jean Alespée, Denis Gastinel, Jean Maugier,
Nicolas Caval, Nicolas Loiseleur, Guillaume Desjardins, canons of the cathedral of Rouen;
some masters, others licentiates, in canon or civil law or medicine; Jean Tiphaine,
Guillaume de La Chambre, Guillaume de Livet, Geoffroy du Crotay, Jean Le Doulx, Jean
Colombel, Aubert Morel, Pierre Carel, licentiates in canon or civil law or masters or
licentiates in medicine; Martin Ladvenu, brother Ysambard de La Pierre, and master
Guillaume du Desert, canons of the church of Rouen.
[352]
In their presence we the said bishop set forth that since the last public session held
in the same place on the eve of Whitsunday, we had according to their advice caused a
public admonition to be addressed to Jeanne: and certain points on which she was judged in
the opinion of the University of Paris to have fallen short and erred, were explained to
her. We exhorted her to reject them and to return to the way of truth. As she in no way
acquiesced, and as neither she nor the Promoter had anything further to say, we pronounced
the case concluded and ordered the parties to appear on the following Thursday to hear the
sentence, as is declared above. Then we reminded them of what happened on Thursday, how
the said Jeanne, after the solemn sermon and admonitions addressed to her, had recanted
and abjured her errors, and with her own hand signed the recantation and abjuration as is
more fully set forth above. And how on Thursday after dinner we and the vicar of the
Inquisitor and assessors had charitably admonished her to persist in her good purpose and
to keep herself from relapse: how, obeying the orders of the Church, Jeanne put off male
costume and wore woman's dress. But that led on by the Devil she had once more before many
witnesses declared that the voices and spirits which were wont to visit her had returned
to her and told her many things: and that Jeanne had once more rejected woman's dress in
favor of male costume. That when we were informed of this we visited and examined her.
Then in the presence of the lords and masters above mentioned we caused to be read the
last confessions and assertions of the said Jeanne, namely those which were made before us
on the previous day, and we asked of those present their counsel and advice. They gave
their opinions as follows:
Master Nicolas de Venderès, licentiate in canon law, archdeacon of Eu and canon of the
cathedral of Rouen, considered
[353]
that Jeanne should be held a heretic; when the sentence had been pronounced she should
be given over to the secular justice which should be prayed to act towards her with
gentleness.
The reverend father in Christ Gilles, lord abbot of the monastery of Ste. Trinité de
Fécamp, doctor of sacred theology, declared that Jeanne was relapsed. Nevertheless it
would be well to read over to her the formula she had recently heard, to explain it and
preach the word of God to her. After that the judges would have to declare her a heretic
and abandon her to the secular justice, praying it to act towards her with gentleness.
Master Pierre Pinchon, licentiate in canon law, archdeacon of Jouy, canon of the
churches of Paris and Rouen, considered that Jeanne was relapsed, and he referred to the
masters of theology upon the subsequent procedure.
Master Guillaume Erart, doctor of sacred theology, sacristan and canon of the churches
of Langres and of Laon, considered that this woman was relapsed, and therefore she should
be abandoned to the secular justice: concerning the remainder he held the lord abbot of
Fécamp's opinion.
Master Robert Ghillebert, doctor of sacred theology, dean of the chapel of our lord the
king, gave an opinion following that of Guillaume Erart.
The reverend father in Christ the lord abbot of the monastery of St. Ouen of Rouen held
to the opinion of the lord abbot of Fécamp.
Master Jean de Châtillon, doctor of theology and canon of the church of Évreux, gave
a similar opinion. Master Guillaume Le Boucher, doctor of sacred theology, declared this
woman was relapsed and should be condemned as a heretic. Upon the remainder he referred to
the decision of the lord abbot of Fécamp.
[354]
The reverend father Pierre, lord prior of Longueville-Giffard, doctor of sacred
theology, declared that if after the period of the Passion this woman confessed this point
contained in the formula, he accorded with the judgment of the lord abbot of Fécamp.
Master William Haiton, bachelor of sacred theology, considered that in view of the
articles which had been read this woman was relapsed and should be condemned as a heretic:
upon the remainder he referred to the decision of the lord abbot of Fécamp.
Master André Marguerie, licentiate in civil law and bachelor of canon law, archdeacon
of Petit-Caux and canon of Rouen; master Jean Alespée licentiate in civil law, canon of
Rouen; and master Jean Garin, doctor of decrees and canon of the church of Rouen, gave
opinions in accordance with that of the lord abbot of Fécamp.
Master Denis Gastinel, licentiate in both canon and civil law, canon of the churches of
Paris and Rouen, declared that this woman was a relapsed heretic, and should be abandoned
to the secular authority, with no prayer for mercy.
Master Pasquier de Vaulx, doctor of decrees, canon of the churches of Paris and Rouen,
held to the opinion of the lord abbot of Fécamp. with no prayer for mercy.
Master Pierre Houdenc, doctor of sacred theology, declared that in his estimation and
in view of the decisions and ways of this woman, she had always been a heretic, and was in
fact relapsed; therefore she should be abandoned to the arms of the secular justice
according to the decision of the lord abbot of Fécamp.
Master Jean de Nibat, doctor of sacred theology, considered that this woman was
relapsed and impenitent, and should be esteemed a heretic. This is the opinion of the
abbot of Fécamp. so frequently mentioned.
[355]
Master Jean Le Fèvre, doctor of sacred theology, declared this woman to be obstinate,
contumacious, disobedient; and upon the rest he referred to the decision of the lord abbot
of Fécamp.
The reverend father in Christ Guillaume, lord abbot of Mortemer, doctor of sacred
theology, held to the opinion of the lord abbot of Fécamp.
Master Jacques Guesdon, doctor of theology, accorded with the opinion of the said abbot
of Fécamp.
Master Nicolas Couppequesne, bachelor of sacred theology, canon of the cathedral of
Rouen, accorded with the opinion of the said lord abbot of Fécamp.
Master Guillaume du Desert, canon of the church of Rouen, gave an opinion in agreement
with the lord abbot of Fécamp.
Master Pierre Maurice, doctor of sacred theology, canon of Rouen, considered that this
woman should be esteemed and judged relapsed; he adhered to the decision of the lord abbot
of Fécamp.
Master Guillaume de Baudribosc, bachelor of sacred theology; master Nicolas Caval,
licentiate in civil law; master Nicolas Loiseleur, master of arts; master Guillaume
Desjardins, doctor of medicine and canon of the church of Rouen, adhered to the opinion of
the lord abbot of Fécamp.
Master Jean Tiphaine, doctor of medicine; master Guillaume de Livet, licentiate in
civil law; master Geoffroy du Crotay and master Pierre Carel, licentiates in civil law,
gave opinions following the decision of the lord abbot of Fécamp.
Master Jean Le Doulx, licentiate in canon and civil law; master Jean Colombel,
licentiate in canon law; master Aubert Morel, licentiate in canon law; brother Martin
Ladvenu, of the order of Preaching brothers; master Richard de Grouchet, bachelor of
theology; master Jean Pigache, bachelor of theology; and master Guillaume de La Chambre,
licentiate in
[356]
medicine, gave opinions in accordance with that of the said abbot of Fécamp.
Master Thomas de Courcelles, bachelor of theology, canon of the churches of Thérouanne
and of Laon, and brother Ysambard de La Pierre, of the order of Preaching brothers, gave
opinions in conformity with the decision of the lord abbot of Fécamp who has so
frequently been mentioned. They added that this woman should be once more charitably
admonished for the salvation of her soul, and be told that she had no further hope in the
life of this world.
Master Jean Maugier, licentiate in canon law, canon of the church of Rouen, followed
the opinion of the lord abbot of Fécamp.
Finally, when we had heard the opinions of them all we thanked them and concluded that
the said Jeanne should then be proceeded against as relapsed, according to law and reason.
[357] I Wednesday the last day of May (30th) and the last day of this trial
On the following day, Wednesday, the last day of May, Jeanne was summoned before us to
hear the sentence of law pronounced by the Usher appointed to this case, and contained at
greater length in the tenor of our letters and the relation of the said Usher. Here
follows the tenor of the letters: Tenor of the summons
"Pierre by divine mercy bishop of Beauvais and Jean Le Maistre, vicar of the
distinguished doctor, master Jean Graverent, appointed by the apostolic Holy See
Inquisitor of the Faith and of Heretical Error in the kingdom of France, to all public
priests, rectors of churches established in this town of Rouen or elsewhere in this
diocese, to each and every one, according to this present summons, greeting in Our Lord.
For certain causes and reasons more extensively set forth elsewhere, a certain woman
commonly called Jeanne the Maid, relapsed into many errors against the orthodox faith,
after a public abjuration of those errors before the face of the Church, has fallen into
them once more, as is and has been duly and sufficiently proven by her statements and
assertions and otherwise. Therefore we expressly command and enjoin
[358]
each one of you as he shall be required, without waiting for or excusing yourself
because of another, to summon the said Jeanne t appear in person before Us at 8 o'clock
to-morrow morning in the Old market Place of Rouen, on order to hear Us declare her
relapsed, excommunicate, and heretic, with the intimation customary in such cases. Given
in the chapel of the archiepiscopal manor of Rouen, on Tuesday, May 29th, in the year of
Our Lord, 1431.P
Signed: G. Manchon. G. Boisguillaume
Then follows the tenor of the Usher's letter in respect of the preceding summons
"To the reverend father and lord in Christ the lord Pierre by divine mercy bishop
of Beauvais and to brother Jean Le Maistre, vicar of the renowned doctor, master Jean
Graverent, appointed by the apostolic Holy See Inquisitor of the faith and of heretical
Error in the kingdom of France, your humble Jean Massieu, priest, dean of the Christendom
of Rouen, with all due reverence, obedience and respect. I inform your reverend
paternities that in virtue of your mandate addressed to me, to which these present letters
are annexed, I have summoned in person this woman commonly called The Maid to appear
before you this Wednesday after Holy Trinity at eight o'clock in the morning, at the Old
Market of Rouen, according to the form and tenor of your mandate and my instructions from
you. Which things, done by me, I signify to your reverend paternities by these present
letters signed with my seal. Given in the year of Our Lord, 1431, on this Wednesday at
seven o'clock in the morning."
Final sentence pronounced before the people
Afterwards, towards nine o'clock in the morning of the same day we the said judges
repaired to the Old Market of
[359]
Rouen, near the church of St. Sauveur, in the presence of and assisted by the reverend
fathers in Christ the lord bishops of Thérouanne and of Noyon, masters Jean de
Châtillon, André Marguerie, Nicolas de Venderès, Raoul Roussel, Denis Gastinel,
Guillaume Le Boucher, Jean Alespée, Pierre Houdenc, William Haiton, the prior of
Longueville, Pierre Maurice and many other lords, masters and clergy. The said Jeanne was
led before us in view of a great multitude of people assembled in this place; she was
placed upon a scaffold or platform. For her salutary admonition and the edification of the
people a solemn sermon was delivered by the distinguished doctor of theology, master
Nicolas Midi. He took as his text the words of the Apostle in the twelfth chapter of the
first Epistle to the Corinthians, "Si quid patitur unum membrum, compatiuntur alia
membra. . . . Where one member suffer, all the members suffer with it."
When this sermon was over we once more admonished Jeanne to look to the salvation of
her soul, to reflect on her misdeeds and to repent and show true contrition for them. We
exhorted her to believe the counsel of the clergy and notable persons who instructed and
taught her things concerning her salvation, and especially of the two venerable Preaching
brothers who were then standing near her, and whom we had appointed to instruct her
continually and zealously to address to her salutary admonitions and profitable counsels.
Finally we the bishop and vicar aforesaid, having regard to what has gone before, in which
it is manifest that this woman had in her obstinate rashness never truly abandoned her
errors and abominable crimes; but rather that she had shown herself infinitely more
damnable by the diabolical malice of her obstinacy in the false simulation of contrition,
penitence and correction, and by the perjury of God's holy name and the blasphemy of His
saints: that she had by such
[360]
means declared herself obstinate, incorrigible, a heretic, relapsed in heresy,
altogether unworthy of grace and of the communion which in our earlier sentence we had
mercifully offered her. In view of all the things to be considered in this matter, and
after mature deliberation and counsel with many learned persons, we proceeded to the final
sentence in these terms:
"In the name of the Lord, amen. As often as the poisonous virus of heresy
obstinately attaches itself to a member of the Church and transforms him into a limb of
Satan, most diligent care must be taken to prevent the foul contagion of this pernicious
leprosy from spreading to other parts of the mystic body of Christ. The decrees of the
holy Fathers have laid down that hardened heretics must be separated from the midst of the
just, rather than permit such pernicious vipers to lodge in the bosom of Our Holy Mother
Church, to the great peril of the rest. Therefore, we, Pierre by divine mercy bishop of
Beauvais and brother Jean Le Maistre, vicar of the renowned doctor Jean Graverent, the
Inquisitor of heretical Error and especially appointed by him in this case, both competent
judges in this trial, have declared by a just judgment that you, Jeanne, commonly called
The Maid, have fallen into divers errors and crimes of schism, idolatry, invocation of
demons and many other misdeeds. Nevertheless, since the Church never closes her bosom to
the wanderer who returns, esteeming that with a pure spirit and unfeigned faith you had
cut yourself off from these errors and crimes because on a certain day you renounced them,
swore in public, vowed and promised never to return to the said errors or heresy under any
influence or in any manner whatever; but rather to remain indissolubly in the unity of the
Catholic Church and the Communion of the Roman pontiff, as is proven at greater length in
the formula signed by your own hand. Since subsequently,
[361]
after this abjuration of your errors the author of schism and heresy has arisen in your
heart which he has seduced and since you are fallen again -- O, sorrow! -- into these
errors and crimes as the dog returns to his vomit, as it is sufficiently and manifestly
clear from your willing confessions and statements, we have concluded in most celebrated
decisions that the denial of your previous inventions and errors was merely verbal.
Therefore we declare that you are fallen again into your former errors and under the
sentence of excommunication which you originally incurred we decree that you are a
relapsed heretic; and by this sentence which we deliver in writing and pronounce from this
tribunal, we denounce you as a rotten member, which, so that you shall not infect the
other members of Christ, must be cast out of the unity of the Church, cut off from her
body, and given over to the secular power: we cast you off, separate and abandon you,
praying this same secular power on this side of death and the mutilation of your limbs, to
moderate its judgment towards you, and if true signs of repentance appear in you to permit
the sacrament of penance to be administered to you.
The sentence of which the greater part was read before Jeanne's abjuration
"In the name of the Lord, amen. All pastors of the Church who desire and endeavor
to lead the Lord's flock faithfully must, when the perfidious sower of errors laboriously
attempts with great cunning to infect the flock of Christ with virulent poisons, assemble
their whole strength to combat the assaults of the Evil one with greater vigilance and
more urgent solicitude. This is particularly necessary in these dangerous times in which
the words of the apostle announced that many false prophets would come into the world and
introduce sects
[362]
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of perdition and error which by their varied and foreign doctrines might seduce
Christ's faithful people, if Our Holy Mother Church did not struggle to overthrow these
erroneous inventions.
"Therefore before us your competent judges, namely Pierre by divine mercy bishop
of Beauvais and brother Jean Le Maistre, vicar in this city and diocese of the notable
master Jean Graverent, Inquisitor of Heretical Error in the kingdom of France, and
especially appointed by him to officiate in this cause, you, Jeanne, commonly called The
Maid, have been arraigned to account for many pernicious crimes and have been charged in a
matter of the faith. And having seen and examined with diligence the course of your trial
and all that occurred therein, principally the answers, confessions and affirmations which
you made, after having also considered the most notable decision of the masters of the
Faculties of Theology and Decrees in the University of Paris, in addition to that of the
general assembly of the University, and of the prelates, doctors and men learned in canon
and civil law and in theology who were met together in a great multitude in this town of
Rouen and elsewhere for the discussion and judgment of your statements, words and deeds-,
having taken counsel and mature conference with those zealots of the Christian faith, and
having seen and weighed all there is to see and weigh in this matter, all that we and any
man of judgment and law could and should observe: We, having Christ and the honor of the
orthodox faith before our eyes, so that our judgment may seem to emanate from the face of
Our Lord, have said and decreed that in the simulation of your revelations and apparitions
you have been pernicious, seductive, presumptuous, of light belief, rash, superstitious, a
witch, a blasphemer of God and His saints, a despiser of Him in His sacraments, a
prevaricator of the divine teaching
[364]
and the ecclesiastical sanctions, seditious, cruel, apostate, schismatic, erring
gravely in our faith, and that by these means you have rashly trespassed against God and
the Holy Church.
"Moreover, although you have very often, not by Us only but also by certain
learned expert masters and doctors full of zeal for the salvation of your soul, been duly
and sufficiently admonished to amend and reform yourself, and to submit to the
disposition, decision and correction of Holy Mother Church, you would not, and cared not
to do so, and even in the hardness of your heart stubbornly and obstinately declared that
you would not, and on many occasions expressly refused to submit to Our Holy Father the
Pope and the holy General Council. Therefore, we declare you of right excommunicate and
heretic, being stubborn and obstinate in your crimes, excesses and errors; and we
pronounce it meet to abandon you and do abandon you to the secular justice as a limb of
Satan, infected with the leprosy of heresy, cut off from the Church, in order to prevent
the infection of the other members of Christ; praying this same power on this side of
death and the mutilation of your limbs to moderate its judgment towards you, and if true
signs of penance appear in you to permit the sacrament of penance to be administered to
you."
Attestations by the notaries appointed in this trial
"I, Guillaume Colles, otherwise called Boisguillaume, priest of the diocese of
Rouen, by apostolic authority sworn notary in the archiepiscopal court of Rouen and in
this trial, I attest that the collation of this present trial has been duly made with the
original minute of III leaves, and therefore I have signed this present copy of the
proceedings with my seal at the bottom
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of each leaf: In witness whereof I have signed with my own hand, followed by the two
other notaries."
Boisguillaume.
"And I, Guillaume Manchon, priest of the diocese of Rouen, apostolic notary by
imperial and pontifical authority, sworn notary of the archiepiscopal court of Rouen, and,
with others, in this process, I attest that I was present with the other notaries in the
collation of the said trial and that the collation was duly made with the original
register of the proceedings. Therefore with the other notaries I have subscribed the
present trial with my own hand and have affixed thereto my sign manual, as I was
required."
G. Manchon.
"And I, Nicolas Taquel, priest of the diocese of Rouen, notary public by apostolic
authority, sworn notary of the archiepiscopal court of Rouen and called to a part of this
said process, I attest that with the other notaries I saw and heard the collation of this
trial with the original register of the proceedings and that the collation has been duly
made. Therefore with the other notaries I have subscribed the present trial with my own
hand and have affixed thereto my sign manual, as I was required."
N. Taquel
[Here are the seals of the Bishop of Beauvais and of the Inquisitor.]
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SUBSEQUENT DOCUMENTS I Information given after the execution on many things said by her
at her end and in articulo mortis. (1)
On Thursday, June 7th, 1431, we the said judges received ex officio information upon
certain words spoken by the late Jeanne before many trustworthy persons, whilst she was
still in prison and before she was brought to judgment.
And first the venerable and circumspect master Nicolas de Venderès, licentiate in
canon law, archdeacon of Eu and canon of the church of Rouen, aged 52 or thereabouts, a
witness produced, sworn, received and examined this day, declared upon oath that on
Wednesday the last day of May, on the Eve of Corpus Christi last, the said Jeanne, being
still in the prison where she was detained in the castle of Rouen, said that considering
that the voices which came to her had promised her she should be delivered from prison,
and she saw the contrary, she realized and knew that she had been and was deceived by
them.
This Jeanne said and confessed that she had seen with her
----------------------------------- (1) It is difficult to find anything more logically
introduced than this conclusion to the Trial Record. Is it necessary to say that all this
is as far as possible from the truth? That it is propaganda after execution? Here, more
than in the Trial Record, the judges present their apologia. It is not signed by the
notaries.
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own eyes and heard with her own cars the voices and apparitions mentioned in this case:
at this there were present we, the said judges, master Pierre Maurice, Thomas de
Courcelles, Nicolas Loiseleur, brother Martin Ladvenu, master Jacques Le Camus, and
several others.
Brother Martin Ladvenu, priest of the order of Preaching brothers, aged about 33,
witness produced, received, sworn and examined, said and declared on oath that this Jeanne
on the morning of the day an which sentence was delivered against her, said and confessed
before she was brought to judgment, in the presence of masters Pierre Maurice, Nicolas
Loiseleur, and the said Dominican brother Toutmouillé, that she knew and recognized that
she had been deceived by the voices and apparitions which came to her; for these voices
promised her, Jeanne, that she should be delivered and set free from prison, and she
clearly perceived the contrary.
Asked who induced her to say this, he said that he himself, master Pierre Maurice and
master Nicolas Loiseleur exhorted her for the salvation of her soul, and they asked her if
it were true that she had received these voices and apparitions. She answered that it was,
and continued to say so up to the end: yet she did not precisely describe, at least as far
as he understood, in what form they came to her, except as far as he could remember, that
they came in great multitude and in the least dimension. Moreover, he then heard Jeanne
say and confess that because the clergy held and believed that any spirits which might
come to her came and proceeded from evil spirits, she also held and believed in this
matter as the clergy did, and would no longer put faith in these spirits. And in his
opinion Jeanne was then of sound mind.
He said that on the same day he heard Jeanne say and confess that although in her
confessions and answers she had boasted that an angel from God had brought the crown to
him she
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called her king, that she had accompanied the angel when he brought the crown, and many
other things reported at greater length in the trial, nevertheless uncoerced and of her
own free will she saw and confessed that in spite of all she had said and boasted on this
subject, there was no angel who brought the crown; that she, Jeanne, was the angel who had
told and promised her king that she would have him crowned at Reims if she were set to
work; that there has been no other crown sent from God, whatever she had said and affirmed
in the course of her trial on the subject of the crown and sign given to him she called
her king.
The venerable and discreet master Pierre Maurice, professor of sacred theology, canon
of Rouen, aged about 38 years, witness produced, received, sworn and examined on this day,
said and deposed that he visited her in the morning of the day when the sentence was
delivered against this Jeanne, whilst she was still in prison, to exhort her to save her
soul: and whilst he was exhorting her and asking her about the angel who, according to her
had brought the crown to him she called her king, he heard her answer that she herself was
this angel.
Asked about the crown she promised him, and the host of angels who accompanied her, she
answered that it was true that they appeared to her in the likeness of certain very minute
things.
And finally when he had asked her if this apparition were real, she answered that it
was, and whether good or evil spirits, they really had appeared to her, saying in French,
"Soint bons, soint mauvais esperits, ilz me sont apparus." She said also that
she had heard her voices mostly at the hour of Compline, when the bells were rung; and
also in the morning when the bells were rung. He told her it appeared that they were evil
spirits who had promised her deliverance and that she had been deceived, whereupon the
said Jeanne answered that this
[369]
was true, she had been deceived. He heard her say that she referred to the Church to
decide whether they were good or evil spirits, and in his opinion she was, when she said
that, sound of mind and understanding.
Brother Jean Toutmouillé, priest of the order of Preaching brothers, about 34 years of
age, witness produced, received, sworn, and examined on Thursday, said and deposed that on
the morning of the day when the sentence was delivered against this Jeanne, to wit
Wednesday, the Eve of the Feast of Corpus Christi, he, in the company of brother Martin
Ladvenu of the same order, visited this Jeanne to exhort her to save her soul, and heard
her say to Pierre Maurice who had preceded him there, that what she had said and confessed
touching the crown was pure fiction, and she herself was the angel: this the said master
Pierre took down in Latin. Then she was questioned about the voices which came to her, and
the apparitions. She answered that she really had heard voices, chiefly when the bells
were being rung at Compline or Matins; although master Pierre told her that sometimes when
men hear bells they imagine they hear and catch certain words.
The said Jeanne said and confessed that she had had apparitions come to her, sometimes
in a great multitude, sometimes in a small number, or in minute things: she did not
otherwise describe their form and figure.
He said that on the same day, after our arrival in the room where she was detained, we
the said bishop said to Jeanne in French, before the vicar of the lord Inquisitor,
"Now, Jeanne, you have always told us that your voices promised you you would be
delivered; you now see how they have deceived you. Tell us the truth now." Then
Jeanne answered us, "Truly I see they have indeed deceived me." He did not hear
her say anything more, except that at first, before we the judges had
[370]
arrived in her prison, Jeanne was asked whether she believed that the said voices and
apparitions proceeded from good or evil spirits: and she replied, "I do not know. I
refer me to my Mother the Church," or "to you who are of the Church." In
his opinion Jeanne was then of sound mind, and he heard Jeanne herself confess that she
was of sound mind.
Jacques Le Camus, priest, canon of Reims, aged about 53 years, witness produced, sworn
and examined on this day, said and deposed under oath that in the morning of Wednesday,
the Eve of Corpus Christi last, he accompanied us the said bishop to the room where Jeanne
was detained in the castle of Rouen, and heard this Jeanne publicly confess in a voice
audible to all those present that she Jeanne had seen the apparitions come to her and had
heard their voices, promising that she should be delivered; and since she recognized that
they had deceived her she believed they were -not good voices or good things. A little
while later she confessed her sins to brother Martin of the order of Preaching brothers,
and after receiving the sacrament of confession and penance, when the said brother was
about to administer the sacrament of the Eucharist to her, and held the consecrated host
in his hands, he asked her, "Do you believe this is the body of Christ?" And the
said Jeanne answered, "Yes, and He alone can deliver me. I ask for it to be
administered to me." Then the same brother said to her, "Do you still believe in
these voices?" She answered, "I believe in God alone, and will no longer put
faith in these voices, because they have deceived me."
Master Thomas de Courcelles, master of arts and bachelor of theology, aged about 30
years, witness produced, received, sworn and examined on this day, said and deposed under
oath that on Wednesday, the Eve of Corpus Christi, he, being in our presence in the room
where the said Jeanne was detained in the castle of Rouen, heard and understood us the
said bishop to ask
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Jeanne if her voices had told her she would be delivered. And she answered that her
voices had told her she would be delivered, and she should keep a good countenance. She
added, he thought, sententiously, "I see indeed that I have been deceived." And
then we the said bishop told Jeanne she could then see that these voices were not good
spirits, and did not come from God, for if they did, they would never have uttered false
or lying things.
Master Nicolas Loiseleur, master of arts, canon of the churches of Rouen and Chartres,
aged about 40 years, witness produced, received, sworn, and examined on this day, said and
deposed under oath that on the morning of Wednesday, the Eve of Corpus Christi last, he
went with the venerable master Pierre Maurice, professor of sacred theology, to the prison
where Jeanne, commonly known as The Maid, was confined, to exhort and admonish her for her
salvation. Required to speak the truth concerning the angel who, according to her
statements in the trial, had brought to him she called her king a most precious crown of
very fine gold, and urged not to hide the truth inasmuch as she had nothing more to do but
consider the salvation of her soul, the witness heard her say that it was she, Jeanne, who
had announced to her king the crown mentioned in the trial, that she was the angel, and
there had been no other angel but herself.
And then she was asked if she had really sent a crown to him she called her king. She
replied that there was nothing beyond the promise of coronation which she herself made to
him, assuring him he would be crowned.
Master Nicolas Loiseleur said also that often, before master Pierre, the two Preaching
brothers, ourselves, and many others, he heard Jeanne say that she really had received
revelations and apparitions of spirits; that she had been deceived in these revelations,
which she well recognized and perceived because
[372]
although they had promised her deliverance from prison, she saw only the contrary; upon
whether these spirits were good or evil she referred to the clergy, but she put and would
put no more faith in them.
He said that he exhorted her to destroy the error she had sown among the people, to
confess publicly that she had deceived herself and the people by putting faith in such
revelations and exhorting the people to believe in them; he exhorted her humbly to ask
pardon for this. Jeanne answered that she would willingly do so, but she did not imagine
that she would remember when the proper time came, that is when she was in judgment before
the people; and she asked her confessor to remind her of it and of other things tending to
her salvation. From this and from many other signs he thought that Jeanne was of sound
mind, for she showed great signs of contrition and penitence for the crimes she had
committed. He heard her, in prison before many witnesses and in public afterwards, ask
with great contrition of heart pardon of the English and Burgundians for having caused
them to be slain, put to flight and, as she confessed, sorely afflicted.
II
Here follows the tenor of the letters which our lord the King addressed to the emperor,
to the kings, dukes and other princes of all Christendom
"Your imperial highness, most serene king and our very dear brother, is famous for
the devout affection and zeal which he exercises to the honor of the Catholic faith and
the glory of Christ's name: your mighty efforts and strenuous labors are assiduously
directed towards the protection of the faithful people and the overthrow of the malice of
heretics, and your spirits exult with great joy whenever you learn that the holy faith has
been exalted in your lands and the pestilence of error
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oppressed. Wherefore we are moved to write to your serene highness upon the just
punishment which for her faults a certain lying prophetess who not long ago appeared in
our kingdom of France recently suffered.
"A certain woman whom the vulgar called The Maid had in fact arisen, who with an
astonishing presumption, and contrary to natural decency, had adopted man's dress, assumed
military arms, dared to take part in the massacre of men in bloody encounters and appeared
in divers battles. Her presumption grew until she boasted that she was sent from God to
lead their martial struggles, and that St. Michael, St. Gabriel, a host of other angels,
with St. Catherine and St. Margaret, appeared visibly to her. So for almost a whole year
she gradually seduced the people until the greater part turned away from the truth, put
their trust in fables about the accomplishments of this superstitious woman which common
report spread through almost the whole world. At last, taking compassion on His people
whom He perceived to be stirred too easily by these dangerous and novel credulities,
before receiving any proof that she was inspired by God, the divine mercy delivered this
woman into our hands and power. Although she had inflicted many defeats upon our men and
had brought great harm to our kingdoms, and it would therefore have been permissible for
us to submit her forthwith to grave punishments, nevertheless not for one moment did we
design to avenge our injury in that way or commit her to the secular authority for
punishment. We were summoned by the bishop of the diocese in which she was captured to
surrender her for judgment to the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, for she was commonly
accused of grave and scandalous crimes hostile to the orthodox faith and the Christian
religion. We therefore, as befits a Christian king reverencing the ecclesiastical
authority with filial affection, immediately delivered the said woman to the judgment of
Our
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Holy Mother Church and the jurisdiction of the said bishop.
"And certainly he, with all solemnity and most honorable gravity, after securing
the collaboration of the vicar of the Inquisitor of Heretical Error, conducted this famous
trial for the honor of God and the salutary edification of the people. After this woman
had been for many days examined by the said judges, they submitted her confessions and
statements to the decision of the doctors and masters of the University of Paris and many
other learned authorities, and according to their advice they declared this woman to be
manifestly superstitious, idolatrous, a prophetess, a caller up of demons, blasphemous
towards God and His saints, schismatic and greatly erring from the faith of Jesus Christ.
Indeed, to purge this miserable sinner of her pernicious crimes and to medicine her soul
in the extremity of its frailty, she was for many days repeatedly admonished by charitable
exhortations to reject all her errors, to walk in the straight path of truth and to keep
herself from the grave dangers which threatened her body and soul.
"But the spirit of pride took hold of her mind so that her iron heart could by no
means be softened by healthful teaching and salutary counsel. On the contrary, she
obstinately boasted that she had done it all at the command of God and of the saints who
visibly appeared to her; and, which was still worse, that she recognized no earthly judge,
would submit to none except God Himself and the blessed ones of the triumphant land, and
spurned the judgment of our Holy Father the Pope, of the Council General and of , all the
Church Militant. From which the said judges, seeing the hardness of her heart, summoned
this woman before the people, and declared her errors to her in a public sermon,
addressing final warnings to her. At last the judges' sentence of condemnation was begun;
but before the reading of it was finished this
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woman altered her former way of speech and announced that she would utter better
things. This her judges welcomed with joy, hoping to have redeemed her body and soul from
perdition, and they lent willing ears to her speech: then she submitted herself to the
authority of the Church, loudly denied and abjured her errors and pernicious crimes, and
signed with her own hand the formula of this recantation and abjuration.
"As our pious Mother Church rejoices when a sinner repents, and to the fold brings
back the lamb wandering in the wilderness, so she confined her in prison for her salutary
penance. But the fire of her pride which then seemed stifled, renewed by the breath of
devils, suddenly burst out in poisonous flames; this wretched woman returned to her
errors, to her false infamies which she lately had vomited away. Finally, as the
ecclesiastical sanctions decree, to avoid the infection of the other members of Christ,
she was given up to the judgment of the secular power which decided that her body was to
be burned. Seeing then the nearness of her latter end, this wretched woman openly
acknowledged and fully confessed that the spirits which she claimed had visibly appeared
to her were only evil and lying spirits, that her deliverance from prison had been falsely
promised by the spirits, who she confessed had mocked and deceived her.
"Such was the issue, such her end, most serene king, which we have thought it wise
to make known to you so that your royal highness may perfectly understand the thing
itself, and inform others of this woman's death. For there is one thing which we esteem
altogether necessary for the faithful people, that by your serene highness and other
princes both ecclesiastical and secular the Catholic peoples may zealously be taught not
to put their faith lightly in superstitions and erroneous frivolities, especially at a
time such as we have just experienced, when we have in divers parts seen many false
prophets
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and sowers of errors arise, who, armed with their impudent boldness against our Holy
Mother Church, would doubtless infect the whole people of Christ if heavenly mercy and its
faithful ministers did not endeavor with watchful care to repulse and punish the efforts
of these evil men.
"May the Lord Jesus Christ keep your highness, most serene king, to protect his
Church and the Christian religion, for many days in prosperity and the fulfillment of your
desires.
"Given at Rouen, June 8th, 1431"
Here follows the tenor of the letters addressed by our lord the King to the prelates of
the Church, to the dukes, counts and other nobles and to the cities of his kingdom of
France
"Reverend father in God, it is fairly common report everywhere how more than two
years ago the woman who called herself Jeanne the Maid, a false prophetess, did against
divine law and the estate of her sex, dress in man's clothes, a thing abominable to God,
and in that condition journeyed to our chief enemy, whom, with others of his party,
clergy, nobles and populace, she frequently gave to understand that she was sent from God,
and presumptuously boasted that she often had personal and visible communication with St.
Michael and a great host of angels and saints of Paradise, as well as with St. Catherine
and St. Margaret. By these falsehoods and the hope she held out of future victories, she
withdrew the hearts of many men and women from the way of truth, and converted them to
fables and lies. She clad herself also in arms such as are worn by knights and squires,
raised a standard, and, in excessive outrage, pride and presumption, asked to be given and
allowed to bear the very noble and excellent arms of France, which she in fact obtained,
and wore in many conflicts and assaults, as her brothers are said to have done: they were
a
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shield azure with two fleurs-de-lis or, and a sword between supporting a crown. In such
condition she went to the fields and led men of arms and passage in troops and great
companies to commit and exercise inhuman cruelties by shedding human blood, causing
popular seditions and tumults, inciting the people to perjury and pernicious rebellions,
false and superstitious beliefs, by disturbing all true peace and renewing mortal Wars,
permitting herself to be worshiped and revered by many as a holy woman, and working many
damnable things too long to describe, which have nevertheless been well known in many
places to the great scandal of almost all Christendom. But, taking compassion on His loyal
people, the divine power did not leave them in danger or suffer them to dwell in the vain,
perilous and novel credulities in which they so lightly believed, and in His great mercy
and clemency permitted the said woman to be captured before Compiègne and delivered into
our power and jurisdiction. We were forthwith summoned by the bishop of the diocese in
which she had been taken to surrender her to him, her ecclesiastical judge, as accused and
defamed of the crime of treason against God. As much out of reverence for Our Holy Mother
Church to whose ordinances we prefer our own acts and desires, as we ought, as for the
honor and exultation of our holy faith, we delivered the said Jeanne to him to be tried,
for we did not wish the men and officers of our secular justice to avenge or punish her,
as we might legally have done in view of the great harm, inconvenience, horrible murders,
detestable cruelties and other unnumbered ills which she had wrought against our lordship
and our loyal and obedient people. This bishop, in conjunction with the vicar of the
Inquisitor of Errors and Heresies, having called together a great number of solemn masters
and doctors of theology and canon law, with all solemnity and due gravity, opened the
proceedings against this Jeanne. After she had been
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questioned for many days by him, and by the Inquisitor, her judges, they submitted her
confessions and statements to the mature consideration of the said masters and doctors,
and in a general manner to all the Faculties of our very dear and beloved daughter the
University of Paris, to whom the confessions and statements were sent. Following these
opinions and decisions the judges found this woman superstitious, a witch, idolatrous, a
caller up of demons, blasphemous towards God and His saints, schismatic and greatly erring
in the faith of Jesus Christ. And to reduce and restore her to the union and communion of
our Holy Mother Church, to purge her of such horrible, detestable and pernicious crimes
and sins, to cure and keep her soul from the eternal pain of damnation, she was often
charitably and gently admonished at great length to put behind her and reject all her
errors and humbly to return to the way and narrow path, or she put herself in great danger
of body and soul. But the perilous spirit of pride and outrageous presumption which ever
attempts to prevent and obstruct the union and safety of loyal Christians, so controlled
and held this Jeanne in its chains that no healthful teaching or counsel, no
administration of gentle exhortation, could humble or soften the hardness and stubbornness
of her heart. Nay, she often boasted that everything she had done was well done, by the
command of God and the virgin saints who had visibly appeared to her: and what is worse,
she did and would recognize on earth God alone and the saints of Paradise, and refused and
rejected the judgment of our Holy Father the Pope, of the Council General, and the Church
Militant and Universal.
"Now the ecclesiastical judges, seeing the persistence of her hardness and
obstinacy of spirit, had her brought before the clergy and the people assembled in great
multitude, and in their presence her deeds, crimes and errors were solemnly and publicly
preached, set forth and declared by a notable master of
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theology, to the exaltation of our said Christian faith, the extirpation of errors, the
edification and correction of the Christian people. Once more she was charitably
admonished to return to the union of Holy Church, and correct her faults and errors: but
she remained headstrong and stubborn. Wherefore the judges proceeded to pronounce against
her the sentence, lawfully ordained for such cases. But before the sentence was altogether
read she began, it appeared, to regain her courage, saying that she would return to Holy
Church, which the judges and clergy willingly and joyfully heard, and favorably received,
hoping by such means to redeem her body and soul from perdition and torment. Then she
submitted herself to the ordinance of the Holy Church, recanted with her own lips and
publicly abjured her errors and detestable crimes, signing with her own hand the formula
of recantation and abjuration.
"As our Mother Church rejoices when the sinner repents, wishing to restore to the
others the lamb wandering in the desert, she condemned this Jeanne to prison for her
salutary penance. But hardly had the fire of her pride seemed extinguished in her, when
under the breath of the Enemy it burst out into poisonous flames, and soon the wretched
woman fell back into the errors and false madness which she had formerly professed and
since recanted and abjured. Therefore, as the judgments and institutions of the Church
ordain, to prevent the contamination of the other members of Jesus Christ, she was again
publicly admonished, and for her relapse into her wonted crimes and faults was abandoned
to the secular justice which forthwith condemned her to be burned. When she saw her end
approach she fully recognized and acknowledged that the spirits which she said had so
often appeared to her were evil and false, that the promises they had made her were
untrue, and so she confessed that she had been mocked and deceived by the spirits.
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"Such was the issue of her works, such the end of this woman, with which we
acquaint you by these presents, reverend father in God, so that you may be perfectly
informed of this matter, and in such places of your diocese as you may think fit you may
by public sermons or other means make these things known for the good and exultation of
our holy faith and the edification of the Christian people who have so long been deceived
and abused by this woman's works. Thus you may, as befits your dignity, assure that none
among the people entrusted to you shall dare to put faith lightly in such errors and
dangerous superstitions, especially at the present time when we see many false prophets
and sowers of damnable errors arising against our Holy Mother Church in mad audacity and
outrageous presumption, who might perhaps infect the Christian people with the virus of
false belief, if Jesus Christ in His mercy did not oppose them, and you and His ministers
following your profession did not diligently endeavor to repulse and punish the wills and
mad audacity of these evil men.
"Given in our town of Rouen, June 28th, 1431
IV
Here follows the recantation of a certain friar who had spoken evil of the judges who
tried this woman
"Reverend father in Christ and lord, and you, religious person and master, vicar
of the religious person Jean Graverent renowned professor of sacred theology and
Inquisitor of Heretical Error in the kingdom of France, especially appointed by the
authority of the Holy See, I, Pierre Bosquier friar of the order of Preaching brothers, a
miserable sinner and your subject, being desirous as a good and true Catholic to obey in
all things my Holy Mother the Church and you the judges in this case, with all humility
and devotion, as I confess I am bound to
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do; as from information made at your command you have found me guilty of the following:
that I on the last day of May, on the eve of the Feast of Corpus Christi, I said that you
and those who judged this woman Jeanne, commonly called The Maid, had done and did wrong;
which words, seeing that this Jeanne had appeared before you in judgment and on trial of
faith, are evil-sounding and appear to incline somewhat to heretical error; which words,
so help me God, since it has been found that I uttered them, were said and uttered by me
in thoughtlessness and inadvertence, and in drink. I confess that in this matter I have
gravely sinned, and I ask pardon of our Holy Mother Church and of you, my judges and most
feared lords, on handed knees and with clasped hands: I ask mercy of the Church, and most
humbly submit to your correction, amendment and punishment, humbly praying that it may be
without rigor."
V Here follows the sentence of this friar
"In the name of the lord, amen. We, Pierre by divine mercy bishop of Beauvais and
brother Jean Le Maistre, appointed in this city and diocese of Rouen by the renowned
doctor Jean Graverent, Inquisitor of Heretical Error, himself appointed by apostolic
authority to that office in the kingdom of France, to be his deputy and vicar in all that
concerns the following case, having seen the facts of the process in matter of faith
against the religious person brother Pierre Bosquier, and having considered the
information collected at our command upon the charges of which he is accused; and seeing
that it was and is perfectly manifest from the information that the accused said and
uttered, in a certain place before few witnesses, not long after we had by our final
sentence surrendered a certain woman, Jeanne, commonly called The Maid, to the secular
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justice as a heretic, that we did wrong, and that all who judged her also did wrong, by
which he seemed to favor this Jeanne and grievously sinned and erred: seeing nevertheless
that the said brother Pierre declared his desire, as a good and true Catholic, to obey in
all things with humility and devotion our Holy Mother Church and Us, his judges, has
willingly submitted to our orders and correction, and has declared himself ready to obey
our commands, we, preferring merciful to rigorous justice, and remembering the quality of
his person and that these words were spoken in drink, absolve him from the sentences he
has incurred thereby, keep him in the fellowship of the Catholics, and restore him to good
repute, if need be. Nevertheless we condemn him to imprisonment with bread and water until
Easter next in the monastery of the Preaching brothers, in this final sentence pronounced
by us in tribunal in these terms, subject to our mercy and moderation. Given at Rouen,
August 8th, 1431."
VI
Copy of the letters addressed by the University of Paris to our Holy Father the Pope,
to the Emperor, and the College of Cardinals
"We believe, most Holy Father, that vigilant endeavors to prevent the
contamination of the Holy Church by the poison of the errors of false prophets and evil
men, are the more necessary since the end of the world appears to be at hand. For the
doctor of the nations latterly announced these dangerous times to come, when men will no
longer hold to sound beliefs: for they will turn away from the truth, and be converted to
fables. The gospel also said: 'There will arise false Christs and false prophets, and
shall show great signs and wonders, insomuch that, if it were possible, they shall deceive
the very elect.' So when we see new prophets arise who boast of receiving
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revelations from God and the blessed of the triumphant land, when we see them announce
to men the future and things passing the keenness of human thoughts, daring to accomplish
new and unwonted acts, then it is fitting to our pastoral solicitude to set all our
energies to prevent them from overwhelming the people, too eager to believe new things, by
these strange doctrines, before the spirits which they claim to come from God have been
confirmed. It would indeed be easy for these crafty and dangerous sowers of deceitful
inventions to infect the Catholic people, if every one, without the approbation and
consent of our Holy Mother Church, were free to invent supernatural revelations at his own
pleasure, and could usurp the authority of God, and His saints. Therefore, most Holy
Father, the watchful diligence lately shown by the reverend father in Christ, the lord
bishop of Beauvais and the vicar of the lord Inquisitor of Heretical Error, appointed by
the apostolic Holy See to the kingdom of France, for the protection of the Christian
religion, seems to us most commendable. For these have been at pains to examine carefully
a certain woman, captured in the limits of the diocese of Beauvais, wearing the costume
and armor of a man, accused judicially before them of falsely inventing divine
revelations, of grave crimes against the orthodox faith: and they showed the whole truth
of her actions.
"And after they had acquainted us with the course of the trial and asked us to
give them our opinion on certain articles affirmed by her, so that it should not be said
that silence has covered up that which was done for the exaltation of the orthodox faith,
we resolved to inform your Highness of what we received. As we were instructed by the said
lord judges, this woman, calling herself Jeanne the Maid, of her own accord, in her trial,
confessed many points which, weighed by the diligent examination of many prelates,
maturely considered by the doctors and other men learned in canon and civil law, submitted
[384]
to the decision and judgment of our University, proved she should be held
superstitious, a prophetess, a caller up of demons, idolatrous, blasphemous towards God
and the Saints, schismatic and in every way erring in the faith of Jesus Christ. Full of
affliction and sorrow for the soul of this miserable sinner caught in the pernicious
snares of so many crimes, her judges, by frequent warnings and charitable exhortations,
set all their efforts to draw her back from the path of her error and to effect her
subjugation to the judgment of our Holy Mother Church. But the spirit of wickedness had so
completely filled her heart that for a long time she rejected our salutary monitions with
a hardened heart, refused to submit to any living man, of whatever dignity, or to the holy
Council General, and recognized no other judge than God. At last it came to pass that the
persevering labor of the said judges slightly diminished her great presumption: listening
to their sound counsels, she denied and verbally abjured her errors, in the presence of a
great multitude of people; she subscribed to and signed with her own hand a formula of
abjuration and recantation. But hardly had a few days passed, when this wretched woman
fell back into her former foolishness, and adhered once more to the errors which she had
denied. Therefore the said judges condemned her, in their final decree, as a relapsed
heretic, and gave her over to the judgment of the secular power. Now, when this woman
learned that the destruction of her body was near, she confessed before all with many
lamentations that she had been mocked and deceived by these spirits which she said had
appeared visibly before her; and repenting in articulo mortis, she asked pardon of all:
and so quitted this life. Wherefore it was clearly recognized by all how dangerous it was,
how fearful, to give too light credence to the modern inventions which have for some time
past been scattered in this most Christian kingdom, not by this woman
[385]
only, but by many others also; and all the faithful of the Christian religion must be
warned by such a sad example not to act so hastily after their own desires, but to listen
to the teachings of the Church and the instruction of the prelates rather than the fables
of superstitious women. For if we are at last through our own faults arrived at the point
where witches falsely prophesying in God's name but without His authority, are better
received by the frivolous people than pastors and doctors of the Church to whom Christ
formerly said, 'Go ye and teach the nations,' the end is come, religion will perish, faith
is in decay, the Church is trampled underfoot and the iniquity of Satan dominates the
whole world. Which may Jesus Christ prevent, and under the happy direction of your
Beatitude, keep His flock from stain and contamination."
For the College of Cardinals
"Most reverend fathers, we have esteemed it good for the welfare of the faith and
the Christian religion to declare to the Holy Father and Sovereign Pontiff what we have
heard and known upon the condemnation of the scandals committed in this kingdom by a
certain woman; and we wrote to His Holiness in these terms, 'We believe, most Holy Father,
that vigilant endeavors, etc.' Since, reverend fathers, Our Lord has placed you at this
sublime vantage-point of the Holy See to discover what is happening in the whole world,
especially that which concerns the integrity of the faith, we have considered that it was
in no way proper for this matter to remain unknown to you, who are in fact the light of
the world, from whom no semblance of truth must be hid, so that all loyal Christians may
receive salutary instructions from you in matters of faith. May the Most High keep you in
happiness to the salvation of His Holy Church!"
Finis
[386]
DRAMATIS PERSONAE by PIERRE CHAMPION Translated by
COLEY TAYLOR and RUTH H. KERR
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[Blank Page]
PARTISANS OF FRANCE
CHARLES VII Charles VII was twenty-six years old at the time Jeanne came to see him. As
far as we can learn he was then a prince of sad countenance, extremely pious, and had
grown very timid because of the excesses of his partisans who had dishonored his cause by
murdering Jean sans Peur [Duke of Burgundy] on the bridge of Montereau. Charles, who had
left Paris after the revolution of 1418, lived in Berry and Touraine "immured and
shut up in castles, foul places and manors with little rooms," as Jouvenel des Ursins
wrote, keeping himself "beyond the river Loire," far from the seat of war and
the frontier provinces. Very cautious, rather indolent and secretive, and greatly in need
of money, the King was ruled by those who could procure resources for his treasury; he was
a very temperate man, but lacking in will-power. It was only in his middle age that he
gave himself to pleasure and to women.
In Jeanne d'Arc's time, it is certain that the King was like a sleepwalker. The
question "Quare obdormis, domine?" was the refrain of the strong and fine letter
of Jouvenel, who had a very especial authority in that time, since he took part in the
council of 1430, "where he was often summoned" (Bibl. Nat. ms. fr. 16259)
Charles VII has often been accused of ingratitude to Jeanne, who had him crowned at
Reims. He was certainly mistaken in believing in the sincerity of the Burgundian truce,
and in not attempting to take Paris in September, 1429. In brief, Charles VII did not see
an immediate advantage in prosecuting energetically the conquest of his kingdom. He did
not know how to profit by all the consequences of
[389]
the national movement that was aroused by Jeanne's advent. Abandoned in this fashion,
the Maid could not but run the risks of every captain of the time, without the benefit of
the power of being ransomed from implacable enemies.
But it is not just to pretend that Charles VII did nothing to get her out of the hands
of her enemies. In the Morosini correspondence we find, under the date of December 15,
1430, that the news that the Maid had fallen into the hands of the Duke of Burgundy was so
widespread that Charles, informed of it, had sent an embassy to Philippe te Bon to say to
him that if there was nothing he could offer him to induce him to set her free, then he
would exact vengeance for her upon his men that he had captive. Under the date of June 21
, 1431, correspondents of the same banker affirm that "The English wished to burn her
(Jeanne) as a heretic, in spite of the Dauphin of France who tried to bring threatening
forces against the English." The King felt a "very bitter grief" upon the
death of Jeanne, "promising to exact a terrible vengeance upon the English and women
of England."
These last words show sufficiently what was felt and said by the good people of France.
We know, too, that during the winter of 14301431, La Hire, master of Louviers, made
frequent expeditions into the neighborhood of Rouen, and that he worried the English
government. In March, 1431, an expedition against Rouen by Dunois was paid for by the
King. Another attempt was made against the Chateau d'Eu.
It does not appear that before Charles's entrance into Rouen that anything could have
been done towards Jeanne's rehabilitation. This is not surprising if one remembers the
unfortunate and decisive influence that Regnault de Chartres, Archbishop of Reims, had
upon the King. The Archbishop had the temerity to disavow the Maid publicly. It is also
welt to remember that in the address that Jean Jouffroy made before Pope Pius 11 in 1459,
he declared that it was in order to manage Charles, Jeanne's admirer, that he had not
objected more than he had to his making use of her. Pius II, who had for informers the
University men of Bâle and Jean Jouffroy, declared that he had found nothing
reprehensible in her save her wearing men's clothing. Charles, he knew, "bore very
bitterly the death of the Maid." It is true that Charles considered himself attainted
in honor by Jeanne's conviction, and that he ordered the first steps in the revision of
her Trial.
Charles VII was represented kneeling, turned toward Jeanne d'Arc
[390]
at the foot of the crucifix and the Virgin, in the first monument raised in Jeanne's
memory, on the bridge at Orléans at the end of the Fifteenth Century.
JACQUES D'ARC
Jacques d'Arc, or Jacquot d'Arc, father of the Maid, was born about 1375 at Ceffonds,
in the diocese of Troyes, according to the Traité sommaire of Charles du Lys. It was
about the time of his marriage that he established himself at Domrémy, for Isabelle
Romée was from Vouthon, a village seven kilometers distant. He seems to have enjoyed an
honorable position in this countryside, whether he was rich, as some have implied, or not.
In 1419 he was the purchaser of the Chateau de I'Ile, with its appurtenances, put up at
auction that year. In a document of 1423 he is described as doyen or sergeant of the
village; he therefore took rank between the mayor and the provost, and was in charge of
collecting the taxes, and exercised functions analogous to those of the garde Champêtre.
The same year finds him among the seven notables who responded for the village in the
matter of tribute imposed by the damoiseau of Commercy. In 1427 in an important trial held
before Robert de Baudricourt, captain of Vaucouleurs, he was again acting as a delegate of
his fellow-citizens. We know that he opposed with all his power the mission of his
daughter, whom he wished to marry off, without a doubt. However, he went to Reims for the
coronation of the King, and the King and the municipality defrayed his expenses and gave
him a horse for his return to Domrémy. He was ennobled in December, 1429. Jacques d'Arc
died, it is said, of sorrowing over his daughter's end.
ISABELLE D'ARC
Isabelle or Isabeau. d'Arc, mother of the Maid, nee Romée, and called Zabilet in her
patois, was born at Vouthon, near Domrémy. We learn from the testimony of Brother
Pasquerel at the Rehabilitation proceedings that she returned from the great pilgrimage to
Puy en Velay at the time when Jeanne was being conducted to the King, while the expedition
to Orléans was being prepared. She was ennobled in the month of December, 1429. After the
death of her husband Isabelle left Domrémy, and eventually settled at Orléans, where one
finds her established in 1440. We may recall that Jeanne had desired to establish herself
in Orléans, for before undertaking the expedition to Reims she
[391]
had taken a long lese on a house in rue des Petits Souliers, in Saint Maclou parish,
near the apse of Saint Catherine's church.
"Very ill" upon her arrival, Isabelle, who was then about sixty years old,
was cared for at the expense of the city of Orléans, and taken care of by the chambermaid
of Messire Bertrand, physician. She lived in the house of Henrier Anquetil and the
municipality granted her 48 sous parisis a month "to aid her in living and acquiring
her necessities in the said city."
She acted as plaintiff at the time of the Rehabilitation, and lived in the house which
her son Pierre occupied in rue des Africains. She was then said to be "decrepit
through age," and she asked to be allowed not to attend all the hearings. She
appeared before the Archbishop of Reims, not as witness, but always as plaintiff. She died
on November 28, 1458, after having testified. In 1428 she founded at Domrémy an obit of
two gros barrois for anniversary masses, as did Jacques d'Arc.
ROBERT DE BAUDRICOURT
Robert de Baudricourt was the son of Liébaud, a man of Lorraine, chamberlain of the
duc de Bar, and a lady of Champagne, Marguerite d'Aunoy. He was captain of Vaucouleurs at
the time of Jeanne d'Arc and later Bailly of Chaumont for King Charles VII - after October
17, 1437.This personage, prudent and rich, was very strong in favor with René d'Anjou,
who made him his councillor an chamberlain. He was still living in 1450. A squire, then
made a knight, he was lord of the territory of Baudricourt in the Vosges, a fief o the
duchy of Lorraine. This family had already served against the English. Jean, Robert's son,
was the first son of Lorraine to bear the bâton of marshal of France.
CHARLES II, DUC DE LORRAINE
Charles II had Jeanne brought to Nancy. But he did not receive her with Baudricourt.
This prince, who had checked the attempts of Louis d'Orléans to establish himself on the
Rhine, as a feudal vassal of the Anglo-Burgundian power. He had married the very pious
Margaret of Bavaria, who bore him only daughters. Jeanne's remonstrance was aimed at his
passion for Alison May, Of Nancy, his mistress, whose mother sold vegetables in a shop
near the ducal palace, and whose father was precentor of the collegiate church of Saint
Georges. On January 11, 1425, Charles II ceded her the hose she was living in
[392]
with its furnishings and gold and silver plate. When he died Alison was taken to the
square and put to death by the populace.
We know that Charles II listened to Jeanne with astonishment and that he gave her a sum
of four francs to pay her for her trip (Durand Laxart's deposition) and that he gave her a
black horse (Jean Morel's deposition) on which the Maid returned from Nancy to
Vaucouleurs, at the end of February, 1429. The fabulous Chronique de Lorraine, which is
entirely untrustworthy, states that Jeanne was armed by Charles II and that she engaged in
a tourney in the castle grounds at Nancy.
RENÉ D'ANJOU
René d'Anjou, at that time about twenty years old, was the son-in-law of Charles 11 of
Lorraine. He was a son of Louis 11, King of Sicily, duc d'Anjou, Count of Provence, and
Yolande of Aragon. He was brought up with the Dauphin Charles and married Isabelle, the
heiress of Lorraine, in 1419. He was then a handsome and robust young man. After having
seen his county of Anjou pass into the hands of Bedford, he had to endure, much against
his will, the seizure of his county of Guise by Jean de Luxembourg (1424). He took part in
the siege of Vaudemont and then in the expedition directed against Metz.
We may believe that he was in secret sympathy with Jeanne. But we find that on April
13, 1429, he was still paying homage to the lieutenant of the King of England, and on May
5, the Duke of Lorraine swore fidelity to Bedford in his name. In the same way he was
named on a roll of those submissive to the English king, homage that he did not delay in
disavowing (August 3). We may believe that he arrived at Reims too late for the coronation
sacrament. René figures henceforth among the ranks of the royal army, demanding, after
the Maid, to lead the van. Put in possession of the duchy of Bar, and then the duchy of
Lorraine, René was taken prisoner at the battle of Bulgneville on June 30, 1431. He was
imprisoned at Dijon and was not freed by Philippe le Bon until 1437, Unfortunate in his
knightly efforts to keep his kingdom of Naples, King René lived henceforth in Anjou and
Provence, an epicurean, a friend of books, poetry and women, composing pastorals and
painting pictures in the manner of the Flemish artists.
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JEAN DE NOUVILONPONT
Jean de Nouvilonpont, the present Nouillonpont, on the right bank of the Othain, of the
arondissement of Montmédy -- was also called Jean de Metz, squire. It was he who
discovered Jeanne, when she was dressed in a poor red dress, and when she was lodged in
the house of Henri le Royer. And he said to her: "My friend, what are you doing here?
Is the King going to be chased out of his Kingdom and are we going to be English?"
And the Maid replied: "I have come here to the King's chamber to speak to Messire
Robert de Baudricourt, so that he will take me to the King or have me taken to him. And he
hasn't troubled about me or my words. Nevertheless, before mid-Lent, I must go before the
King even if I wear my feet off to the knees. For no kings or dukes or king of Scotland's
daughter or anybody else in the world can recover the Kingdom of France; there is no aid
but myself although I should rather drown myself before the eyes of my poor mother, for it
isn't of my estate. But it is necessary that I come, and that I do this, for Our Lord
wills that I do it." Then the young squire believed in her, promised to take her to
the Dauphin, and gave her his attendants' clothes.
We learn that upon the arrival of the Maid in France, on April 21, Jean de Nouvilonpont
received from Guillaume Charrier, receiver-general of the King, 100 livres for his
expenses and those of the Maid's company in the town of Chinon. That same month he
received 200 livres more for "the Maid's expenses" and 125 livres to procure
armor for himself. He was lodged at the house of Jacques Boucher, the treasurer of
Orléans, and was ennobled by the King in March, 1444, "in consideration of the
laudable and very welcome services which he has rendered us in our wars and
elsewhere." Gobert Thibault, equerry of the King and judge of the city of Blois, who
testified at the time of the Rehabilitation, numbered him among his friends. Jean de
Nouvilonpont was questioned as a witness in the course of the Rehabilitation sessions. He
was described as a nobleman living at Vaucouleurs, and about sixty-seven years old.
BERTRAND DE POULENGY
Bertrand de Poulengy was the squire who accompanied Jeanne to Chinon. He was armed at
the expense of the King, and was lodged
[394]
at Orléans at the home of Jacques Boucher, and he was a friend of Gobert Thibault, the
King's judge at Blois. He was questioned at Toul, at the time of the Rehabilitation, in
1455. He was described as a nobleman, an equerry of the King, and about sixty-eight years
old.
As a young man he knew Jeanne's parents, and had spent some time in the house of these
"good workers." He said she was a good young woman, "as good as a
saint," and very devout; that she tended her father's animals and horses. Bertrand
had met Jeanne again at Vaucouleurs and with Jean de Metz procured military equipment for
her. Then they took the "road to France" with his servant, Julien, Jean de
Honnecourt, servant of Jean de Metz, Colet de Vienne and Richard the archer.
CHARLES D'ORLÉANS
Charles d'Orléans (1394-1465) was the son of Louis d'Orléans and Valentine Visconti.
The murder of his father by Jean sans Peur made him the head of the faction for whom the
Armagnacs and the national party were fighting (his enemies even said that he wanted to
become king and that he had been anointed as such at Saint Denis). Charles spent all his
fortune in prosecuting vengeance for his father's murder, fell into the hands of the
English-whom the Orleanist and Burgundian factions in turn had called into France-at the
disaster of Agincourt in 1415. He was not freed until 1440, and then due to the efforts of
the Duchess of Burgundy. From that time on he swore allegiance to Philippe le Bon, and was
made a knight of the Toison d'Or. Peaceful by nature, and rather badly off financially,
after a vain attempt in Italy to recover Astesan, he lived quietly at Blois for many
years, devoting himself to meditation and the composition of melancholy verse.
He was, in short, an epicurean, this prince whom Jeanne saw as a lover of God, and whom
she was charged to go to England and set free. But she always saw in him, as did all the
good folk of France, the Unfortunate Prince, the head of the most active party up to 1414,
the prisoner despoiled of his estates and who could not defend them.
Did Charles of Orléans know all that Jeanne had done for him, or about the delivery of
Orléans? It is possible, for many messengers went to him in England to take him money.
But it must not be forgotten, however, that Charles was a captive. All that we can learn
is that after the Maid's capture a scholar of Pavia, Antonio Astesano, addressed to the
duke some Latin verses about Jeanne, developing the terms of a
[395]
letter that Percival de Boulainvillier had sent to the Duke of Milan; but it remains
very doubtful whether Charles ever received these verses.
We may imagine however that the duke awaited his deliverance through pacific means.
Afterwards he did not speak of her, while the good city of Orléans never ceased honoring
her memory in the annual celebration of May 8th (after 1435 the city paid the expense of
the celebration). We must confess that the indifference of Charles d'Orléans, who was so
careless but so good, is a shocking matter. But we must note however that his giving to
Pierre d'Arc the enjoyment of the hereditary title to the Ile des Boeufs on July 29, 1443,
was done "in favor and contemplation of his sister, Jeanne the Maid."
CHARLES DE BOURBON
Charles de Bourbon, comte de Clermont, and later duc de Bourbonnais, fought the Battle
of the Herrings. He remained at Blois during the siege of Orléans, but he contributed to
its defense, figured at the siege of Troyes, was present at the coronation of Reims, where
he fulfilled the functions of a peer. He conferred with Jeanne at Senlis. Discontented
with the return from Reims, he took part in the battle of Montepilloy, in the attack on
Paris, and he was established as the lieutenant-general of Ile de France. But he renounced
this and lost the château of Gournay sur Aronde.
As handsome as Absolom, much addicted to adventure and very talkative, he was very
vigorously against Philippe le Bon who forced him to submit to his allegiance. We may
consider him as suspect, for he took part in the misunderstanding between Charles VII and
his son. He died in 1456, in his own territory, "dying sad and very helpless from
gout."
JEAN AND PIERRE D'ARC
Jean d'Arc, who fled with his sister to Neufchâteau, accompanied her to France, and
was lodged at the house of Jacques Boucher at Orléans. He was ennobled in December, 1429.
He pretended to have recognized his sister at Metz in 1436, and claimed for himself
gratuities from the city of Orléans. This conduct is very singular under the
circumstances, even if he were admitting the common belief in the power Jeanne was said to
have to escape the flames. When provost of Vaucouleurs he worked for the rehabilitation of
his sister, appeared at Rouen and Paris, and formed a commission to get evidence from
their
[396]
native district and produce witnesses. He was Bailly of Vermandois and captain of
Chartres and was discharged from the provostship of Vaucouleurs in 1468.
Pierre went to seek his sister "in France," fought along with her at
Orléans, lived in the same house with her in that city, accompanied her to Reims, and was
ennobled with the rest of the family. He was captured with Jeanne at Compiègne. He
declared, as did Jean, that he recognized his sister at Metz in 1436, received many gifts
from the King, the city of Orléans, and Duke Charles, among them the Ile aux Boeufs in
1443.
PIERRE DE BOURLEMENT
Pierre de Bourlement, knight, was lord of the southern part of Domrémy. His wife
"came from France" (Deposition of Zabillet, wife of Girardin d'Epinal). The
Bourlemont family owned the serfs of the Barrois part of Domrémy, about thirty-five
families at the end of the Fifteenth Century. They lived at times in a strong house
situated facing the village on the island formed at the meeting of the two branches of the
Meuse, and they were lords of parts of Greux, Maxey and Bourlemont. The château de
Bourlemont dominates the Meuse on the right bank. above Domrémy. We know that Pierre de
Bourlement and his wife and daughters never failed to attend the May Day fêtes.
THE DEMOISELLE op LUXEMBOURG
Jeanne, Demoiselle de Luxembourg, was the sister of Count Waleran, and "very
ancient" in 1430 according to Monstrelet. She was then at Beaurevoir "where
governed Messire Jehan de Luxembourg, her nephew." She had just inherited the
seigneuries of her brother as the nearest heir of Philippe de Brabant, and took from that
time the titles of Countess of Ligny and of St. Pol. "And because she loved her
nephew so dearly" she left him most of her fiefs to the great discontentment of the
lord of Enghien, his older brother. This old lady was the sister of the illustrious saint,
Pierre de Luxembourg, and was the godmother of Charles VII. She died at Boulogne sur mer
on October 13, 1430. Jeanne de Bethune, Viscountess of Meaux, was the wife of Jean de
Luxembourg, and was French in sympathy as far as one can learn.
BROTHER RICHARD
Brother Richard was a Friar Minor. He preached at Paris before large gathering of
people that the Antichrist was born and that the
[397]
Day of Judgment would fall in 1430. His last preaching was done or April 26, 1429.
Shortly afterwards Brother Richard had to flee the city for he was threatened with
prosecution by the Faculty of Theology on account of his errors.
We find him at Troyes in July, where he went to meet Jeanne. And Brother Richard
preached there that Jeanne knew the secrets of God and those of any saint in Paradise as
well, and that she had the power of introducing an army into any city whatever. According
to Monstrelet, Brother Richard was again obliged to take to his heels as a follower of the
party of Charles VII. He was in Poitiers in March, 1431, a prisoner in the monastery of
the Friars Minor of that city. The vicars-general of the bishop and the inquisitor, whom
the Court of Parlement joined in this action, forbade him to preach. Brother Richard was a
person whose orthodoxy was very questionable, an illuminatus whose bad reputation in
University and clerical circles certainly reacted against Jeanne.
JACQUES BOUCHER
Jacques Boucher, Jeanne's host at Orléans, was treasurer and later receiver of the
finances of Charles, duc d'Orléans, and was a very devoted servant of that prince. His
house was situated at the Renard Gate. On February 10, 1416, Jacques Boucher is cited as
clerk of the bailiffs of the Duke; he was given 14 livres to join the men at the council
of Orléans at Calais, where the Duke was, in November, 1415. February and September,
1422, he replaced Pierre Renier as treasurer. On December 18, 1422, he obtained a
safe-conduct in order to treat for the ransom of the Count of Angoulême. In June, 1439,
at Calais Jacques Boucher delivered to Duke Charles 40 ecus d'or "for his
pleasure." On January 3, 1444, he was dead and was replaced by Jean Chardon, the
Duke's secretary. Jacques Boucher was able, without doubt, to see Charles d'Orléans
during his captivity.
REGNAULT DE CHARTRES
Regnault de Chartres was Archbishop of Reims, noted as prelate and diplomat. He was the
son of Hector de Chartres, Lord of Onz-en-Bray, grand master of forests and waters in
Normandy and Picardy, who was killed at Paris during the rising of 1418, when the
Burgundians entered the city. Regnault was at that time thrown into prison. Three brothers
of Regnault had already found their deaths at the disaster
[398]
of Agincourt. An immense fortune recompensed these faithful servants in the person of
the young prelate.
Regnault's ecclesiastical career was in effect very rapid; he was dean of the cathedral
of Beauvais before 1410, and was master of the great schools of the Cholets. He is cited,
September 17, 1412, as camérier of the pope, référendaire, and his constant messmate;
he intrigued to be elected Bishop of Beauvais. In 1414 Jean XXIII named him Archbishop of
Reims in spite of the city and the Chapter. As the Pope's friend he was entrusted at
Constance with explaining the flight of the Pope; he went to see Emperor Sigismund in
August, 1414, to have him determine the removal of the Council. Jean XXIII sent him as
ambassador to Louis II of Anjou as well as to Charles VI. These missions continued to
increase Regnault's importance in France, and from '1414 he undertook futile
reconciliations between the houses of Orléans and Burgundy. He was created councillor of
the King in 1417, and in 1418 we see him at the conference at Montereau representing the
King and the Count of Armagnac. In 1417 he went to England; in 1418 to Languedoc, where he
raised troops, and in Savoy; in 1420 he went to Scotland to look for aid, and in 1422 to
Spain. In 1425 we encounter him at Rome.
This young man had even then a reputation as an expert, a good diplomat, entrusted with
the most difficult missions, as if he were an old ambassador. On May 8, 1424, he was
created chancellor. The English confiscated his mansion in Paris, and Charles VII remitted
to him 4,000 &us d'or so that he could marry one of his nieces to the Sire de Vauvert.
The King sold for him the seigneurie of Vierzon.
A prudent man, reasonable to excess, having full confidence in his diplomatic ability,
Regnault worked to end the English war by breaking the Anglo-Burgundian alliance. He was a
witness of the decisive interview of the King and Jeanne, and was one of her examiners,
was sent to Blois to direct the relief of Orléans. Regnault wrote from Troyes to the
inhabitants of Reims to dispose them to receive the King with honor. He consecrated the
King and recovered his capital city. It seemed at that instant that all would be
accomplished for him as well as for Jeanne. The singular question that he asked Jeanne on
the road to Crepy-en-Valois shows him already in defiance and from that moment we see
Regnault return to his former and great idea of peace through an alliance with Burgundy.
The extraordinary letter that he addressed to the people of Reims on the day after Jeanne
was made
[399]
prisoner is perhaps that of a politician; but it is also a testimonial to his hardness
of heart. Jeanne had become at a day's notice a hindrance, setting at naught the system of
truces which stopped short the march of the victorious army and determined the check
before Paris. But in any case we cannot see anything there but gloomy maneuvers. It would
be more unwise still to regard Guillaume de Flavy, Regnault's half-brother, as a traitor
abandoning the Maid before his besieged city. Regnault, after Reims, always represented
the cause of peace in the King's council, against Jeanne and those who desired adventures,
like the duc d'Alençon To this extent one can say that Regnault was responsible for her
loss. It is unfortunate that he could not have read, as we can in the papers of Ghillebert
de Lannoy, the Burgundian memoranda advocating the continuance of the Anglo-Burgundian
alliance. And we must not forget that Regnault's idea was to be realized five years later
in the happy peace of Arras, for which he had worked so hard, and which led to the end of
the Hundred Years' War. Regnault de Chartres died full of honors in 1445, after mid-Lent,
at Tours, while as an obstinate peacemaker he was treating for peace between France and
England.
CHARLES DE BOURBON
Charles de Bourbon (1401-1456) in Jeanne's time Count of Clermont, was the son of Jean
I, fourth duke of Bourbon, who was made prisoner at Agincourt and died captive in England
in 1433. After the murder of Jean sans Peur at Montereau, Charles fought for the Armagnac
party and sent back to Philip of Burgundy his little fiancée Agnes. The Duke of Bourbon
received charge of the government of Languedoc and Guyenne, and then of the Dauphiné. He
was made lieutenant-general of the King in the Bourbonnais, Auvergne and Le Forez. He
attacked La Trémouille strenuously and laid hands on the Chancellor, Gouge de Champaigne,
then for a short time reconciled himself with the Duke of Burgundy and asked for his
fiancée back again. Handsome, enterprising, very much the adventurer, but decidedly
versatile, Charles de Bourbon led an army to Charles VII for the relief of Orléans. He
was wounded and vanquished at the Battle of the Herrings. We meet him again at the siege
of Troyes, at Reims where he fulfilled the functions of a peer of France and created
knights. He was present at the battle of Montepilloy, communicated with Jeanne at Senlis,
took part in the attack on Paris and witnessed with great
[400]
dissatisfaction the rapid retreat of Charles VII. He was established as
lieutenant-general of Ile de France, but he showed very little character in that office.
We know that later, jealous of the influence his brother-in-law, Charles du Maine, had in
the government, he took part in the Praguerie and was reconciled with the Burgundians. He
died worn out by pleasure, war and gout.
GEORGES, SIRE DU TRÉMOUILLE
Georges, Sire du Trémouille (1382-1446), was brought up at the court of Jean sans Peur
of Burgundy whom he accompanied to Paris in 1413. He was named in that same year Grand
Chamberlain of Charles VI. Taken prisoner at Agincourt, Georges did not recover his
liberty until he paid a high ransom. He married, in 1416, the very rich and old Jeanne de
Boulogne, widow of the duc de Berry, who died about 1423. From 1418 on Georges played the
rôle of mediator between Charles VI and the princes. On January 21, 1420, Philip of
Burgundy commanded the gens de Comples to grant him the Count of Boulogne to pay feudal
homage. Sent on a mission close to the Duke of Burgundy in December, 1425, Georges was
arrested at La Charité sur Loire by Perrinet Gressart, the captain who vainly fought
against Jeanne d'Arc. In February, 1427, Georges took possession of Issodoun, where he
captured Pierre de Giac, the favorite and minister of Charles VII. Giac was drowned, and
his wife Catherine de l'Ile-Bouchard gave to the audacious Georges Giac's jewels and
money, and later herself. Thus in July, 1427, the former chamberlain of Jean sans Peur,
Duke of Burgundy, this powerful baron whose family belonged to the Burgundian party, came
into power as Charles VII's first minister. Georges, moreover, held in his hand the great
military lords of that time, and this fat man was able to advance money to King Charles
VII who was always in need of it.
After the winning of Beaugency, Jargeau and Troyes, Georges de la Trémouille took part
in the coronation at Reims. We know that after the defeat at Paris Jeanne stayed for some
time at Trémouille's castle at Sully sur Loire and that this sojourn was in the nature of
a semicaptivity. We know also that in 1433 the Constable du Richemont, who was himself
also accused of having forfeited Jeanne's confidence, surprised Trémouille at Chinon.
Georges, wounded by a dagger thrust, owed his life to nothing but his fat. He was
confirmed in his pensions, but remained alienated from the court and later, at the time of
the
[401]
Dauphin Louis's insurrection against his father Charles VII, Trémouille joined the
revolutionists. He died at Sully on May 6, 1446.
JEAN, DUC D'ALENÇON
Jean, duc d'Alençon, lost his father at Agincourt in 14T5, and as soon as he could do
so, at the age of eighteen, he took up a career in arms, seeking to recover the lands held
by the enemy. He married, in 1423, Jeanne, daughter of Charles d'Orléans and Isabelle of
France. As lieutenant-general of the Dauphin in Normandy, Jean fought in 1424 the
unfortunate battle of Verneuil, where so many lords of France and Scotland were lost. He
was taken prisoner by the Duke of Bedford, and held for three years at Crotoy until he
paid 200,000 saluts d'or for his ransom. He sold all he possessed to the English, and his
fief of Fougères to the Duke of Brittany. When he left prison Jean d' Alençon was
"the poorest man in France."
Faithful to France, having nothing to lose and everything to gain, the duc d'Alençon
took command of a company of men-at-arms. We know how he led in the Maid's enterprises
everywhere, and the confident friendship that Jeanne had for her "beau duc."
Jean hoped to lead her sometime to conquer his duchy of Alençon in Normandy. About 1440
Jean d'Alençon who had until then the highest renown for prowess and fidelity, changed
all at once. He took part in the revolt of the princes, received the Toison d'Or, had
himself dismissed from his office as lieutenant-general, and believed that he was
persecuted by the Count of Maine, and said that the King mocked him and did not treat him
as he deserved. Jean talked indiscreetly, entered into relations with the English,
promised them Granville, gave himself up to drinking, women and magic. On May 3, 1456,
Jean testified at Paris at the Rehabilitation proceedings, but he was arrested on the
thirty-first by Dunois. He was condemned to death by the peers of France in 1458 as guilty
of lèse-majesté, but he was pardoned and freed upon the accession of Louis XI to the
throne. d'Alençon was again condemned to death at a second trial in 1474, and this time,
too, he was set at liberty. He died in 1476.
THE LORD OF THE BEAR
By the Lord of the Bear is meant the proprietor of the hostelry of that name at the
Baudoyer gate in Paris. This Bear Inn is again mentioned in a document of 1465. Anatole
France is the first to have
[402]
identified in this "lord" Maître Jacquet Guillaume, a man of the Armagnac
party about whom Parisian documents instruct us.
JEAN DE LA BROSSE
Jean de la Brosse, Marshal of France, is sometimes called Marshal de Boussac and
Marshal de Saint Sévère, from the names of his fiefs. He commanded the guard of a
hundred men who were the special bodyguard of the King. He distinguished himself at
Orléans and at Patay, attended the coronation of Charles VII at Reims, and was appointed
the King's lieutenant beyond the Seine, Marne and Somme.
On June 5, 1430, Charles VII announced to the people of Reims that he was going to give
prompt aid to the town of Compiègne. It was a question of Boussac's coming: he was in
command of a column of wagons following the army of Saintrailles an Vendôme which
delivered Compiègne on October 25. We find de Boussac later in the army which offered
combat to Burgundian troops at Montdidier in November. On February 3, 1432, a troop of six
hundred French under his command approached Rouen secretly, planning to take the city by
scaling the wall at night. Jean de la Brosse died in 1433.
deliverance of Jeanne d'Arc from Rouen. But he was captured by the Burgundians who held
him for a ransom of 1,500 réaux d'or and kept him prisoner at Dourdan. In September,
1432, La Hire appeared at Lagny, which was besieged by Bedford, and he ravaged the lands
of the Duke of Burgundy around Cambrai the following year. Captain general of the hither
side of the Seine, in December, 1433, he took Ham and Breteuil from the Burgundians and
defeated the Earl of Arundel at Gerberoy (1435). In spite of the peace of Arras he
continued to wage guerrilla warfare in Artois, around Caux, but he was taken prisoner by
the Lord of Offémont at Beauvais (1437). In the service of René d'Anjou, La Hire led the
Écorcheurs in Lorraine (1438-1439). He took part in the sieges of Harfleur and Pontoise,
and in the battle of Tartas. He died, poor and glorious, at Montauban on January 12, 1443.
ÉTIENNE DE VIGNOLLES
Étienne de Vignolles, called La Hire, was a Gascon captain and Bailly of Vermandois.
He was born about 1390 and entered the Dauphin's service about 1418 and waged guerilla
warfare in the country around Laon and in Vermandois. He was captain of Château Thierry
in 1421 and then of Vitry in Champagne in 1422. He was seriously wounded at Saint Riquier
and remained lame. He commanded the Lombard knights at Verneuil (August, 1424) and
delivered Vendôme from Suffolk, succored Montargis in 1427, surprised Marchenoir but let
the English retake Le Mans. He undertook the reprovisioning of Orléans which he entered
on October 25, 1428. At the Battle of the Herrings La Hire protected the retreat of the
French companies; he encountered the Maid at Blois and reëntered Orléans with her on
April 29, 1429. He prosecuted the whole campaign of Beauce and commanded the forces that
escorted Jeanne and the King on the March to Reims. Created Bailly of Vermandois, he
installed himself at Laon. But we encounter him shortly afterwards in Normandy, of which
he was captain-general after the taking of Louviers (1429). He conducted two mysterious
enterprises which appear to have had as their object the
[403]
deliverance of Jeanne d'Arc from Rouen. But he was captured by the Burgundians who held
him for a ransom of 1,500 réaux d'or and kept him prisoner at Dourdan. In September,
1432, la Hire appeared at Lagny, which was besieged by Bedford, and he ravaged the lands
of the Duke of Burgundy around Cambrai the following year. Captain-general of the hither
side of the Seine, in December, 1433, he took Ham and Breteuil from the Burgundians and
defeated the Earl of Arundel at Gerberoy (1435). In spite of the peace of Arras he
continued to wage guerrilla warfare in Artois, around Caux, but he was taken prisoner by
the Lord of Offémont at Beauvais (1437). In the service of René d'Anjou, La Hire led the
Écorcheurs in Lorraine (1438-1439). He took part in the sieges of Harfleur and Pontoise,
and in the battle of Tartas. He died, poor and glorious, at Montauban on January 12, 1443.
JEAN IV, COMTE D'ARMAGNAC
Jean IV, Count of Armagnac (1418-1450) was the son of Constable Bernard VII of
Armagnac, a victim of the Paris rebellion. We know that this prince, who had married
Isabelle of Navarre, and had sworn fidelity to the King of England in 1421, followed a
fluctuating diplomacy of which he was later the victim. In the question of the Schism he
supported Benedict XIII and then Clement VIII. Rebellious and submissive in turn, Jean IV
was declared, on March 4, 1429, a schismatic, apostate, and placed under interdict. After
the renunciation of Clement VIII, Jean asked forgiveness of Martin V. On March 4, 1430, he
was relieved of the interdict and reëstablished in his dignities. What motive incited him
to consult Jeanne on such a tangled question as that of the legitimacy of the pope? Did he
wish to color his change of attitude with a pious pretext?
[404]
PARTISANS OF ENGLAND
PIERRE CAUCHON Pierre Cauchon, born about 1371, in the environs of Reims, studied at
the University of Paris. Licentiate in law in 1398, he was among the Parisian students who
took part in the vote on withdrawing from obedience to Pope Benedict XIII; in 1403 he was
a student in the sixth year in theology. When rector of the University, he sought to
obtain a benefice near the Chapter of Reims, although he had already accumulated a
canonicate and prebendary in the church of Chalons, and was curé of the parish church of
Égriselles in the diocese of Sens. In 1406 he carried the matter of refusing obedience to
Benedict XIII before the Parlement of Paris. The following year he was a member of the
large embassy to Italy to summon Benedict XIII to renounce the Papacy. In 1408 as a
recompense for his services in this matter he obtained the major chaplaincy of Saint
Etienne of Toulouse. He was canon of Reims in 1409; bishop's deputy at Reims in 1410, and
canon of Beauvais, June 28, 1410 (Register of the cathedral chapter). In 1412 he was among
the reformers charged with severity against the excesses of the Armagnacs; in 1413 at
Paris he led the rising of the Cabochiens. Banished from the capital in 1414, this
revolutionary prelate went, as ambassador of the Duke of Burgundy, to the Council of
Constance (1415), where he intervened in favor of Jean Petit, the Burgundian tyrannicide.
In 1418, as King's master of petitions, he pleaded to obtain the provostship of Lille,
vacant upon the death of Jean de Montreuil. On this occasion the University entreated the
Pope to accord him the favor of uniting various incompatible benefices, citing his courage
and his works for the good of the Church. He was next archdeacon of Reims, canon of Reims,
Chartres, Châlons and Beauvais, chaplain of
[405]
the chapel of the Dukes of Burgundy at Dijon, holder of the benefice of St. Clair in
the diocese of Bayeux, all of which brought him about 2,000 livres a year. He obtained in
addition the archdeaconate of Chalons. In 1419 Pierre Cauchon was réferendaire of Pope
Martin V, whom he helped elect, then conservator of the privileges of the University of
Paris.
Elected Bishop of Beauvais on August 21, 1420, on the recommendation of the University
of Paris, and ecclesiastical. peer of the kingdom by favor of Philippe le Bon-who came
himself to attend his taking of office -- Pierre Cauchon served the English party from
that time and followed Henry V to Paris, where he fought the Chapter and Bishop
Courtecuisse. In Bedford's confidence, an executor of the will of Charles VI, and
councilor of Henry VI with a salary of 1,000 livres, Cauchon was guardian of the privy
seal in the absence of the chancellor. He was in charge of important missions.
At Rouen, after 1426, Pierre Cauchon put in accord the Chapter and the Bishop on the
subject of the Cardinalate. Expelled from Beauvais with the English (August, 1429),
Cauchon fled to Rouen where he had already visited many times: the English indemnified him
for the loss of his revenues and put him in charge of special missions in England, Paris,
etc. was one of them. Pierre Cauchon did not, however, obtain the archbishopric of Rouen,
which he had administered in matters spiritual and temporal, but he became Bishop of
Lisieux in 1432. He lived for the most part at Rouen, near the Grand Council, of which he
was a member.
As the Queen of England's chancellor in France, Cauchon went to the Council of Bâle as
a deputy of England in 1435, and was present at the Council of Arras where he sustained
until the end the exclusive right of Henry VI to the crown of France. He was nearly
captured at Paris, in the Bastille Saint Antoine, in 1436, when the French reëntered the
capital.
In that year Pierre Cauchon received the commission to-call together at Caen the Three
Estates and informed them of the King of England's intention to found a university at Caen
(Bibl. Nat. ms. fr. 26,061). He fulfilled numerous diplomatic missions relative to the
English peace (the conferences of Calais and Gravelines). On July 29, 1437, he gave a
receipt to the Treasurer-general of Normandy for 770 livres, the balance of a sum of 2,177
livres for a trip from Paris to Rouen in the King of England's service (Bibl. Nat. ms. fr.
26,063). In 1439 and 1440
[406]
Pierre Cauchon was commissioned with several trips to Calais and to England to treat
for peace between the two kingdoms, and concerning the deliverance of the duc d'Orléans.
Pierre Cauchon died suddenly, while he was being shaved, at his fine hotel Saint-Cande,
on December 18, 1442, at the height of his honors. He left as heirs his nephew, Jean
Bidault, canon of Reims and Lisieux, and Jeanne Bidault, wife of Jean de Rinel, secretary
of Henry VI, whose name appears at the end of the Treaty of Troyes. Cauchon's body was
carried in state to Lisieux, accompanied by his friend and executor, Nicolas Caval, canon
of Rouen. He was interred near the altar in the magnificent chapel of the Virgin which he
had rebuilt and decorated at his own expense. It is remarkable to note that the admirable,
Frenchman who succeeded him as Bishop of Beauvais, Jean Jouvenel des Ursins, a propos of
the fidelity of the people of Beauvais to Charles VII, made but a brief allusion to his
predecessor, and did not mention Jeanne's trial in this connection: "And although
they held your adversary for Lord, that was because the Lord Bishop was in this foolish
error; but always they were your servants at heart. . ."
JEAN LE MAISTRE
Jean Le Maistre, Magistri, Dominican, bachelor of theology from some university other,
than Paris, was vicar of the Inquisitor of France in the diocese of Rouen from 1424. In
1431 we find him referred to as prior of the monastery of Preaching Brothers at Rouen,
where he enjoyed a reputation as a preacher. He was still living at the time of the first
investigations made at Rouen in Jeanne's Rehabilitation (he preached a sermon in January,
1452); but it is probable that he was dead by 1455. At any rate, he was not consulted nor
cited in the course of the second Procès.
He has been represented, by later historians, as acting on the threats of Pierre
Cauchon, and even as speaking on the irregularities of the Trial. In truth he was less
zealous than Jean Graverent, the Grand Inquisitor of France, at that time detained at
Coutances by another trial, who ordered La Maistre to join Jeanne's trial, and preached at
Paris against remembrance of Jeanne. Le Maistre reserved his opinion on the matter of
torture; but he condemned the monk Pierre Bosquier, who spoke critically of Jeanne's
sentence. On April 24, 1431, Jean Le Maistre received from the English government a
gratuity Of 20 salus d'or "for his pains, labors and diligence in having been present
and
[407]
assisted at the trial." He was, perhaps, simply a timid man, but entirely devoted
to Cauchon, and but little convinced of the regularity of the Trial (at least according to
the testimony of Nicolas de Houppeville). Jean de Maistre certainly hesitated in accepting
the conduct of the business and he took the precaution of protecting himself behind the
Inquisitor-general. On December 7, 1443, however, he preached to the people on the
occasion of the election of Raoul Roussel as Archbishop of Rouen, Roussel who was one of
Jeanne's most English-minded judges, and successor to the Cardinal de Luxembourg.
JEAN GRAVERENT
Jean Graverent, Dominican, Grand Inquisitor of France: He was referred to in 1413 as
master of theology of Paris, and was present at the Council of Paris where he gave an
opinion in favor of appealing to the Pope the question of the propositions of Jean Petit.
Inquisitor of the Faith from 1425 on, he succeeded Jacques Suzay, an event which du Boulay
cites as of the year 1422 (Hist. Univ. Paris). On August 16, 1429, in the capacity of
prior of the Jacobin monastery in Paris, Jean Graverent took the oath of loyalty to the
English government before the Parlement of Paris. He directed the trial of Jean Le
Couvreur, a burgess of Saint Lô, which was still in process on March 4, 1431; thus it was
that this Dominican, whom one may believe very favorable to the Burgundian party, could
not take part in . On July 4, 1431, Jean Graverent preached a sermon in Paris, accusing
Brother Richard as a "beau père," that is, the mentor, of four suspect female
visionaries, among them the Maid.
MARTIN BILLORIN
Martin Billorin, Martinus Billorini, Dominican, professor of theology, was vice-gérant
of the Grand Inquisitor. A licentiate in theology in 1416, maître régent at Paris in
1425, at the same time as Jean Beaupère he censured the propositions of Brother Jean
Sarrasin, in March, 1430. He is also recorded as teaching in Paris in 1433
PHILIPPE LE BON
Philippe le Bon, son of Jean sans Peur, Grand duc de L'Occident. A magnificent prince,
at the same time cunning and chivalrous, reigning over the most fertile and active
provinces of the kingdom, and maintaining order there, he recognized Henry VI of England
as King
[408]
of France, and brought the body of his father, Jean sans Peur, from Montereau to the
Chartreuse at Dijon. French in origin, Flemish at heart, and English by self-interest,
Philippe was clever enough not to accept the regency of the kingdom; but he gave his
sister to Bedford in marriage. It is well known how Gloucester's aims for the territories
of the north turned Philippe to the French party, to which, however, he never adhered
completely. Philippe le Bon, wavering and ambitious, was nevertheless the arbiter of the
Franco-English struggle and until the Treaty of Arras (1435) he conducted missions,
embassies, truces and negotiations which were sometimes favorable to the efforts of the
French party, sometimes discouraging, and which led finally to Jeanne's destruction.
Philippe acted at that time like an actual King of France, which he always half-way
dreamed of being, according to the testimony of Chastellain who has left an unforgettable
portrait of him: "His outward bearing only judged him to be emperor."
It was thus that Philippe le Bon could receive the embassy from the besieged
Orléannais, and recalled those of his subjects who were participating in the siege of
that city, and then turn about and denounce at Reims a conspiracy on behalf of the French.
Exhorted by the Maid to make peace, summoned by her to the coronation at Reims, Philippe
le Bon concluded a treaty at Compiègne with the Dauphin, a treaty that Jeanne could not
have accepted. He continued to levy troops and receive embassies. We know that he was at
Compiègne when Jeanne was taken captive, and that he had conversation with her. He
announced the news of her capture to the world and received from the English government
the account of her trial at Rouen.
It is very singular, after all that, to see that the first witness in Jeanne's favor
after her condemnation is to be found in a manuscript which is dedicated to Philippe le
Bon in 1440, in Martin Le Franc's _Champion des Dames_. a debate in which the pro and con
are set forth.
JEAN DE LUXEMBOURG
Jean de Luxembourg, Lord of Beaurevoir, comte de Ligny, was the younger brother of
Cardinal de Luxembourg, Chancellor of England.
Governor of Arras in 1414, Jean de Luxembourg waged a cruel war on the French
frontiers; he delivered Senlis in 1418, was wounded at Mons-en-Vimieu (1421), made many
expeditions into Picardy and Hainault, was put in charge of the siege of Guise by Bedford,
in 1424, led an Anglo-Burgundian expedition against the French forts of the
[409]
Argonne and ravaged the Beauvais district. In August, 1429, at the head of an embassy,
he went to Compiègne to bring the King false promises of peace. On February 20, 1430, he
evacuated Peronne and formed the advance guard of Philippe le Bon, who was marching on
Compiègne.
We know that the Bastard of Wandomme, who took Jeanne prisoner, served in the company
of this captain: he turned Jeanne over to Jean de Luxembourg, who gave up the siege of
Compiègne (which he had strategically invested with forts) thanks to the vigorous defense
of captain Guillaume de Flavy. On October 26, Jean de Luxembourg had to follow the retreat
of his troops, mortally wounded, and he left his artillery in de Flavy's hands. Jeanne
d'Arc was kept in his castle of Beaurevoir during the month of August.
Required to give her up to the English, Luxembourg at first refused, restrained from
this villainy, perhaps, by his aunt. Later on he yielded her on the demands of Pierre
Cauchon, and sold her to the English for 10,000 livres; he visited her later in her cell
at Rouen.
The paid protector of the towns of Picardy, Jean de Luxembourg tried to shield them
from the pillaging of de Flavy and the French captains; he refused to sign the Treaty of
Arras in 1435, and continued to ravage, in reprisal, the country about Soissons and Laon
(in 1436, La Hire took possession of Soissons). In 1437 we see him in agreement with
Charles d'Orléans, who made him send his poursuivant d'armes, Porte Espy, from Blois in
Picardy. This rough Burgundian condottiere died at the Château de Guise in 1440. The
comte de Ligny is represented in the tournament of the Knights of the Torsion d'or in
1431.
HENRY VI OF ENGLAND
Henry VI, the little son of Henry V and Catherine of France, was born at Windsor on
December 6, 1421. In his name the Dukes of Bedford and Gloucester governed in turn during
the regency. Proclaimed King of France upon the death of Henry V, he received as
"tutor" Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, in 1428. He was crowned King of
England on November 6, 1429, at Westminster. He arrived in France on April 23, 1430, On
July 29, he made his entry into Rouen; then at Paris, on December 2, 1430, he made another
triumphal entry.
On December 16, Henry was crowned King of France by Cardinal Beaufort at Nôtre Dame.
We know how the consecration of Charles
[410]
VII at Reims removed all significance from this ceremony. On the twenty-sixth the
infant king left Paris for Rouen, where he resided all through .
Henry VI was unfortunate, especially after the breaking of the Anglo-Burgundian
alliance, in the attempts to maintain English rule in France. Peaceful by nature, and not
very capable, and an object of suspicion to the English after his marriage to Margaret of
Anjou, daughter of King René, Henry was discredited by the influence that the pacific
Suffolk had in the government. Henry VI disappeared very mysteriously after having been
shut up in the Tower of London (1471).
MARTIN V
Martin V (Othon Colonna) was elected Pope in 1417. He was recognized by almost the
entire kingdom. But Jean IV, Count of Armagnac, continued to have negotiations with the
anti-pope, Benedict XIII, who on October 27, 1418, retired to the rock of Peñiscola, and
who had accorded to the Count and his family a series of spiritual favors. In 1420 the
rupture was complete. Upon the death of Benedict XIII in 1424, Jean IV of Armagnac
supported Gilles Munoz, who took the title of Clement VIII.
GILLES DE DUREMORT, ABBOT OF FÉCAMP
Gilles de Duremort, Aegidius Duraemortis, Benedictine, most frequently referred to as
the abbot of Fécamp, was a Cistercian monk of Beaubec and bachelor formé in theology
when he was named abbot of Beaupré in 1403. Licentiate in theology in 1408 he became
abbot of Beaubec in 1413; he was named abbot of Fécamp in 1423 and master regent of the
Faculty of Theology at Paris, an office he held until about 1429. He became Bishop of
Coutances in 1439. Gilles de Duremort died at Rouen on July 29, 1444, and was interred in
the church of the priory of Saint Lô, which pertained to his diocese.
Gilles de Duremort was a man of considerable importance, and resided chiefly at Rouen,
sometimes in the great hotel de Fécamp, sometimes in his hôtel in the parish of Saint
Vincent. He had long enjoyed the entire confidence of the English government when in June,
1421, he was commissioned to intervene in favor of the University of Paris before Henry V.
The Duke of Bedford sent him on an embassy in Burgundy to pacify the quarrel between
Gloucester and the duc de Brabant in 1424. Gilles de Duremort went many times to England
and
[411]
to Burgundy before 1426. In 1427 he went on an embassy to Brittany. Appointed councilor
of the English king, with the considerable salary of 2,000 livres, he took the oath of
office in 1428. In 1429 Gilles de Duremort went to England on matters of state. In 1431 he
was entrusted with the embassy to the Council of Bile. On November 16th of that year,
Henry VI ordered the Treasurer-general, Thomas Blount, to pay the wages of ten lancers and
thirty mounted archers who escorted the abbots of Fécamp and Mont Saint Michel and the
Lord of Saint Pierre, who were summoned to Paris by the king. In 1438 he was designated as
the ambassador of Henry VI to treat for peace with the King of France; on July 5, 1439, he
was given 300 livres and sent on an embassy to Calais; in 144o he was given 250 livres
from the English treasury as a quarter of his salary.
Gilles de Duremort was strongly allied with the Cardinal de Luxembourg, who named him
among the executors of his will. He was one of the most assiduous judges at Jeanne's
trial, and upon the testimony of Jean Massieu himself, this regent in theology
"seemed oftener to act through hatred of Jeanne and through love of the English than
through zeal for justice." In the session of May 29th Gilles de Duremort formulated
the opinion, or rather, the death sentence, in which the assessors lost no time in joining
him, without lengthy explanations.
NICOLAS LE ROUX
Nicolas Le Roux, Ruffi, Benedictine, of a noble family of Rouen, entered the abbey of
Jumièges towards 1395. He studied in Paris where he is mentioned as a bachelor of law in
1403; he received his doctorate in law in 1411. Ambassador to the councils of Pisa, Rome
and Constance, this "worthy doctor" was recommended by the University to the
Pope, to be named abbot of La Croix Saint Leufroy in 1412, and then abbot of Jumièges on
September 28, 1418. He is to be found among the regents of the Faculty of Law in Paris in
1419, with Jean Garin and Raoul Roussel. He took the oath of loyalty to Henry V in 1420,
and died (June 17, 1431) shortly after Jeanne d'Arc was burned at the stake. He left a
personal fortune Of 32,000 livres which his relatives took away from the religious
community of Jumièges although this sum had been reserved in accordance with his
intentions for the restoration of that celebrated monastery, which had been greatly
damaged by the war. Nicolas Le Roux had greatly cherished that abbey and he had attempted
to reëstablish there the observance of the rules
[412]
of the order. Le Roux had the reputation of a good administrator and that of a man of
good character. He played only a secondary part in Jeanne's trial, and agreed entirely
with the University.
PIERRE MIGET
Pierre Miget or Muguet, also named de Glenesiis, Migecii, Benedictine, doctor of
theology, was prior of Longueville-Giffard. Licentiate at Paris in 1413, he contested with
Jean Bouesgue in 1416, before the Parlement on the subject of the priory of Gournay.
Although master regent in theology, Pierre Miget resided constantly at Rouen, in the
hôtel de Longueville, situated before the gates of the archbishop's palace. In 1420 he
obtained from King Henry V the restitution of the revenues of his benefice and he seems to
have been strongly linked to Beaupère who entrusted to him the administration of his
diocese in 1434. With this latter, also, he is to be found at Paris among the masters of
the Faculty of Theology from 1421 on. There he must have known Erard Emengart, Nicolas
Midi, Pierre de Houdenc, Martin Billorin, Pierre de Dyerée, Jean de Troyes, his
confrères, who were all assessors at Jeanne's trial.
Pierre Miget was very assiduous in the matter of the Trial, and he was in no way
favorable to the accused. (In 1414 at the Council of Paris he showed himself as a zealous
Burgundian and sustained the propositions of Jean Petit.) He testified as a witness at the
Rehabilitation in 1452: but he declared that he wept at Jeanne's death, of which he had
been, however, one of the promoters. He testified that the sentence rendered against the
Maid was unjust. In summary, he seriously accused the Bishop of Beauvais, whose accomplice
he had been.
RAOUL ROUSSEL
Raoul Roussel, born at Saultchevreuil near Villedieu, licentiate in law in 1416, was
dean of the Faculty of Law at Paris from November, 1417, to January, IV% and was elected
canon of Rouen in 1420. Treasurer the following year, he was deputized to the regent
Bedford to obtain permission to proceed with the election of an archbishop, and he
defended with care the canonical prerogatives. In 1424 Raoul Roussel was sent by Bedford
on a mission to the Duke of Gloucester to pacify the quarrel between the latter and the
duc de Brabant. Roussel fulfilled even military missions at times, since in August, 1428,
in the capacity of master of petitions, he gave a receipt to Pierre Surreau,
Receiver-general of
[413]
Normandy, for an inspection of fortresses in lower Normandy. On November 7, 1429, his
procureur declared to the Chapter of Nôtre Dame of Paris that he accepted the canonicate
of the late Jean Gerson, who had remained faithful to the French cause.
Canon of Coutances, vicar-general at Rouen during the archiepiscopal vacancy
(1429-1443), councilor master of petitions of the English king with a salary of at first
:zoo livres, and later 300, twice ambassador to the French party to treat for peace (1435,
1438), Raoul Roussel received the Duke of York, lieutenant of the King of England in 1441,
and addressed compliments to him in the cathedral of Rouen. Roussel succeeded Cardinal de
Luxembourg as archbishop of Rouen in 1444. But he took the oath of fealty to Charles VII
when that monarch entered Rouen. Roussel died December 31, 1452.
He was one of the most zealous judges at the Trial, and he actively adhered to the
opinion of the University and the theologians. He must have been present at the
preliminary investigations made for the Rehabilitation. It is well to remember that this
strict legalist considered the Trial well conducted and that it was essential not to
employ torture, which might bring it into bad repute.
NICOLAS DE VERNERES
Nicolas de Venderès, Lord of Beausseré, was born about 1372. Licentiate in law, he
swore fidelity to Henry V and was received as a canon in the church at Rouen in 1422, and
was made archdeacon of Eu. Since his name figures in the treaty of agreement of the city
of Rouen with Henry V (January 13, 1419), we may believe that he was one of the first
Norman ecclesiastics to adhere to the English government. Vicar of Mgr. Louis d'Harcourt,
with a salary of 120 livres (1412-1422), vicar sede vacante (1429-1431) he was nearly
elected archbishop of Rouen after the death of Louis d'Harcourt (the majority of the
canons having voted for him for that office) and he was at one time considered as such.
Nicolas de Venderès enjoyed also the office of curé of Gisors. He died at Rouen on the
first of August, 1438. For executors of his will he had André Marguerie, Nicolas Caval
and Jean Mahommet, priest, all among Jeanne's judges (Arch. de la Seine Inférieure G.
2089). Venderès was very zealous in the affair of the Maid. He was a familiar of Pierre
Cauchon. He judged as did his masters in the matter of the twelve articles, and like Raoul
Roussel, at the time of Jeanne's relapse, he held that the trial had lasted too long.
[414]
ROBERT LE BARBIER
Robert Le Barbier, Barberii, born about 1388, master of arts, licentiate in both canon
and civil law, became canon of Rouen in 1419. He was, on various occasions, a deputy to
the provincial Estates. He died at Rouen on August :29, 1444, and was buried in the
cathedral. Robert Le Barbier did not like to make a decision and he was especially afraid
of compromising himself. He agreed in turn with Erart, Gilles Deschamps, and the Faculty
of Theology.
NICOLAS COUPPEQUESNE
Nicolas Couppequesne, of the diocese of Rouen, referred to as master of arts in 1403,
bachelor of theology, was rector, for the Chapter, of the great grammar schools of Rouen
in 1417. He became canon of the cathedral in 1423 in place of Jean d'Étampes who remained
loyal to France, Couppequesne was curé of Hermanville and Saint Pierre d'Yvetot, and
became pénitencier of the diocese in the vacancy of the archbishop's See. He died
intestate, on July 10, 1442
He was certainly an educated person and very agreeable to the English government,
since, on June 5, 1430, when advised of the near approach of the King of England, the
Chapter of Rouen decided that Nicolas Couppequesne should welcome the King in case Pierre
Maurice were not able to do it. A few months afterwards, when Bedford was received as
canon, this worthy grammarian complimented the noble duke, and received for his pains a
gallon of wine worth six shillings eight pence. A short while before he was summoned to
take part in the Trial, Nicolas Couppequesne published at the library of the Chapter a
book entitled Lyrenensis Lugdunensis contra hereses (August 4, 1430). In his judgment
Nicolas Couppequesne invoked especially the authority of the University of Paris.
NICOLAS LOISELEUR
Nicolas Loiseleur, Aucupis, was born at Chartres in 1930, and was master of arts at
Paris in 1403. He was not admitted as bachelor of theology until October, 1431. Already
canon of Chartres in 1421, he was made a canon of Rouen in the place of Martin Ravenot,
who remained faithful to France. He fulfilled for the Chapter many delicate missions,
going to Paris, for example, to take part in various trials. On July 8, 1429, he was
delegated, with Baudribosc and Basset, by the Chapter of
[415]
Rouen to deliberate the matter of an embassy to Rome. He was, without doubt, a man
greatly regarded by the English government.
A deputy to the Council of Bâle with Midi and Beaupère, Nicolas Loiseleur went from
Rouen to Paris "for the liberties of the Church". He did not attend the Council
before 1435, when he sustained with the University men and the clergy of Charles VII the
theory of the preeminence of the General Council over the Pope. This was no longer the
opinion of the English government nor that of the Chapter of Rouen, which sought to have
its ambassador return. He was, seemingly, rather badly received in England, where Henry VI
secretly supported Eugene IV. Nicolas Loiseleur was later, in 1438, recalled, on two
occasions. In 1439 the Fathers at the Council sent him, as lawyer, to the Diet at Mayence;
in 1440 by sentence of the court of Rome, he was deprived of his benefice as canon of
Rouen. He lived at Rouen, in the rue de la Chaine (the present-day Place des Carmes) in a
house of which his brother-in-law, Pierre Le Marie, and his sister Thomasse were the
concièrges. Cauchon was one of his frequent visitors. He died at Bâle, after 1442 and
before the Rehabilitation proceedings.
Nicolas Loiseleur, intimate friend of Pierre Cauchon, was equally linked to Nicolas
Midi, one of Jeanne's bitterest enemies; he played a perfectly odious rôle in the Trial,
that of the false confessor, but completely in accordance with inquisitorial procedure.
(Eymeric, Directorium Inquisitorium, Romae, 1585, p. 466, Col. 2, cautela nova) G. Colles
assures us, none the less, that he wept while witnessing her death. But this much is
certain, that he was not banished from Rouen, as has been written of him, nor was
consideration of him subject to any attainder because of any conduct of his during the
Trial. He is mentioned as a Norman by Pius 11 (de Gestis Basil concilii, in the Opera
omnia, Basileae, 1551).
JEAN D'ESTIVET
Jean d'Estivet, called Benedicité promoter-general of the diocese of Beauvais, was
canon of Beauvais and Bayeux. On January 16, 143o, he was named canon of Bayeux and was
declared by Pierre Cauchon exempt from the tithes to be levied on the clergy in capacity
of student of law at the University of Paris. One finds him later at Rouen, where, on
April 25, 1437, he obtained a canonial prebend.
He was a former student of law at the University of Paris, intimately connected with
Pierre Cauchon, and like him was a fugitive. He was
[416]
an evil man, even according to Manchon's testimony. He was one of Jeanne's most
obstinate judges. He insulted her in prison, treating her as a prostitute. Entirely
devoted to the English, Jean d'Estivet insinuated himself into Jeanne's cell, like
Loiseleur, pretending to be another prisoner. According to Guillaume Manchon, it was he
who sent the Twelve Articles to Paris without completely correcting them. He is the author
of the list of charges, read at the session of March 27th, and he ordered Jeanne to be
taken back to the castle of Rouen after the abjuration. The recorders, whom he paid for
their work, detested him, for he was so overbearing with them. Boisguillaume charged him
with great responsibility in his testimony at Jeanne's Rehabilitation: "And believed
that God, at the end of his life, punished him, for he ended miserably: he was found dead
in a certain sewer outside the Rouen gate." This accident, which happened on October
20, 1438, was fabulously interpreted as punishment for his conduct during the Trial, but
Jean d'Estivet was at that time the holder of many benefices.
JEAN DE LA FONTAINE
Jean de La Fontaine, de Fonte, clerk of the diocese of Bayeux described in 1403 as
master of arts and student in law, was bachelor and promoter of the University in 1421,
and was sent to Bedford and Henry VI in 1422 to obtain confirmation of the privileges of
the University; he was licentiate in law at Paris in 1424. In 1427, with Guillaume Colles,
Manchon and Robert Guérould, he edited the transaction, made with great care by Pierre
Cauchon, between the Archbishop and the Chapter of Rouen. Jean de La Fontaine read, in
1436, Charles VII's confirmation of the privileges of the University.
Commissioned assistant counselor of the Trial, delegated by Pierre Cauchon to question
Jeanne, La Fontaine advised her to submit to the Church. Upon the testimony of Manchon and
Massieu, which need not be taken too literally, he had to flee Rouen under the threats of
Cauchon, who found him too favorable to the accused. We do know also that he was a friend
of Nicolas de Houppeville, to whom he passed a letter while the latter was in prison. A
Guillaume de La Fontaine was cited as lieutenant-general of Jean Salvain, Bailly of Rouen
in 1432. A Jacques de La Fontaine, bachelor of law, secretary and intimate friend of the
Pope, was, on March 27, 1429, occupied in the matter of exchanging his canonicate of
Beauvais.
[417]
GUILLAUME COLLES
Guillaume Colles, called Boisguillaume, and more often, Boscguillaume, of the Colles de
Boisguillaume family, was a recorder of the Trial, and a notary of the ecclesiastical
court of Rouen.
As early as 1424 one sees the name of Guillaume Colles as the signature of a writ of
excommunication. Boisguillaume is to be found as the notary of the inquisitorial trial of
Jean Seguent, held by Jean Graverent between July and November, 1430. In 1421, he is cited
as curé of Nôtre Dame de la Ronde (a benefice at the disposition of the King of
England), and he signed the act by which the members of the clergy of Rouen, assembled in
the archbishop's chapel, declared vacant the benefices of their confrères who lived in
the territory loyal to the Dauphin. A further reference is made when the court of Rouen is
ordered by Henry VI to make an inventory of his property. He was then cited as cure of
Nôtre Dame near Bernay, "under sentence of excommunication, aggravated and further
aggravated . . . obstinate and a bad example to our mother the Church." This sale of
his property was ordered so that the money might be employed for the benefit of his
absolution. Guillaume Colles lived at Rouen in the parish of Saint Nicolas. He was a
witness at the Rehabilitation, and on December 18 1456, gave details on the work of the
notaries, declaring that the Trial had been made at the expense of the English,
recognizing the documents that were presented to him, and revealing the trickeries of
Nicolas Loiseleur and Jean d'Estivet.
GUILLAUME MANCHON
Guillaume Manchon, recorder of the Trial, notary of the ecclesiastical court of Rouen,
was a canon of Rouen and Evreux, curé of Saint Martin de Vitefleur, and later of Saint
Nicolas of Rouen, and almoner of the Confrèrie de la Calende of the Doyenne de la
Chrétienté of Rouen.
Court promoter, from 1437 to 1443, he prosecuted the matter in which Jean Massieu was
accused of being bad-mannered; in this capacity he visited the abbeys and priories of the
diocese in 144o, and is cited as promoter; in 1453 he was in charge of taxes and
disbursements. He died on December 9, 1456.
We find that, on September 21, 1440, Guillaume de Croisemare, Bailly of La Madeleine at
Rouen, attested to certain of his endowments:
[418]
Guillaume Manchon is cited as notary of the court of Rouen, cure of Vitefleur since
October 31, 1436, canon of Evreux, promoter of the ecclesiastical court of Louis de
Luxembourg, Archbishop of Rouen, premier chaplain by election and appointment of the
brothers of the company of notaries, (September 13, 1440). Among the witnesses cited we
encounter Pierre Cochon, cure of Vitefleur, notary of the spiritual court of Rouen. We see
the signatures of Manchon and Nicolas Taquel on the original act of foundation, 1436. A
commission, given in the month of October, 1445, by the commissioners on the matter of
incomes pertaining to churchmen, indicates that he was charged to receive the fruits of
the revenues "of curacies situate within the diocese of Rouen, of which the curés
are absent and living outside of the jurisdiction of the king." Guillaume Manchon,
who delivered into the hands of the judges of the Rehabilitation the minutes of the Trial,
testified before them in 1450, 1452 and 1456. He testified with prudence, and accused the
Bishop and the English.
JEAN MASSIEU
Jean Massieu, priest, doyen, served as bailiff during the Trial. We see that on October
1', '1430, that the city of Rouen recognized a debt Of .47-los, a sum which he had loaned
the city. He is called the dean of la £7.10 s, of Rouen, in 1431; that is, according to
Quicherat, syndic of the priests of the division of the diocese calling itself the
Doyenné de la Chrétienté On February 3, 1431, Jean Massieu was fined for having
received money in the cemetery of the cathedral, exempt from the bishop's jurisdiction,
from certain priests and clerks cited by him. Massieu made many trips to Bâle in the
matter of the "liberties of the Church"; in 1434 he was sent to locate a
malefactor. We discover that action is taken against Thomas Milton, chaplain of the Lord
of Fauquemberge and Jean Massieu, former dean of la Chrétienté, for bad manners. Jean
Massieu, priest of the parish of Saint-Maclou, is prosecuted later for misconduct. In 1450
he is referred to as a canon, cure of Saint Cande le Vieux, upon the endowment Of 300
livres by Pierre Cauchon, in honor of the Holy Sacrament.
Jean Massieu testified in 1450 and was a witness at the Rehabilitation, on December 17,
1455. He was then said to be about fifty years old. He denounced the hatred the English
bore Jeanne, and accused Pierre Cauchon of extreme docility in respect to them.
[419]
VINCENT LE FOURBEUR
Vincent Le Fourbeur of Meaux, was a clerk, bachelor of law, and notary of the
University. He is to be found in this same capacity in 1433.
MICHEL HÉBERT
Michel Hébert, master of arts, was a notary of the University. Reference is made of
him in this capacity as early as 1422. Guillaume Nicolay is cited, in 1449, as the new
scribe elected in the place of the late Hébert, who died on August 6, at the Hôtel Dieu,
"of great poverty and sickness."
THE BASTARD OF WANDOMME
One first meets the Bastard of Wandomme in the army of Jean de Luxembourg, who laid
siege to Beaumont-en-Argonne, on April 8, 1428. May 74, 1430, the day after capturing
Jeanne, he received from the war treasurer of Burgundy the sum Of 277 livres for his
reward. He is ranked as a squire, and had under him six men-at-arms and sixty-two yeomen.
Seven years before the capture of Jeanne, the Bastard of Wandomme distinguished himself
in a tourney, fighting on foot, with a battle-axe, against a French knight; some time
later in a real battle he was gravely wounded by the splintering of a lance and was left
with a crippled arm.
NICOLAS DE MAILLY
Nicolas, or rather, Colard de Mailly, Lord of Blangy-sur-Somme and of Conty, belonged
to the party of the Duke of Burgundy. Captain of Saint-Riquier, which had just been
surrendered by the Lord of Offémont, (1422) he received from the English king, in 1423,
on the recommendation of the Duke of Bedford, the seigneurie of Rambures, seized by
d'Harcourt's men; then after the siege of Guise (1424) he received likewise the lands of
Jean de Coucy. In January 1426, Colard de Mailly was created Bailly of Vermandois. That
same year he took part in the siege of Mortagne in the retinue of the Earl of Salisbury
and later in the Argonne campaign. On July 10, 1428, he wrote to the inhabitants of Reims
to urge their obedience to the Burgundians. Colard never changed, as has been written of
him, to loyalty to the King of France. He retired to Chauny, in the fortress of Charles
d'Orléans, from which, in 1431, the inhabitants routed him. We find later mention of him
as ambassador of the King of England at the Council of Arras; in
[420]
1441 he was among Jean de Luxembourg's men at the siege of Pontoise. He died about
1457.
JEAN DE PRESSY
Jean de Pressy, from Artois, knight: We find mention of a Jean de Pressy, King's
treasurer of war in 141o among those who assisted the Duke of Burgundy in 1419 in his
counsel at Arras "on the matter of the treaty with England." In 1425 he is
called counselor of the grand Council of the King, and rendered his expenses for the trip
he had made to Champagne to raise aid and to pay the men-at-arms employed at the siege of
Moynier. On this mission he must have met Pierre Cauchon who was also employed in it. Jean
de Pressy is mentioned among the lords of the entourage of little Henry VI during the
sojourn he made at the castle of Rouen from July 29, 1430, to November 20, 1431, and he
figures among the members of the Grand Council. He accompanied the young prince to Paris.
A Jacques de Pressy was at that time canon of the cathedral of Beauvais.
NICOLAS ROLIN
Nicolas Rolin, of a burgess family, was the lawyer of Jean sans Peur, and presented at
the lit de justice of 1420 conclusions relative to the murder at Montereau. Chancellor of
Burgundy (1422), he was a sort of minister to Philippe le Bon and conducted all his
diplomacy until the Treaty of Arras. Enormously rich, Nicolas Rolin fell in disgrace under
the hatred of the Burgundian nobility. He was capable, and as obstinate as he was hard. We
have every reason to believe that Philippe le Bon regarded him as another like himself. We
know that Nicolas Rolin was educated, and that he contributed to the founding of the
universities of Dôle and Louvain; he had luxurious tastes and was a protector of the
arts. He built at Dijon the hôtels d'Autun and de Dijon; in his seigneurie the Château
d'Authume; at Beaune he built the celebrated hospital. Nicolas Rolin is represented in the
magnificent picture by Jan van Eyck in the Louvre: La Vièrge au donateur; on the
altar-screen at Beaune he is portrayed by Roger de La Pasture.
JEAN DE RINEL
Jean de Rinel, nephew by marriage of Bishop Cauchon, was notary of the Grand Council
and secretary to the King of England. Jean de Rinel is mentioned as present at a dinner
offered by the Chapter of
[421]
Rouen in 1413. He signed an order of the Duke of Bedford in 1424, and another in 1428.
Jean de Rinel received a prebend, by the procureur, Jean d'Estivet, as canon of Beauvais,
on May 25, 1437. On September 3, 1434, he is described as secretary to the King and he
received 4 livres a day as his regular salary in the course of a trip he was about to
make, from Vire to Savigny, to meet Richard Venables and other men-at-arms and yeomen who
were at the abbey of Savigny. Jean de Rinel accompanied his uncle, Pierre Cauchon in 1439
when they went to England. In 1443 he was said to have been twenty-four years in the
King's service and he obtained ten gold nobles to consecrate to pious work.
Jean de Rinel's wife was Jeanne Bidault; sister of Jean Bidault, archdeacon of Auge and
the church of Lisieux, canon of Rouen and nephew of Pierre Cauchon. The great house of the
Rinels was situated in the rue de la Chaine at Rouen, in the present-day rue des Carmes.
Another Jean de Rinel was notary and secretary of the King in 1446.
ROBERT GUÉROULD
There are two personages of this name who are to be found as notaries in an act of
1438. (_Arch. de la Seine-Inférieure_, G. 3668)
Robert Guérould, mentioned as notary as early as 1420, edited about 1424 the
capitulary registers, and kept them until 1441. He is cited as secretary of the promoter
of the archbishopric in 1447. He signed his account, in 1450, with Gilles Deschamps and
Raoul Roussel. He is mentioned as Clerk of the archbishop's court between 1453 and 1456.
lie was still living in 1460. He was completely in the confidence of Raoul Roussel, whose
secretary he was, and also an executor of his will in 1452. A Robert Guérroult is -
mentioned as cavalry sergeant at le Châtelet in Paris in 1433
JEAN RUBÉ
Jean Rubé, canon of Rouen, is mentioned in an account of 1426-7 as paymaster of the
Chapter: he delegated Jean Volet, priest, as receiver of the vicarage of Pontoise. The
following year he signed the construction accounts of the cathedral of Rouen, and again in
1431-32. Pierre Cauchon lived in his house, near Saint Nicolas le Painteur, during the
Trial.
WILLIAM HAITON
William Haiton, better spelled Heton, English, bachelor of theology, was the English
king's secretary of requests. He went to the court of
[422]
France in 141q as ambassador of Henry V to arrange the marriage of that king with
Catherine, daughter of Charles VI. He was part of the English Council in 1431, but he was
deprived of his office of secretary on March 1, 1433. He is mentioned in 1445 (_Calendar
of patent rolls . Henry VI_, Vol. IV). William Heton held the same opinion of the
Trial as did Gilles de Duremort, Abbot of Fécamp, his colleague in the King's Council.
JEAN BEAUPERE
Jean Beaupère, Pulchipatris, was born in the diocese of Nevers. Master of arts about
1397, he finished his first course in the Bible in 1407, after having studied theology. He
is referred to as bachelor formé in theology in 141g, and licentiate at the end of that
year. He was a man of considerable importance, having been rector of the University in
1412 and 1413. He fulfilled the functions of chancellor in the absence of Gerson. In 1415,
one finds him at Constance, with Pierre Cauchon, among the Burgundian ambassadors. On July
30, 142o, by apostolic favor Jean Beaupère was named canon of Nôtre Dame in Paris in
place of Jean Charreton: his confrères at first protested against his intrusion in the
choir. On June 27, 142o, he took possession at Beauvais of the canonicate of Eustache de
Laître; in 141q he was sent to Troyes with Pierre Cauchon to advise Charles VI. In 1422
he went on an embassy to the Queen of England and the Duke of Gloucester to obtain
confirmation of the privileges of the University. In 1423, en route between Paris and
Beauvais he was attacked by "brigands" who robbed him and left him for dead. He
was badly hurt, and at least deprived of the use of his right hand, and could not occupy
his benefices. Jean Beaupère received from Martin V a grant for his canonicates of
Besançon, Sens, Paris, Beauvais, and the archdiaconate of Salins (March, 1424).
Nominated, on September 6, 1430, canon of Rouen by Henry VI, he received, on April 21
1431, an honorarium from the English government Of 30 livres. In 1432 he was cellarer at
Sens, canon of Besançon, Paris, Laon, and Rouen, chaplain of Brie; and he was asking to
be, in addition, canon of Autun, curé of Saint-Jean-en-Grève, sacristan of Saint-Merry
at Paris, canon of Lisieux, etc.! He left Rouen on May 28, 1431, to go to the Council of
Bâle, where he arrived on November 2, 1431 (in 1424 he had been sent to the Council of
Sienna). He played a very important rôle there, since he was designated to demonstrate to
the Pope the necessity of his coming to Bâle, which he did with vehemence. the Fathers of
Bâle
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sent him as ambassador to Philippe le Bon in 1432; in 1435 we see that he received a
fresh testimonial of the gratitude of the English. Having taken part very actively against
the Pope, Beaupère who had been disavowed by the Chapter of Rouen in 1438, had to protest
his orthodoxy to keep his canonicate at Rouen; and when the city returned to French
domination, in 1450, he invoked his title as a good Frenchman. Jean Beaupère resided
chiefly at Besan in a country that was not disloyal to the French King. He must have died
in 1462 or 1463 at Besançon.
Beaupère, very active in the Trial, a man of authority and tractable at the same time,
played a considerable part in this drama. It was he who was sent to Paris to seek the
opinion of the University. He testified in 1452 at the time of the preliminary
investigations for the Rehabilitation and maintained his opinion on the natural causes of
Jeanne's visions, developing the theory of the malice inherent in feminine nature.
JACQUES DE TOURAINE
Jacques de Touraine, or Le Teissier, Textoris, Friar Minor, was a licentiate in
theology in 1422, and later maître regent. In a text written about 1432 or 1433, the
University celebrates the greatness of his learning and the purity of his manners.
Summoned to Paris for Jeanne's Trial, Jacques de Touraine was a very active and partial
judge. It was he who took to the University, on behalf of Pierre Cauchon, the papers of
the Trial, and edited the rough draft of the questions which were to be asked by those
present. He was, at Paris, the colleague of Pierre Maurice, Guillaume Erart, Giovanni da
Fano and other of Jeanne's judges. He was still living in 1436.
NICOLAS MIDI
Nicolas Midi, licentiate in theology in 1424, was named by Henry VI as canon of Rouen
on April 21, 1431, and he was installed there eleven days before the burning of Jeanne. On
June it, the canons accorded to him remission of the right of annates, as they had in the
case of Jean Beaupère, "by special grace, because of the services he had rendered
the Church." Nicolas Midi addressed King Henry VI upon his entry into Paris in
December, 1431, as delegate of the University. He was sent to the Council of Bâle in
1432, and became rector of the University of Louvain in 1433. About 1434 he contracted
leprosy and had to resign all his commissions and his canonicate, but he retained
[424]
the revenues from them. Midi was still living on November 8, 1438A convinced
Burgundian, (in 1416 he had debated in favor of the propositions of Jean Petit with the
Nation of Normandy) he was a fanatic supporter of the University (from IV% he was rector
of the University of Paris). A terrible malady that he contracted was early interpreted,
and in an entirely legendary way, as the sign of divine punishment merited for his role in
the Trial: for he was the author of the Twelve Articles summing up misleadingly the
doctrine said to be Jeanne's, and he was one of Bedford's confidential friends. (On May
12, 1432, out of regard for the Regent, the Chapter of Rouen decided that Nicolas Midi,
sent to the Council of Bile, should receive the money distributions as if he were
present.) If Pierre Maurice did not wish to accept the commission of going to the Council,
Nicolas Midi was urged to take his place. (Arch. de la Seine-Inférieure, G. 2126).
PIERRE MAURICE
Pierre Maurice, Mauricii, received first rank among the candidates for the theological
license in January, 1429, and the first rank among those taking the master's degree on May
23 of the same year. On January II, 1430, by letters of Henry VI, he was named to a
canonicate in the church of Rouen which an Englishman named Heton resigned in his favor.
This notorious young theologian was already strongly tied to the English government,
since he had obtained from Henry VI the benefice of Saint Sebastien de Préaux, in the
diocese of Lisieux. He was curé of Yerville, and exchanged that benefice for that of the
chapel of Saint Pierre in the cathedral of Rouen; he was curé of Paluel, and also
chaplain of the chapel of Saint Mathurin at the cathedral. On June 5, 1430, he was
designated by the canons to speak in their name at the ceremonies attending the entrance
of Henry VI into the cathedral. He was elected to plead with the Cardinal of England
[Winchester] in their name on behalf of Louis de Luxembourg's candidacy for the vacant
archbishopric of Rouen (December 3). He was delegated in 1431 to accompany Pasquier de
Vaux, ambassador of the English king to Rome, and he went to Bile in 1434 as ambassador of
Henry VI, and the following year he went to England at the order of the Council. Named
vicar-general on December 5, 1436, he died shortly afterwards. The thirty-two precious
manuscripts that he owned were willed to the library of the Chapter of Rouen; among them
were a Terence, a Virgil, a
[425]
Vegetius, and a beautiful breviary which Louis de Luxembourg bought. This educated
theologian was very active in the Trial and he displayed a zeal in trying to enlighten
Jeanne which does not seem to have been very sincere.
GÉRARD FEUILLET
Gérard Feuillet, Feuleti de Salinis, Fuleti, Friar Minor, bachelor at Paris in 1425,
was licentiate in theology in December, 1429, and received his master's degree on March
30, 1430. This professor of theology was one of the masters who worked upon the editing of
the articles of accusation in the Trial and who went to Paris to report the conclusions to
the Duke of Bedford and the University.
THOMAS DE COURCELLES
Thomas de Courcelles, born at Amiens in 1393, notorious University man, rector of the
Faculty of Law in 1426, bachelor of theology of the University of Paris, taught theology
there for many years; he died in 1469, dean of the Chapter of Nôtre Dame.
Rector of the University in 1430, he went in this capacity to the court of Rome; he was
sent to Arras, where he spoke for peace in 1435, and "Proposed so many fine and
solemn words that . it seemed as if an angel of God were speaking, and of those present
many were moved to tears." At the Council of Bâle, Thomas de Courcelles shone as one
of the lights of the French church (1433-1438). In 1433, in spite of the plague which
infested Bâle, he remained at his post. He was delegated by the Council to contribute to
the election of the next Pope. He was among those who declared the Pope was an apostate,
in July, 1439; he was sent by the Fathers to the Diet of Mayence for the election of a new
Pope; in December, at Thonon, Thomas de Courcelles made an address before the anti-pope
Felix V which resulted in 1444 in a promotion of cardinals. In 144o he explained
eloquently, before Charles VII at Bourges, the doctrine of the French church. On July 18,
1442, at Saint Magloire, he preached before the people the solemn sermon which put an end
to the troubles of the University, announcing that the King "had liberally
reconfirmed and given anew to our mother the University all her privileges." On July
17, 1447, he returned to the Chapter of Nôtre Dame at Paris where he was received as
canon on September 11th There were already in this Chapter a Guillaume de Courcelles,
named Chancellor in 1425 in place of Jean Gerson, and Jean de Courcelles,
[426]
referred to as doctor of law and archdeacon of Josas through the King's favor, who had
been canon since July 23, 1446; he was a brother of Thomas. In August, 1447, Thomas de
Courcelles was at Lyons among the ambassadors who were negotiating for the renunciation of
Amadeus, Duke of Savoy. In a letter of April 8, 1448, Gerard Machet, confessor of Charles
VII, states that Thomas de Courcelles was entrusted with the Pope's verbal commissions.
Courcelles went to Rome to be near Nicolas V and took the title of archdeacon of the Pope.
In 1458 he is called dean of Nôtre Dame. In 145o he spoke against the founding of a
university at Caen. He was at that time in possession of an accumulation of benefices.
The rôle that he enjoyed in the Trial, where he gave a judgment favorable to torturing
Jeanne, is well known. This young prelate with a significant, promised future, this cleric
"very solemn and excellent," enjoyed the full confidence of Pierre Cauchon, who
later put him in charge of translating the minutes of the Trial into Latin. Questioned in
1456 at the Rehabilitation proceedings, this remarkable doctor, whose eloquence was
boasted about by his contemporaries and remarked on his tombstone, lost his memory! Thomas
de Courcelles was doubtless embarrassed by the Trial, and afterwards, during the
definitive editing of that document, he suppressed his name wherever it had figured in the
French minutes. He tried to give the impression that he had taken little part in the
Trial, which was false. But he was considerably less of a fanatic than Pierre Cauchon and
Guillaume Erart.
MARTIN LAVENU
Martin Lavenu, or Ladvenu, Dominican, from the Jacobin monastery at Rouen, who sought
to enlighten Jeanne, was her confessor, and her spiritual adviser in prison. Very little
is known about Martin Ladvenu. He was in Paris at the time of the trial of Gilles
Deschamps, one of Jeanne's judges. The following year at Neufchatel he lectured a
sorceress, Jeanne Vaneril, suspect in matters of faith. He was described, in 1452, at the
time of the preliminary process of the Rehabilitation, as a friar of the monastery of the
Jacobins at Rouen, "especial confessor and adviser of the maid Jeanne in her last
days."
JEAN DE CHATILLON
Jean de Châtillon, de Castellione, de Castilliono, de Chasteillon, and better, Jean
Hulot de Châtillon, (he is so designated in his opinion concerning
[427]
Jeanne), was archdeacon of Evreux, and later canon. He is not to be confused with the
Italian Jean de Castiglione who became Bishop of Coutances in 1444
He had long been at the University; in 1403, he was said to be master of arts and
bachelor of theology, and he must have been the comrade of Pierre Cauchon and Jean
Beaupère at Paris. In 1418 he took part in the council which ended the charter of
liberties of the French church. He was teaching at the University of Paris on the Faculty
of Theology in 1428, at the same time as Pierre de Dyerée, Guillaume Erart, and
Guillaume. Adelie. He was already living at Rouen and was a doctor of theology before the
Trial, and enjoyed some influence with members of the English government. In 1433 he
received a canonicate at the cathedral, vacant upon the death of Couppequesne, by virtue
of letters of the King. In 1437 he became as well archdeacon of Vexin-Normand. It is not
known what relationship he was to Guillaume, Lord of Châtillon, who is said to have
conquered Château Thierry for the English king in August, 1426.
It is not very probable that he was threatened by Pierre Cauchon and evicted from
sessions of the Trial as Jean Massieu reported at the Rehabilitation proceedings. Very
zealous in the Trial, he seems to have contented himself with disapproving of certain
captious questions put to the accused. It was he who was in charge of admonishing the Maid
on May 2nd.
JEAN DE NIBAT
Jean de Nibat, Friar Minor, licentiate in theology in 1424, was maître regent at Paris
from 1426 on. He was a zealous judge at the Trial, and accepted, with the doctors of
Paris, the soundness of the Twelve Articles.
JACQUES GUESDON
Jacques Guesdon, Friar Minor, was the brother guardian of the monastery at Rouen in
1427. He explained to the Pope that after having been excommunicated by Jean Guesdon,
provincial of the order in France, he had studied theology at Paris for eight years, and
that the provincial chapter had designated him to "read the Bible." It is,
therefore, not very likely that he could have been master of theology by 1431, at least at
the University of Paris. This Cordelier was very active at the Trial. It is not known what
relationship he bore to Laurent Guesdon, lieutenant-general to Raoul Bouteiller, Bailly of
Rouen at that time, and later lieutenant-general to the Bailly of Gisors.
[428]
JEAN LE FEVRE
Jean Le Fèvre, Fabri, was a hermit of Saint Augustin. On January 23, 1414, he was
commissioned, with Jean Fouquerel, to correct the psalters. He was present at the
reception of Pierre Cauchon as Bishop of Beauvais. Licentiate in theology on March 13,
1426, and master on October 15, he was teaching at Paris at the same time as Erard
Emengart, Jean Beaupère Nicolas Midi, and Jacques de Touraine. He was pénitencier of the
church of Rouen under Monsignor de Luxembourg and he was authorized, as a notable person,
to have a key to the library of the Chapter and to work there. He was named Bishop of
Demetriade on January 13, 1451, and died at Rouen in 1463
He appears to have enjoyed a rather considerable reputation as a preacher, and he
preached notably against the French on the occasion of the sieges of Meaux and Pontoise.
It was he who performed the mass in the choir of Nôtre Dame at the time of the death of
Cardinal de Luxembourg.
Le Fèvre was one of the most diligent judges at the Trial; he testified in a somewhat
embarrassed fashion at the inquiry relative to the Rehabilitation; but it is proved that
he showed some zeal in her favor, and that he sat very regularly as a subdelegated judge
at the Rehabilitation proceedings.
DU QUESNAY
Du Quesnay, de Quesneio, given as Maurice Duchesne, de Quercu, in the French Minutes of
the Trial.
We find a Jean de Quesneio, cursor in theology in 1426, at the same time as Guillaume
Erard, licentiate in theology in 1429. He is said to be master of theology on March 30,
1430, and sat at the trial of Friar Minor Jean Sarrasin beside Jean Beaupère Martin
Billorin, Guillaume Erard, all judges of the Maid, and he is often mentioned in the
petitions of the Vatican. In the month of September, 143o, he figures among the master
regents of the University of Paris. We find him later as abbot of Bec-Hellouin, and canon
of La Saussaye in the diocese of Evreux, and then, in 1434, among the members of the
Council of Bâle. But, if this is the Du Quesnay in question, it does not explain the name
Maurice which is given him in the French minutes, or the form de Quercu, for his surname.
[429]
GUILLAUME LE BOUCHER
Guillaume Le Boucher, Boucherii, Carmelite, was made a licentiate in theology at the
University of Paris in December, 1413; he is referred to as doctor at the time of the
Trial. He was then living in his house at Rouen, and had lived there since 1422. Guillaume
Le Boucher was very diligent at the Trial and he judged Jeanne to be an apostate and
guilty of heresy. He pretended to depend on the authority of Gilles de Duremort, Abbot of
Fécamp.
PIERRE HOUDENC
Pierre Houdenc, or as frequently written de Houdenc, Carmelite, became a licentiate in
theology at the University of Paris in March, 1424, and received his master's degree on
the 21st of November. He was thus a comrade of Jean de Nibat and Nicolas Midi, who
obtained their licentiates at the same time as he. In 1431 he was prior of the Carmelite
order at Rouen, and was very closely linked to the Duke of Bedford who passed for the
founder of the Carmelite house and was at all events its benefactor. Pierre de Houdenc
could not refuse anything to one from whom he accepted donations.
It is certain that Pierre de Houdenc was one of the most diligent judges at the Trial,
and was very zealous in pursuing the destruction of the Maid.
RICHARD PRATY
Richard Praty, an Englishman, was mentioned as among the religious who tried between
the months of July and November, 1430, at Rouen the case of Jean Seguent in matters of
faith. He was dean of the royal chapel and chancellor of the church at Salisbury, and was
named Bishop of Chichester by Eugene IV, on April 21, 1438. He died sometime before
September 12, 1445 (Calendar of Patent Rolls . Henry VI, IF).
GUILLAUME DE CONTI
Guillaume de Conti, Benedictine, was provost of Cérisy, and abbot of Saint Pierre de
Lagny in 1423, and abbot of Sainte Catherine du Mont at Rouen in 1429. Licentiate in law
in 1422, he was a University delegate to the Council in 1423; master of arts in 1424, he
taught at Paris after that time. He was dean of the Faculty of Law from November, 1431,
until May, 1432, when he left to attend the Council of
[430]
Bâle. In 1434, the University delegated him, with Thomas de Courcelles, to go to Arras
to treat for peace. In 1436, in April, he was designated as ambassador of the University
to congratulate Charles VII on the occasion of the taking of Paris. Guillaume de Conti
died in 145:z, after swearing allegiance to Charles VII.
GUILLAUME BONNEL
Guillaume Bonnel, Benedictine, of the diocese of Lisieux, was abbot of Cormeilles after
1408. He studied law in Paris under Jean, abbot of Saint Taurin, from 1426 to 1428, when
he received his doctorate. On and after November 6, 1432, he was dean of the Faculty of
Law. He swore allegiance to Henry V in 1418, and died in 1437,
JEAN GARIN
Jean Garin, Guarin, and also spelled Guerin, in Latin written both Garini and Guerini,
was a descendant of an ancient law family. Doctor of law in 1415, dean of the Faculty of
Law from January, 1419, to November 1422, named by Henry VI to a canonial prebend in the
church at Rouen, he was, in 1423 and 1430, a deputy to the Estates of Normandy. He was in
charge of installing the library of the Chapter at Rouen. Jean Garin exercised the
functions of treasurer of the archbishopric from 1429, and he is described also as
archdeacon of Veulguessin le François. He died at Bâle in 1433
Naturally the opinion of this lawyer conformed to the opinion of the Faculty of Law. In
the final sentence Jean Garin followed the opinion of the Abbot of Fécamp, Gilles de
Duremort.
RICHARD DE GROUCHET
Richard de Grouchet, master of arts, is referred to in a register of the University in
1403. He taught grammar at Rouen. Bachelor of theology, he preached in the cathedral in
1439 and obtained by favor of the Chapter one of the keys to the library. He was one of
those designated by the Chapter to make up the embassy to Bâle.
Very diligent in the Trial, Richard de Grouchet was cited as a witness at the time of
the Rehabilitation. He retracted his opinion, and insisted emphatically upon the
constraint that Pierre Cauchon put upon the judges. He must have been about seventy at
that time.
[431]
PIERRE MINIER
Pierre Minier, or Le Minier, Minerii, was master of arts, in his fifth year in
theological studies in 1403. He is not to be confused with the Carmelite Pierre Meinier,
bachelor of theology at Paris in 1432. He must have died in 1432 or 1433. In 1432 we find
an approval of the will of Pierre Minier, cure of Boos.
A very diligent witness at the Trial, upon the testimony of Houppeville, his opinion
concerning Jeanne was not pleasing to Cauchon, who would not admit him to the editing of
the Trial record. His opinion was, however, included.
RAOUL LE SAUVAGE
Raoul Le Sauvage, Silvestris, Dominican, was licentiate in theology in 1429 and master
in November, 1431. He appears to have had a great reputation as a preacher at Rouen where
he preached many sermons between 1427 and 1447
Jean Marcel, in the Procès de Réhabilitation, refers to him as Jean but in the Trial
Record he is named Raoul in every instance (except in the session of April 12) with the
title of bachelor of theology and once as master. A Radulphus Silvestris, priest of the
diocese of Rouen, was described in 1403 as having been a master of arts for fifteen years,
a bachelor of law, and student in theology at the same time as Erard Emengart, Guillaume
de Baudribosc, André Marguerie, Jean Garin and Guillaume Desjardins.
DENIS GASTINEL
Denis Gastinel, licentiate in canon law at Paris in 1418, had studied under another of
Jeanne's judges, Nicolas Le Roux, Abbot of La Croix Saint Leufroy. He was present in 1419
at the oath of allegiance made by the abbot of Jumièges to King Henry VI. He was provided
with numerous benefices by the conquering king; he became curé of Troismonts in 1420,
canon of Nôtre Dame de la Ronde in 1421, and canon of the cathedral of Rouen in 1422. He
was dean of Andely in 1423, curé of Neville by favor of an English knight, Walter
Hungerford, in 1427, and was vicar-general during the vacancy of the archiepiscopal see.
He took part in the Estates convoked by Bedford at Lisieux in 1436. He died on December
13, 1440, leaving among the executors of his will his friend Jean Caval.
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He was a man entirely devoted to the English in the Chapter of Rouen, which he
remembered in his will. Bedford recompensed him for his zeal by naming him, in 1424, a
member of the royal council, with a salary of a hundred livres a year. His judgment in the
matter of the Maid was very vigorous; at the time of the definitive sentence, he displayed
the same spirit and screened himself behind the opinion of the Abbot of Fécamp, Gilles de
Duremort.
JEAN LE DOULX
Jean Le Doulx, Weis, is referred to as master of arts in 14T2; he was a canon of Rouen.
In a petition of 1427 he is described as a licentiate in both civil and canon law, and
rector of the parish church of Saint Martin du Pont of Rouen, and intimate friend of
Cardinal de la Rochetaillée Promoter from 1422 on, and judge of Saint Cande le Vieux in
1423. He was named, in 1432, the lawyer pensionné of the Chapter.
JEAN BASSET
Jean Basset, Basseti, was born in 1381 in the diocese of Coutances, was master of arts
in 1403, and licentiate in law at Paris in 1418. He early allied himself with the English
government. Presented by Henry V with the benefice of Tirepié in the diocese of Avranches
in 142o, and canon of the church of Mantes in 142T, he obtained in that year after his
oath of allegiance, the restitution of the revenues of his benefice of Gambernon. He was a
man of considerable importance at that time, for he was then conservator of the privileges
of the University of Paris (he carried the register of examinations to the court of Rome
in 141q) and he obtained in 1423 the confirmation of the privileges of that illustrious
body from Bedford (in 1420 he had been sent to appeal to the King of England and the Duke
of Burgundy on the same mission). On March 8, 1420, Jean Basset obtained a canonical
prebend in the church of Rouen; he was ecclesiastical judge during the vacancy of the
archbishopric, and then treasurer of the diocese, (1436) precentor of, the cathedral in
1445, vicar-general in 1451, and provided with a great many benefices, among them a
canonicate at Avranches in 1429. Jean Basset died at Rouen on March 3, 1454. He had asked
to be buried at the entrance of the choir in Nôtre Dame.
Basset's judgment concerning Jeanne was at the same time prudent and submissive. But he
was not, as Quicherat says, imprisoned for it. It was fine of him, however, to have freed
from the prison at Rouen, as
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ecclesiastical judge, clerics who had been imprisoned by the English government for the
crime of high treason. A Nicolas Basset is referred to as constable of the castle of Rouen
in 1431. 1 do not know what connection he may have had with this Jean Basset.
JEAN BROUILLOT
Jean Brouillot, or Bruillot, Brulloti, was a priest of the diocese of Bayeux, master of
arts and licentiate in law in 1403; he is referred to in 1408 as procureur of the
University of Paris. In 14io Brouillot was sent, with Pierre Cauchon, in an embassy to the
duc de Berry to seek for peace; in May, 1411, to the Duke of Burgundy to get his support
of Jean Richard, the abbot of Saint Ouen whom Jean XXIII disappointed. In 1418 Bruillot is
described as councilor of Parlement in the Chambre des Enquêtes, and cure of Saint
Nicolas de Tailles in the diocese of Rouen. He received the chantry of Rouen in 1422,
vacant during the absence of Jean de Noris, who remained loyal to the French. He was sent
as a deputy at various times to the Estates of Normandy, was vicar-general of the
archbishopric, and was certainly very agreeable to the Duke of Bedford, since he was among
those named by the Chapter to explain to the regent the reasons for not sacrificing the
interests of the church of Rouen to those of the Carmelites. Bruillot died about the 20th
of December, 1435, leaving Nicolas de Venderès for executor of his will. Jean Bruillot's
opinion concerning Jeanne tallied completely with that of the masters of theology.
AUBERT MOREL
Aubert Morel, Morelli, became licentiate in law at Paris in 1428, where he had studied
under Guillaume de Conti, another of Jeanne's judges. He enjoyed, after 1419, various
chaplaincies of the cathedral of Rouen, and he was early allied with the English
government, since he obtained from Henry V, in 1420, the benefice of Theuville aux
Maillots, and, contrary to the pretentions of Richard de Saulx, the vicarship of Pontoise
from 1423 to 1425. He was a hard man, and gave it as his opinion that Jeanne should be
subjected to torture.
JEAN COLOMBEL
Jean Colombel, Columbelli, a cleric of Lisieux, was bachelor of arts in 1403, Of law in
1415, and figured in 1420 among the licentiates at
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Paris where he had for teacher another of Jeanne's judges, Jean Garin, dean of the
Faculty of Law.
Promoter of the diocese at Rouen in 1423 and 1424, he denounced those who had seized
the revenues of the archbishopric during the vacancy of the See, proclaiming loudly words
that wounded various canons; and he was imprisoned for this. Jean Colombel was promoter
for the ecclesiastical court of Rouen from 1423 to 1429. He was curé of Valliquierville
in 1429 and he exchanged this benefice for that of Saint Vivien of Rouen which was held at
that time by Jean Secart, licentiate in law, one of those present at the Trial. Colombel
must have died intestate on November 12, 1437. He was then described as canon and
scholastic of Lisieux, a title which he obtained, presumably, from Pierre Cauchon.
In his final judgment concerning Jeanne, Jean Colombel decided as did the Abbot of
Fécamp, Gilles de Duremort.
LAURENT Du BOSC
Laurent Du Busc, a cleric of Rouen, was bachelor of law in 1403 at Paris, and
licentiate in 1420. He is referred to at Rouen as lawyer of the church court in 1423, 1439
and 1440. We find, in 1423 a Pierre Dubust, keeper of the seal of the vicomte de Rouen; a
Jean de Busco, student at the Faculty of Theology at Paris in 1432; in 1447 a Guillaume du
Busc was executor of high justice of Lisieux. I do not know what relationship, if any,
there was among these people.
RAOUL ANGUY
Raoul Anguy, lawyer of the church court, was master of arts, licentiate in law on March
14, 143o, and was received as canon of Rouen in 1435. He died before July 4, 1442. On May
15, 1433, Raoul Anguy was named by Edmund Beaufort, comte de Mortain, as auditor of his
accounts. On October 26, 1436, he is cited as master of arts, having power of purveyor of
the offices of the comte de Mortain.
ANDRÉ MARGUERIE
André Marguerie, master of arts in 1403 at Paris, bachelor of law, was vicar-general
and counselor of Archbishop Louis d'Harcourt in 1409, and was confirmed as archdeacon of
Petit Caux by Henry V in 1421. He returned at that time from the Council of Constance, and
affirmed that he had never adhered to the Armagnac party or that of
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the Dauphin. A member of the council of the King during the English domination, he is
cited as counselor of the King in 1422 and received 30 livres "to make a certain trip
from Rouen to Vernon, on behalf of the said lord," (Bedford). He went as a deputy to
the Estates of Normandy in 1423, to the provincial council at Rouen in 1445, was holder of
the benefice of Drosay, and at the same time was treasurer of the Chapter of Rouen, and
undertook the pilgrimage to Jerusalem between 1442 and 1443, and asked, to this end,
testimonial letters de vita et moribus. André Marguerie died at Rouen February 12, 1465.
His will shows that he was rich and beneficent. André Marguerie's conduct at the Trial
was prudent and he even at times let himself appear kindly disposed. He testified in a
rather vague way at the Rehabilitation.
JEAN ALESPÉE
Jean Alespée, Ad Ensem, born in 1357, the son of Pierre Alespée, was licentiate in
civil law, and bachelor of canon law at Paris, and canon of Rouen from 1412. He was
treasurer of the diocese under Archbishop Louis d'Harcourt (1412-1413), vicar-general of
that prelate, with his intimate friend Nicolas de Venderès (1415-1422), and was allied
with the English party. By letter of nomination of Henry V he was concurrently canon of
Evreux, Bayeux, of the collegiate church of Andely, and curé of Hautot le Vatois. He died
at Rouen, at the home of Jean Marcel, on August 16, 1434, in his seventy-seventh year,
after having been ill for some time at the home of Pierre Miget, prior of Longueville.
Jean Alespée was a rich man and a lover of fine books. His confrères put him in charge,
in 1424, Of supervising the construction of the library of the cathedral. Jean Alespée
was related to the Estouteville and Mallet de Graville families. He was also a friend of
Nicolas de Venderès who made an inventory of his possessions.
Jean Alespée, appears especially to have been a timid man; he always took refuge
behind the opinions of his teachers and lords, the theologians. Jean Riquier, witness at
the Rehabilitation, reported that Alespée wept freely at the burning of Jeanne and that
he said publicly: "I wish that my soul were where I believe the soul of this girt
is."
GEOFFROY Du CROTAY
Geoffroy Du Crotay is not to be found among the members of the University of Paris. He
is first to be met at the reinstatement of a prisoner taken from the prisons of the
cathedral of Rouen. He is cited
[436]
as lawyer pensionné of the Chapter in 1435, and he was still living in 1462.
Geoffroy du Crotay and his colleague, Le Doulx, gave it as their opinion in the session
of March 27, 1431, that Jeanne ought to have at least three days' delay before being
excommunicated, but when they deliberated with the other lawyers of the court on her
assertions, they fell back upon the judgment of the Parisian theologians.
GILLES DESCHAMPS
Gilles Deschamps, licentiate in civil law, came from an old and rich family of Rouen.
His uncle was Gilles Deschamps, doctor of theology, Bishop of Coutances and Cardinal, who
died on March 15, 1413, a personage highly praised for his "very eminent
knowledge," and who is cited as almoner of Charles VI in the Chronique du Religieux
de Saint Denys.
The younger Gilles was born at Rouen, and had studied at Paris in 1414; he was very
young when provided with a benefice as canon of Coutances, certainly thanks to the
patronage of his uncle, bishop of that city. Almoner of King Charles VI in 1415, he
exchanged the benefice of the chapel of Saint Thomas of the Louvre for the chancellery of
the church of Rouen where he was received in 1420. The same year he exchanged the benefice
of Pirou in the diocese of Coutances for a canonicate in the cathedral of Rouen. He was in
turn chancellor of Nôtre Dame of Rouen, treasurer of the archbishopric, vicar-general,
and deputy to the royal council of the states, which was held at Paris. He was named dean
in 1435 and in 1437 we see him with Guillaume Erart, Nicolas de Venderès and André
Marguerie entrusted by the Fathers of the Council to publish the indulgences accorded on
the occasion of the reunion of the Greeks with the Catholic Church. Gilles Deschamps was
prosecuted in matters of faith, in 1438, on the complaint of the promoter; he died in
prison before the end of his trial.
We do not know the motive for this prosecution, which was vigorous; his brothers,
Robert and Jean Deschamps, requested the Archbishop of Rouen for permission to bury him in
holy ground and the permission was granted. He had for judges Pasquier de Vaux, Bishop of
Meaux, with whom he had lively quarrels at the time of his promotion to dean, in 1435, and
Brother Martin Lavenu. In the long decision which he wrote concerning Jeanne, Gilles
Deschamps insisted especially upon the fact of her insubmission; for the rest, he
entrenched himself in the
[437]
opinions of the faculties of Law and Theology. Deschamps was very fond of the Chapter
of Nôtre Dame of Rouen, and he presented the boys of the choir, whom he directed for many
years, with caps of vermilion wool, "to escape the coldness of winter." In 1423
he directed the classifying of the archives of the Chapter, and on November 2, 1438,
although he had been accused in matters of faith, the Chapter authorized his burial in the
chapel of Nôtre Dame.
JOHN GREY
John Grey (?) most often written Jean Gris. Is this the same person as "John Grey,
Knight, capitaine of Yomins" that one finds in 1435 in the retinue of the Duke of
Bedford? or Sir John Gray? A Jehan Grey is remitted his possessions by the King of England
in 1419, October 3 (Bibl. Nat. ms. fr. 26043); one finds a Jean de Grey, captain of
Argentan for King Henry in 1420 (Bibl. Nat. ms. fr. 26043)
A Jean Gray, Knight, captain of Exmes (1430?) gave a receipt for wages to P. Baille,
receiver-general of Normandy.
JOHN BERWOIT
John Berwoit, or Barow, was Jeanne's guard. Perhaps this is the same person referred to
later on in the definitive edition as Johannes Baroust, commissioned with John Grey to
guard Jeanne's cell (session of March 13). William Talbot was also one of her guards.
JEAN PINCHON
Jean Pinchon was licentiate in canon law at Paris before 1414, archdeacon of Josas in
1418, and at Melun; he took possession in 142, of a canonicate at Rouen that he had
obtained about 144; on this occasion he made his submission to Henry V. We note that he
took the title of scribe and abréviateur of apostolic letters. On November 9, 1422, he
challenged letters of appeal to the Pontiff concerning a dispute in which he felt himself
to be wronged, and he fought for the nomination of Jean de la Rochetaillée as Archbishop
of Rouen; when a majority was obtained by Nicolas de Venderès, he demanded the nomination
of new officers for the archbishopric during the vacancy of the See, those who had been
named seeming suspect to him. He was a deputy to the Council in 1424, and was named,
December 3, 1429, vicar-general during the vacancy of the See. This battling cleric, who
had to reconcile himself with his confrère, Jean de Besançon, against whom he had spoken
injuriously,
[438]
enjoyed the full confidence of the English. Bedford entrusted him with presenting to
the Chapter the charter by which the English duke made himself the second founder of the
Carmelites at Rouen (January 9, 1431). Jean Pinchon coveted also the canonicates of
Tournai and Evreux; he must have died at Paris before June 25, 1438. He was an assiduous
judge at the Trial, and judged in accordance with the theologians of Paris and referred
himself to the authority of Guillaume Le Boucher.
JEAN MORET
Jean Moret, Benedictine, was a licentiate in both laws, and prior of the small abbey of
Préaux in the diocese of Lisieux, and abbot from November 27, 1420. Early identified with
the English cause, Jean Moret made oath and a census of his possessions to King Henry V in
1420. Halle, captain of "brigands," directed an expedition against the abbey of
Préaux in 1426. Jean Moret was dead by September 11, 1432.
GUILLAUME DESJARDINS
Guillaume Desjardins or Desgardins, de Gardinis, or Jardinis, doctor of medicine, was
born about 1370 at Caudebec in Caux. He appears in 1403 as priest of the diocese of Rouen,
master of arts, and student in medicine. In 1408 he had first ranking as licentiate in
medicine, and the following month was numbered among the master regents of that faculty.
From November, 1412, to November, 1413, Desjardins did not teach at Paris, but he took up
his courses again at the reopening of the school year in 1414. On December 6, 1418, the
Faculty considered him as a regent, although he was ill in Rouen, which was then besieged,
and had not been able to return to his post. Desjardins was never to return to Paris. He
was personat of Mireville in 1415, and was provided by authority of Henry V with the
benefice as curé of Saint Laurent de Bacquepits in the diocese of Evreux, which he
exchanged for the benefice of Saint Pierre de Neufmarche. He was undoubtedly allied from
that time with the English party, for he was named, in succession, to two canonicates in
1421, one at Bayeaux, and the other in the church at Rouen where his brother, Robert
Desjardins, died in the early part of August, 1438.
He was a rich man, having at Sahurs a rather important fief, and possessing beautiful
books. Guillaume Desjardins practiced medicine at Rouen and passed for a liberal. He
protected at Paris the students of
[439]
his Nation, contributing towards the acquisition of a building in which they could
pursue their studies. He was at Rouen one of the benefactors of the Hôtel Dieu de la
Madeleine.
We know that he visited Jeanne in prison, on the orders of the Earl of Warwick, when
the English were afraid she would die a natural death. Guillaume Desjardins found that she
had a fever; with his colleague and confrère, Guillaume de la Chambre, he prescribed that
she be bled. His opinion at the Trial followed that of the Abbot of Fécamp, Gilles de
Duremort.
ROBERT MORELLET
Robert Morellet, Moreleti, Morelli, was a master of arts at Paris. In a petition of
1442 he is described as canon and chancellor of the church at Rouen. We learn from a
decree in council of Henry VI that the archbishop was allowed to proceed against him
through his deputy judge. He was at that time said to be the contractor of the prebend of
Saint Éloi, and that to the great scandal of his parishioners he had thrown to the ground
a tablet on which the treasurers of the parish had exposed wax candles for sale. We find
later that on November 14, 1441, he was tried in matters of faith for having blasphemed
the name of God. But Jean Le Maistre, vicar-general of the Inquisitor, intervened on his
behalf and he was reëstablished in reputation. On October 31, 1442, the formula of
excommunication which attainted him was affixed to the cathedral door "with an
epitaph in great letters." A Robert Morelet, priest, is mentioned as patron of the
church of Canouville.
JEAN LE Roy
Jean Le Roy, Regis, was a master of arts at Paris in 1403, a student in his fourth year
under the Faculty of Law in 1416, and priest in the diocese of Meaux. An account of
"Johannes Regis," canon of the church of Rouen, called also master of wills, was
made for 1433-1434, and 1434-1435. A Jean Le Roy, canon, promoter of Rouen, curé of
Londinières and later of Bourdainville, 1429-1430, is described as promoter during the
vacancy of the See on December 13, 1429. He died January 25, 1460.
ERARD EMENGART
Erard Emengart, originally from the diocese of Rouen, was master of arts and bachelor
of theology in 1403; licentiate in 1410, he figured for many years among the regents of
the Faculty of Theology. In February,
[440]
1414, he was among the doctors who demanded that the affair of Jean Petit be referred
to the Pope. In September, 1431, he was still teaching at Paris.
JOHN CARPENTER
John Carpenter, Carpentarii, a clerk of the King, is described as a master of theology.
In 1429 he was rector of the parish church of Beaconsfield in the diocese of Lincoln; in
1435 he was the guardian of Saint Anthony's hospital in London.
DENIS DE SABREVOIS
Denis de Sabrevois, sometimes written Sabrevays and Sabreuvras, studied at Paris. He
received his bachelor's degree in theology in 1422, at the same time as Guillaume Adelie.
He was a licentiate in theology in 1426 and Jean Le Fèvre and Jean Gravestain were
classmates. He is referred to as master, on March 30, 1430, and he taught theology with
Jean Beaupère, Erard Emengart, Jacques de Touraine, Nicolas Midi, and Guillaume Adelie.
On December 23, 1451, at Bâle, Denis de Sabrevois was entrusted with receiving the papal
nuncio. In October, 1437, the Faculty named him their ambassador to the Council and
charged him to obtain from the Council a ruling that no one could obtain the office of
chancellor of Nôtre Dame unless he were master of theology. In 1438, when arrested near
Bâle upon orders of Eugene IV, Denis de Sabrevois was freed thanks to the intervention of
Albert, Duke of Austria, the son-in-law of Emperor Sigismund. That same year he wrote to
the Fathers of the Council that King Charles VII would fight to the death for the defence
of the authority of the Council - which was certainly an exaggeration. With Thomas de
Courcelles, Denis de Sabrevois remained at Bâle, in spite of the plague. He was there
again in November, 1439. The following year in the general assembly of the University, he
played an important rôle; and the French government, represented by the chancellor and
provost, had to resign itself to seeing the University take the part of Felix V. In 1444,
Denis de Sabrevois argued again in favor of the Council. He figured among the master
regents of the University of the year 1452, and he is described as dean of the Faculty
from 1456 to 1472.
GUILLAUME DE BAUDRIBOSC
Guillaume de Baudribosc, originally of Rouen, was master of arts and bachelor of
theology in 1403, and canon of the cathedral of Rouen
[441]
in 1431. He was keeper of the seal of the church court in 1422, and was in charge of
the archives of the Chapter. He was pénitencier of the Chapter in 1424, and took the
inventory of goods of the church houses, with the chancellor, Gilles Deschamps, in 1425.
He was exempted by his confrères from coming to church, in 1439, because of his age and
infirmities. He died about the fifteenth of January, 1447, in his house in the rue aux
Oues. We may assume that Baudribosc was educated, for he willed three books to the library
of the cathedral; he was eloquent, for he was appointed by the Chapter to felicitate the
Duke of Bedford upon the occasion of his joyous entry into Rouen in 1424, and to ask
justice from him-in very generous terms. But he was certainly very strongly attached to
the English party. His niece, who was his heiress, was married to an Englishman.
Guillaume de Baudribosc, a very diligent judge at the Trial, hid behind the authority
of the Abbot of Fécamp, when he had to make his decision.
NICOLAS LEMIRE
Nicolas Lemire, Medici, is referred to in the Trial Record both as bachelor of
theology, and as master.
Denifle and Chatelain have proposed the correction from Nicolaus to Petrus. We find at
the University of Paris a Petrus Medici, cleric of Evreux, master of arts in 1403,
licentiate in theology in 1428, master in the same year. This priest of the diocese of
Evreux was desirous of obtaining a vicariate, in 1425, in the Evreux church. But it is
wise to be prudent in such corrections, and we must admit that Thomas de Courcelles must
have known his colleagues rather well.
RICHARD LE GAGNEUX
Richard Le Gagneux, Lucratoris, originally of Coutances, is referred to in the Trial
Record as bachelor of theology. He is only to be found as master of arts and bachelor of
law at Paris, and licentiate in canon law on December 3, 1436.
JEAN DUVAL
Jean Duval, de Valle, priest of the diocese of Rouen, was a master of arts at Paris in
1403. Later he was a student of theology under the Abbot of Fécamp; he asked for a
canonicate at Meaux in 1422, and in 1425 at the church of Estrain in the diocese of Rouen.
In 1439 he is
[442]
referred to as a master of theology and took part in the election of the antipope at
Bâle.
GUILLAUME LE MESLE
Guillaume Le Mesle, Benedictine, taught canon law at Paris in 1418, He was abbot of
Saint Catherine at Rouen, and in 1428 was abbot of Saint Ouen. He took the oath of loyalty
at the church of Rouen in November of that year. A Guillaume Le Mesle, in 1434, is
described as special lieutenant of the Bailly of Evreux.
JEAN LABBÉ
Jean Labbé, Benedictine, was abbot of Saint Georges de Boscherville from November 11,
1417, according to Gallia Christina, volume XI. His temporal possessions having been
seized by the English, he sought for restitution at the court of Rome. He abdicated in
1444 without having obtained justice. He died the following year and was interred in the
Chapel of the Virgin.
GUILLAUME LE BOURG
Guillaume Le Bourg, canon régulier, was prior of Saint Lô at Rouen after the death of
Guillaume Le Couette (1411). In 1442 the judge of the ecclesiastical court of Rouen made
him an apology for having, in the suit over the abbey of Saint Ouen, brought in a secular
judge. He died in February, 1456. Pierre Cauchon, delegated by Martin V to preside over
the raising of the tithes accorded to Henry VI, had recourse to this prelate as a
commissioner.
THE PRIOR OF SIGY
The prior of Sigy (Sagy, it is written in the Trial Record), near Neufchatel, was,
according to Quicherat, Friar Pierre de la Crique, a Benedictine who was a licentiate in
law at Paris in 1424. If Sagy is the monastery in question, the prior was probably Georges
Martel, who is to be encountered in a trial of 1432.
JEAN DUCHEMIN
Jean Duchemin or Du Quemin, de Quemenio, was a licentiate in law at Paris in March,
1428. He studied under Thomas Fiesvet, one of Jeanne's judges, and was a friend of Jean
Jolivet. He was a lawyer at the court of Rouen, and in 1432 figures as lawyer in the
church court
[443]
at Rouen at a trial. Jean Duchemin was designated by the Chapter to assist at the
election of an archbishop in 1436. We find, in 1428, a Jacques Duchemin commissioned by
the vicomte du Pont de Larche to examine Pierre Le Bigordoys, "traitor, thief and
enemy of the King."
RICHARD DES SAULX
Richard Des Saulx, de Salicibus, is described in a list of 1403 as a priest of Rouen,
master of arts and bachelor of law. In 1414 he is described at Rouen as jurisperitus,
advocatus curie officialis. In 1423 the canons sentenced him to do penance for a filthy
word spoken while he was pleading against Canon Jean de La Porte. We note that in 1435 he
was dismissed by decision of the church court of Rouen from his pretensions to the
benefice of Theuville aux Maillots, which Henry VI had given to Aubert Morel in 1419,
NICOLAS MAULIN
Nicolas or Nicole Maulin was a licentiate in law and is said to be canon of Nôtre Dame
de la Ronde at Rouen in 1432. He was chaplain of the chapel of Saint Honoré in the
Église des Filles Dieu in 1438. Parisian documents tell us nothing concerning him.
PIERRE CAREL
Pierre Carel, sometimes written Carré, Carelli, is styled in a petition as
"master of arts from Paris, cleric of Lisieux." He is referred to in 1432 in a
deed of the Saint Cande le Vieux at Rouen. A person named Pierre Quarré, a lawyer in the
church court, is mentioned in a trial of 1432. A Guillaume Carrel was a canon of Rouen.
BUREAU DE CORMEILLES
Bureau de Cormeilles, Burellus de Cormeliis, licentiate in civil law, seems very likely
to have been the scholar of the University of Orléans who is described in 1394 as
"Burellus de Cormeilles, clericus Rothomagensis, licenciatus in legibus, Franciae
regine secretarius," and who coveted a canonicate in the church of Avranches. Between
1404 and 1420 Bureau held the benefice of Touffreville La Corbeline. In 1426 he gave a
receipt to the vicomte de Rouen for 20 s.t. for rent owed to the church of Saint Michel.
[444]
NICOLAS DE FOVILLE
Nicolas de Foville, de Fovilla, must have been the one who is referred to as master of
arts in 1435- We find a Nicolas de Foville, cure of Ecrainville, being tried before the
church court of Rouen in 1451 in a dispute about the tithes of his parish.
GIOVANNI DA FANO
Giovanni da Fano (not de Favo) was an Italian of La Marche, a Friar Minor, described
inexactly as master of theology. In 1428-29 this personage was only sententiarius and did
not become a licentiate until 1433. He was regent that same year; one finds him in the
same office in Paris in September, 1435.
JEAN LE VAUTIER Jean, (not Nicolas) Le Vautier was a bachelor of theology and hermit of
Saint Augustine, and a sententiarius at Paris in 1431.
NICOLAS CAVAL
Nicolas Caval, born about 1390, was master of arts and bachelor of law in 1403, and
licentiate in 1428. He obtained from Henry V on January 16, 1421, a canonicate in the
church at Mortain; he was received the following year as canon of the cathedral of Rouen
in the place of Robert de Faubusson, who had remained faithful to France. He was living in
Rouen before this date, and was a deputy to the Estates at Paris in 1424- In 1428 he was
described as Dean of Nôtre Dame of Andely. He was named keeper of the seal of the church
court in 1443, was curé of Critot and chaplain of the chapel of Nôtre Dame aux Béguines
at Rouen. Nicolas Caval died a few days before August 27,1457
He was, it would seem, a learned man, and a lover of books. He was devoted to Pierre
Cauchon, and was the executor of his will. It was he who settled the expenses for the
procession that followed the body of Pierre Cauchon from the church of Saint Cande to the
Seine, in prayer, and he accompanied until the end the body of his friend. He was also a
friend of Zano de Castiglione, the bishop of Lisieux who was so harsh in his judgment of
Jeanne. Caval's opinion was in accordance with that of the theologians and the authority
of the Abbot of Fécamp, Gilles de Duremort. When called to the Rehabilitation
proceedings, in 1452,
[445]
Nicolas Caval pretended, which was not true, that he had only heard Jeanne a single
time. He was a lamentable witness, who remembered nothing, saying for example "that
he certainly believed that the English didn't bear any love towards Jeanne," that he
"knew very well that she had been burnt, but whether it was justly or unjustly he
would have to refer to the law and the trial."
PHILIPPE LE MARÉCHAL
Philippe Le Maréchal or Marechal, Marescalli, was a licentiate in canon law at Paris
in 1424. In 1420, as procureur of the French "nation" at the University, with
JEAN Basset, procureur of the University, he was sent in an embassy to the King of England
and the Duke of Burgundy for the conservation of the privileges of the University. The
ambassadors also recommended Pierre Cauchon to their attention.
PIERRE CAVÉ
Pierre Cave is described as licentiate in civil law. This name is not to be found in
the documents of the University of Paris. But there was a family of this name possessing a
house in Rouen.
JOHN, DUKE OF BEDFORD
John, Duke of Bedford (1389-1435), third son of Henry TV, was regent of the kingdom on
the death of Henry V. He married Anne, sister of Philippe of Burgundy. The best artisan in
the Anglo-Burgundian alliance, this great politician, firm and patient at the same time,
worked in France to repair the evils of the war and to repress also and prevent all
awakening of the national spirit. Bedford came to understandings with the local nobility,
in the Beauvais section, for example, through families attached to the Burgundian party.
But he did not count for enough among the French people, the poor people of the
countryside. It is not due to Bedford that France did not become English. He displayed an
extraordinary activity in equipping the defenses of Paris in July, 1429; he turned from
their destination the English troops that had been levied to send against the Hussites,
denounced Charles VII for making use of a "woman of dissolute life in order to abuse
his people." After Jeanne's fruitless assault on Paris, Bedford appeared before Saint
Denis to punish its inhabitants. His military and diplomatic initiative was certainly the
cause of Jeanne's destruction. He was able to attach the Duke of Burgundy to his cause, --
the Duke was then tacking about
[446]
in a system of truces-by ceding to him the investiture of Champagne and in offering him
a sort of regency over France. For his own part, he devoted himself to affairs in Normandy
and made of Rouen an English citadel and the seat of the English government. It was
Bedford's English council that designated Cauchon to claim the Maid as a sorceress, and
furnished him the 10,000 livres for her purchase. Although Bedford appeared but once at
her trial and then in a singular guise for a noble duke, and although he seemed to have
given his hand to Cardinal Beaufort, that violent and orthodox prelate, it is not at all
doubtful that Bedford conducted the whole business personally. His spirit is everywhere
manifest in it. Percival de Cagny affirms this.
For it is evident that Bedford held the Chapter of Rouen in the hollow of his hand, and
Jeanne found there enemies rather than judges. On April 5, 1430, they discussed in chapter
meeting the two gold pieces offered by the Duke of Bedford and his wife Anne of Burgundy,
at the mass celebrated in the choir of the cathedral. On the 25th he announced to the
Chapter the good news that Henry VI had disembarked at Calais. On October 20 the Duke put
on canonical dress and was admitted to the distribution of bread and wine. On January 13,
1431, processions were held in the church for the prosperity of the Duke and the Duchess.
Bedford was buried in the choir of the cathedral, not far from the body of King Henry,
among his brothers. We know that Bedford also favored the Carmelites of Rouen very
greatly.
NICOLAS LAMI
Nicolas Lami, Amici, was cursor in theology in 1422, bachelor in 1423, licentiate at
Paris in 1428, rector in 1426 and 1429. By virtue of letters royal from Henry, he took
possession of the canonicate of Jean Chuffard at Beauvais in Cauchon's time. He was
present only one day at the Trial and departed immediately for the Council of Bâle where
he arrived about the ninth or twelfth of April, 1431. Nicolas Lami played an important
part in the Council. On October 18, 1431, he wrote to Chancellor Rolin, to have him
intervene in the matter of the Burgundian captains who were operating between Belfort and
Altkirsch, threatening the security of the environs of Bâle. On March 18, 1432, at Paris,
he delivered before Parlement a chronicle of events of the Council and protested with
utmost violence against its dissolution "to the great shame and infamy of the
Pope." We find Nicolas Lami in charge of missions for the Council at Cologne, in
France and in England.
[447]
On March 10, 1436, the Council decided to confer upon him a canonicate at Tournai. On
November 10, 1439, he was summoned to Bourges by Charles VII at the time of his
consultation with the clergy of France. We find him again, in 1447, at the conference at
Lyons, which was to settle the question of the abdication of Felix V.
We know that at Bâle Nicolas Lami met the celebrated Alsatian doctor, Jean Nider,
prior of the Dominicans and author of the Formicmium, which he had written to direct the
religious of his order in research in heresy. This "very zealous discoverer of
witches" to use Trithème's phrase, received from Lami his information on Jeanne
d'Arc and on the two women who said they came from God who were condemned at Paris.
In the words of Nicolas Lami, Jeanne "had avowed familiarity with an angel of God,
who, in the opinion of a great number of very lettered persons, was only an evil spirit,
and likewise this was the result of many proofs and conjecture."
GUILLAUME EVRARD
Guillaume Evrard, Evrandi, Eurardi, Eurart, Euerard, whom we must not confuse with
Erart, received first rank for the license in theology on December 31, 1429, and does not
appear as master until March A, 1437. From March 24 to June 23, 1430, he was rector of the
University. We find him as "teacher of the nephew of Monsignor," the archbishop
of Rouen. The Chapter gave him 10 livres when he won over the grammarians of Navarre.
Guillaume Evrard is referred to as master of the arts students and he accompanied the
archbishop's nephew and books to Rouen. In 1434, he is to be found as curé of the church
of Saint Pierre des Arcis in la Cité, and in 1441 he attempted to become curé of Saint
Gervais de Paris. From 1440 he was principal of the Collège of Navarre, the old house of
learning that had been pillaged by the Burgundians in 1418, and which inspired the great
university reform. He became canon of Nôtre Dame on April 12, 1458, and he continued his
teaching by virtue of a decree of Bâle and of the Pragmatic. He died on November 6, 1470.
Gérard Machet, confessor of Charles VII and an examiner of Jeanne at Poitiers,
presents him in his correspondence as a man "of a very illustrious virtue and a
wisdom almost celestial." He declared to him the pleasure he had had in receiving him
at Castres and denied having
[448]
heard calumnies concerning him. His rôle in the Trial is limited to his having been
present at the session of March 3, when he did not say a word. Guillaume Evrard left
shortly afterward, with other University masters, for the Council of Bâle, where he
arrived between the ninth and twelfth of April.
GILLES CANIVET
Gilles Canivet, Aegidius Caniveti, or Quenivet, was a member of the Picard
"Nation" at the University, and became a licentiate in medicine on March 20,
142-2. He was a teacher on the faculty from November 9, 1423. On May 20, 1437 he is
described as master of arts and medicine. By apostolic favor Gilles Canivet was received
as canon of Nôtre Dame de Paris in the place of Jean Hubert.
ROLAND L'ESCRIVAIN
Roland L'Escrivain, Scriptoris, received his license in medicine in March, 1424, and
figures among the master regents of the faculty beginning in December of that year. He was
dean from November, 1427, to November, 1430.
He is mentioned, for the last time, as master regent in November, 1443.
GUILLAUME DE LA CHAMBRE
Guillaume de la Chambre the younger, de Camera, was born about 1403, and became
licentiate in medicine on March 6, 1430, and immediately became a teacher on the faculty.
He was still a regent in November, 1452.
He was the son of Guillaume, physician to the Queen, and sold, in 1430, to the Norman
"Nation" a house that he owned in the rue Galande in common with his brother
Jean, Esquire.
An assiduous judge at the Trial, Guillaume de la Chambre visited Jeanne as physician
and he was present at her execution. He testified at the time of the Rehabilitation that
his decision was torn from him by the Bishop of Beauvais. His testimony, entirely
favorable to the Maid, is that of a clear-sighted and intelligent mind.
CATHERINE DE LA ROCHELLE
Catherine de la Rochelle, was a "woman of devotion" as she is called in a
receipt from the city of Tours. We know that on July 4, 1431, at the procession of St.
Martin, Jean Graverent, the Inquisitor, delivered
[449]
a violent discourse against Jeanne. He recalled also that Brother Richard had had in
his train four women, three of whom had been taken, namely, the Maid, Pierrone the Breton
woman, and her companion, and Catherine de la Rochelle "who said, that when the
sacrament of Our Lord's body was celebrated, that she saw marvels of the high secrets of
Our Lord God." We find that, on September 10, 1430, the city of Tours paid the
Augustinian Jean Bourget who had been at Sens, in the month of August, on business with
the King and the council, to carry letters to defend itself from the calumnies that this
said Catherine had spread about the city and its inhabitants. Catherine appeared at Paris
before the church court and she declared that "Jeanne would have left her prison by
the aid of the Devil if she had not been well guarded."
JEAN SECARD
Jean Secard (not Fecard), Secardi, a lawyer, became licentiate in law before 1416. He
was curé of Saint Vivien from 1411 on, while he was only a scholar and sub-deacon at
Paris, we find that he was employed in the "agreement" the city of Rouen made
with Henry V. In 1421 he is mentioned as a master of arts at Paris and canon of Rouen, a
nomination obtained solely at the court of Rome; also the Chapter forbade him to wear the
habit of the Church. We find that in 1421 Jean Secard figured along with Robert Le Barbier
as one of the members of the Norman clergy that assembled in the archbishop's chapel who
declared their confrères who lived in territories submissive to the Dauphin to be
deprived of their benefices. He was, therefore, a person very devoted to the English. He
exchanged, about 1429, the benefice of Saint Vivien for that of Valliquierville, which he
possessed until his death in November, 1449
THOMAS FIESVET
Thomas Fiesvet or Fievé, described as of Penenche, was a cleric of the diocese of
Cambrai, master of arts and bachelor of law in 1403. He was a doctor of law in 1426,
master regent in the same year, became rector of the University on March 24, 1427, and
ecclesiastical judge of Nôtre Dame at Paris in 1429. He was present only one day at the
Trial (March 12), having been nominated, with Guillaume Evrard, and others, to represent
the University at Bâle, where he arrived between the ninth and twenty-first of April,
1431
[450]
PASQUIER DE VAUX
Pasquier de Vaux, Pasquerius de Vallibus, originally from the environs of Evreux, was
received as a canon at Nôtre Dame by letters of the King of England on February 3, 1426.
He was, much later (December 7, 1425), procureur of the Chapter of Nôtre Dame for its
lands of Tourny near Rouen. A licentiate in law in 1426, under Guillaume de Conti, another
of the Maid's judges, then getting his doctorate at the same time as Thomas Fiesvet, he
became a master regent of that faculty in 1427. In 1433 Pasquier de Vaux went to Caen to
protest against the creation of that University. He was received as a canon at Rouen, was
Bedford's secretary and chaplain, and was commissioned by Henry VI to go to Rome to obtain
the promotion of Louis de Luxembourg to the archbishopric.
Pasquier represented him at the time of his reception at Rouen, a ceremony of a
character more political than religious, at which Pierre Cauchon and the Abbots of Fécamp
and Mont Saint Michel were present. On September 23, 1435, Pasquier de Vaux was called to
the See of Meaux as bishop, and in 1439 we find him as Bishop of Evreux, where he had been
transferred by Eugene IV, the French having just captured Meaux. When the French entered
Evreux he had himself made Bishop of Lisieux, vacant then (1443) by the death of Pierre
Cauchon. He was in effect so determined a partisan of the English that after the capture
of Evreux by Robert Floques in 1441, be did not want to recognize Charles VII as lord and
master. Eugene IV, who had already been of service to him, allowed him to exchange it for
Lisieux, the choicest English see, with Coutances. But Charles VII then lost patience and
took possession of all his property. At Lisieux we find Pasquier de Vaux taking the title
of councilor to the King of England and president of the Chamber of Accounts. On July 20,
1443, the Parlement of Paris put his confiscated possessions up for sale. He was present
at the installation of Raoul Roussel as Archbishop of Rouen. Pasquier de Vaux died on July
11, 1447, at the very moment of the entry of Charles VII into the city of Lisieux.
This rich and important man, strongly attached to the English government, lived at
Rouen in a mansion near the Mint. He was vicar-general in spiritualibus et in temporalibus
of Cardinal Louis de Luxembourg, as well as Henry's councilor, and played a considerable
rôle in
[451]
Normandy during the English domination. Very diligent in attending the Trial, Pasquier
de Vaux declared himself especially in agreement with the deliberations of the University
of Paris.
NICOLAS DE HUBENT
Nicolas de Hubent, de Henbento or Hubanto, was apostolic secretary. Described as
scriptor et abreviator litterarum apostolicarum, he was given by grace of apostolic
expectations a prebend and vacant canonicate at Nôtre Dame in Paris on the death of Jean
Gerson, September 12, 1429. As all Gerson's charges were distributed among those notably
Anglo-Burgundian in sympathy, we can be sure of the sentiments of this individual. On July
3, 1430, Nicolas de Hubent received in addition the office of sub-precentor and the
prebend of the late R. Liejart.
NICOLAS TAQUEL
Nicolas Taquel, or better, Nicole Taquet, a recorder of the Trial, was a notary of the
church court at Rouen, and curé of Bacqueville le Martel. In 1432 he is cited as notary
in the ecclesiastical court of Mesnil-Durescu. In 1436 he was provost of the brotherhood
of notaries. We have his signature on a letter of the ecclesiastical judge in 1438. 1431
he is described as dean of the spiritual court, and he had published the adjudication of
reparations of Saint Martin de I'Oisel. He was dean of la Chrétienté in 1445.
JEAN MANCHON
Jules Quicherat identifies Jean Manchon, who figured but once in the Trial (Wednesday,
March 14), as a canon of the collegiate church of Mantes (Rymer, x, p. 41). This does not
appear to be the same person as Jean Manchon, originally of the diocese of Bayeaux, who
was a licentiate in theology in 1397, master regent of Paris in 1403, and confessor of the
King in 1413, whom one encounters with Pierre Cauchon among the University men who worked
in the Cabochien reform. As canon of Chartres we find him that same year at the Council of
Paris among the masters who deliberated on the urgency for stamping out heresy in the
kingdom of France. In 1414 they neglected to ask him his opinion on the condemnation of
Jean Petit (it had been favorable). In 1420 this Jean Manchon was sent to Troyes as
ambassador of the University with Pierre Cauchon and Jean Beaupère The University
recommended him to the Pope, and then to the dean and chapter of
[452]
Bayeaux to have him made bishop. There seems to have been an error in the
transcription.
FRANQUET D'ARRAS
Franquet d'Arras, was a captain of guerrillas, "valiant man-at-arms of the Duke of
Burgundy's party" who had adventured into the marches of his enemies, towards Laigni
on the Marne with three hundred warriors. They were defeated by the Maid and her company
in May, 1430, and put to the sword.
JEAN TIPHAINE
Jean Tiphaine won second place among twelve candidates for the licentiate in medicine
on February 27, 1418, and became a member of the Faculty of Medicine in November. He was
chaplain of Saint Aignan in the château of Caen, canon of the Sainte Chapelle in Paris,
and was received as canon of the cathedral of Rouen in 1432- Jean Tiphaine never resided
in Rouen, but at Paris, where he filled the commissions of his colleagues. His death was
announced to the Chapter in February, 1469.
Tiphaine testified at Paris for the Rehabilitation and denied having formulated the
sentence which, however, we possess. He had attended her in prison, and his memory was in
other ways faithful, for he described with exactness Jeanne's prison in the tower of Rouen
castle and reported the Maid's words.
WILLIAM POLE, EARL OF SUFFOLK
William Pole, Earl of Suffolk, born in 1396, entered the campaigns of Henry V as a very
young man. He was employed in 1417-1418 in the recovery of Cotentin; he was made admiral
of Normandy in the following year, then captain of Pontorson, Mantes and Avranches. In
1420 Pole took part in the siege of Melun. He was made prisoner at Baugé April 3, 1421,
and received the order of the Garter on May 3. He was governor of Cotentin in 1422, waged
a campaign in Champagne the following year, was commissioned captain-general of
Vendômois, Chartrain, Beauce and Gâtinais, and was captain-general of Saint Lô in
September, 1428. When the Maid appeared at Orléans, Pole was serving under Salisbury, and
when this latter was decapitated by a cannon ball, Pole replaced him as commander of the
English troops in France
[453]
(November 13, 1428). He was not lucky. He had to give up the siege of Orleans, and was
taken prisoner by the French at Jargeau, May, 1429: a fatal day for his family, for his
brother John Pole was likewise taken prisoner and Alexander, another brother, was killed.
To obtain his release, William had to pay 20,000 livres and leave his brother Thomas as
hostage. John Pole was released generously on parole by the Bastard of Orléans. William
Pole was captain of Avranches in 1432, and in 1436 was named captain of Tombelaine for two
years. On November 10, 1436, he is cited as captain of Renneville.
Pole was a cultivated man and good who wrote verse in French for his own pleasure. He
proved himself especially as a friend to Duke Charles of Orleans in his captivity, worked
hard for Anglo-French peace, and was obliging to Jean d'Angoulême. Suffolk conducted the
English embassy which came to France in 1444 to seek the bride of Henry VI, Margaret of
Anjou. We know that he was murdered in 1450, suspected of treason. He was in reality a
victim of his pacific sentiments and his French sympathies.
JOHN TALBOT, EARL OF SHREWSBURY
John Talbot, first Earl of Shewsbury (1388?-1453), was considered one of the most
audacious of the English generals of his time. He went to France about 1419, was present
at the sieges of Melun and Meaux. He fought at Verneuil, and was made a Knight of the
Garter in 1424In 1425 he became the King's lieutenant in Ireland. In March, 1427, Talbot
accompanied Bedford to France. He was made captain of Pontorson, and we find him at the
siege of Montargis which was raised by La Hire and Dunois. In March, 1428, John Talbot
took Laval. He recovered Le Mans for the English. In December Bedford made him governor of
Anjou and Maine and captain of release. At the siege of Orléans. he occupied the bastille
of Saint Loup. After the siege was raised, Talbot drew back to Meting; then to Beaugency.
He was captured at Patay by the archers of Poton de Saintrailles and did not regain his
liberty until 1433, Captain and governor of Rouen, he is to be found, in 1441, the King's
lieutenant of lands between the Seine and the Somme; Marshal in France, and lieutenant of
Aquitaine after the loss of Normandy, he perished heroically at Castillon in 1453. This
model of chivalry and honor, Talbot, "watchdog of England," is portrayed in a
miniature in the Shrewsbury Book.
[454]
THOMAS, LORD SCALES
Thomas, Lord Scales, was born about 1399. In 1422 Thomas crossed to Normandy with a
company of men-at-arms and served under John, Duke of Bedford. In 1423 he was captain of
Verneuil with a salary of 2,461 livres. In 1424-1425 Thomas campaigned with Fastolf in
Maine and was made Knight of the Garter. In 1427 he took part in the siege of Pontorson.
He was captain of Saint Jacques de Beuvron and was defeated on April 17, 1427, at
Bas-Courtils, between Pontorson and Avranches. He is still cited as captain of Pontorson.
On December 16, 1428, we find him as lieutenant of the King in Orléanais and he received
3,000 livres to lead an army against Orleans. Jeanne, in her letter of March 22, 1429,
designates him as one of Bedford's lieutenants.
He was taken prisoner and put at ransom while he was trying to aid Orléans, and was
again defeated at Beaugency and taken prisoner at Patay (June 18, 1429). He was a captain
with men-at-arms at Louviers (order of September 28, 1430). In 1431 we see him among the
English chiefs sent by Bedford to Jean V, Duke of Brittany, to fight the duc d'Alençon.
He was captain of Domfort in 1433 and was named guard and captain of Saint Lô in 1435. He
is described as seneschal of Normandy before 1436, and was in that year captain of Rouen.
On August 14, 1437, as seneschal of Normandy he had under his orders 260 men-at-arms and
780 archers. On September 26, 1441, we find a payment to Thomas, Lord of Scales, the wages
of the garrison of Granville. Numerous delays were granted to him to pay homage for the
lands that he held by royal grant. He devoted all his life to the war in France and to the
dynasty of Lancaster for which he died in 1460.
GUILLAUME MOUTON
Guillaume Mouton, Guillelmus Mutonis, a person unknown to us, was present at the
supplementary questioning of March 31st. He is named along with John Grey, not among the
theologians. A Guillaume Mouton is referred to as cure of Butot in 1432. He figured as a
witness in a trial before the church court where Pierre Caere, Jean Duchemin and Nicolas
Taquel are likewise mentioned.
THE ABBOT OF MORTEMER
The Abbot of Mortemer has been identified as Guillaume Theroude, who took part in the
Council of Constance and undertook various
[455]
missions for Jean, Duke of Burgundy, and was recommended to Henry V by Philip the Good
in 1421 as a "bon preudomme, solempnel maistre en theologie." We encounter him
at Rouen in 1423 where he celebrated mass at Saint Cande le Vieux; in 1424 he went to
Vernon to seek out Bedford on the behalf of Cardinal de la RochetaiIIé.
According to Denifle and Chatelain, however, the Abbot of Mortemer concerned in the
Trial was Nicolas, a monk of Rosières near Salins, de Roseriis, otherwise called Haumont,
of the Cistercian order. He was bachelor of theology in 1426 at the same time as Guillaume
Evrard and Jean du Quesnay, and prepared for his licentiate with Thomas de Courcelles and
Jean Le Fèvre. He became a licentiate in December 31, 1429, along with Evrard, du Quesnay
and Jean Le Sauvage. Proclaimed master at Paris on February 20, 1431, he taught there with
so many others of Jeanne's judges (September 1431-1434). A register of Martin V tells us
that he was named Abbot of Mortemer on November 26, 1428. This theologian first took
refuge in the opinion of the masters of Paris, and then he judged as did Gilles de
Duremort. He was present at the abjuration.
JEAN DE BOUESGUE
Jean de Bouesgue, or Le Boesgue, or Bouège, was a Benedictine, bachelor and licentiate
in 1403, master of theology and prior of the cloister and almoner of the abbey of the Holy
Trinity at Fécamp from 1406. He was very much in favor with the University, which sent
him as ambassador to Jean XXIII in order to obtain the revocation of the Bull of Alexander
V in favor of the Mendicants in 1411- Jean de Bouesgue was attacked by brigands on the
outskirts of Rome. He preached before the Pope and Cardinals. He became a friend of the
Pope, who granted him in 1412 the priory of Gournay, and he is described as honorary
chaplain of the Pontiff in 1416. But we know that in 1408 he was prosecuted before the
church court of Paris by Estoud d'Estouteville for the maladministration of his abbey and
negligence in caring for the poor and the lepers. On March 18, 1422, we see Jean de
Bouesgue entrusted by his colleagues with treating with the Bishop of Chester, Chancellor
of Normandy, in the matter of the property of the abbey of Fécamp in England. He was
designated by the University of Paris to go to the King of England and the Duke of
Burgundy to obtain confirmation of its privileges. He was enjoined, beforehand, to
communicate the instructions he had received to Pierre
[456]
Cauchon. In 1423 Jean de Bouesgue is referred to as master regent of theology at Paris,
a charge that he gave up the following year. He was imprisoned over a dispute he had with
the English council over a trial of clerics of Fécamp, but the University intervened on
his behalf with the Duke of Bedford and the Abbot of Fécamp. We find him again master
regent at Paris in 1433.
It is not astonishing to see a doctor of theology of Paris for twenty-five years, and
an almoner of the abbey of Fécamp judging as did his teachers and his lord abbot. He
agreed energetically.
GUILLAUME DE LIVET
Guillaume de Livet, master of arts and bachelor of law, canon of Lisieux, was received
as canon of the church of Rouen by virtue of letters patent of the King of England in
1431. He was at various times promoter of the archiepiscopal See, for a while around 1414,
and from 1436 to 1443- We note that in 1444 Guillaume de Livet was named commissioner of
the canons for a treaty to be concluded between them and the archbishop; and we find him
as a deputy at the Estates of Normandy in 1449. He died at Rouen, very old doubtless, on
January 22, 1465, bearing in addition the title of curé of Saint Maclou.
This man of the law decided in accordance with the deliberations of the Faculty of Law
at Paris; in the final sentence he took refuge in the authority of the Abbot of Fécamp
Guillaume de Livet was not among the witnesses called at the time of the Rehabilitation.
GUÉROULD POUSTEL
Guérould Poustel, Postelli, was only a bachelor of arts in both canon and civil law at
the University of Paris in 1434. But he is referred to as a lawyer in the church court at
Rouen from 1424 on. We find that he lived at the Hotel de Saint Antoine at Rouen,
adjoining the cloister, where he received Abbot Richard en garde.
JEAN LE TAVERNIER
Jean Le Tavernier, Tabernarii, of Rouen was a bachelor of canon law at Paris in 1428.
He is referred to as priest and friar of the King's hospital at Rouen in 1433
[457]
PIERRE COCHON
Pierre Cochon was a notary of Rouen. He was clerk of wills in 1426, and describes
himself in his chronicles in 1425 as priest and notary. He was already in Rouen in 1406
and was still living in that city on July 29, 1430; he was present at the entry of little
King Henry VI.
Pierre Cochon was born at Fontaine le Dun in the viscounty of Arques. But his father,
Jean Cochon, was a burgess of Rouen. In 1433, still at Rouen, Pierre took part, in company
with Guillaume Manchon, in a riot caused by clerics arrested by the King's sergeant, and
he was arrested as the ringleader. In 1435, with Manchon, he authenticated Bedford's will.
In 1437 we see that he was present at the blessing of the chapel of the Close Saint Marc,
founded by his colleague Guillaume Le Cars, and that he acquired from the brotherhood of
notaries in 1438 sixty sous as income on a house in the rue Fils-Guy. The following year
he took his income to the provost and brother notaries. On April 1, 1437, he is cited as
curé of Vitefleur and founded his memorial masses at the Confrèrie. Jacques Cochon, his
brother and heir, priest and curé of Granville la Teinturière, approved this foundation
on September 21, 1440. In 1446 Pierre Cochon is still clerk of wills "under Maistre
Guillaume de Désert," one of Jeanne's judges who is cited as being master of
intestates; and in 1448 Pierre is named as his secretary. Pierre Cochon died on February
22, 1449, and was buried in the cemetery of Saint Étienne le Grand, a church appertaining
to the cathedral.
SIMON DAVY
Simon Davy, Simo Davus, was a notary of Rouen, provost and governor of the fellowship
of notaries of Rouen in 1433.
GUILLAUME LECRAS
Guillaume Lecras, a Rouen priest, was notary public of the archiepiscopal court and
auditeur of witnesses.
PHILIBERT DE MONTJEU
Philibert de Montjeu, a Burgundian noble, was canon of Amiens and later Bishop of
Coutances by the protection of the dukes of Burgundy and Bedford. On June 4, 1427, we find
a petition of Philibert's to the treasury to deliver to him the income rendered to the See
by the barony
[458]
of Saint Sauveur Lendelin. At the end of 1431 Philibert went to the Council of Bâle
where he played a very important role. In 1433 he was called to Bohemia where he stayed
for three years, working toward the reunion of that country with the Church. He presided
at the sixth session which proclaimed the Pope contumacious.
He was a very zealous Burgundian. On June 29, 1428, Henry VI ordered that his ,
expenses be paid on a trip from the country of Cotentin to Paris to the Duke of Bedford
and the Council "for the good and profit and usefulness to the country in the
expulsion of the brigands and enemies of the said lord who were in it." On' July 14
Philibert de Montjeu and Enguerrand de Champrond gave a receipt to Pierre Surreau,
receiver-general of Normandy, for the sum Of 225 livres on account Of 450 livres which was
owed them for this mission of forty-seven days. The opinion that he gave at Constance
concerning the Maid was expressed in the harshest terms.
We know also that Philibert de Montjeu was procédurier and that he proved himself to
be very rigorous, with Jean Graverent, in the prosecution of Jean Le Couvreur, a burgess
of Saint Lô suspected of heresy, who demanded appeals to take his case before the Pope.
In 1440, forbidden by illness to conduct a trial, he commissioned Pierre Cauchon, Bishop
of Lisieux, to take his place, and André Marguerie, archdeacon of Petit Caux, and Robert
Le Barbier, canon of Rouen, all of them judges of the Maid and his good friends.
It is interesting to note that the See of Coutances was the last religious rampart of
the Anglo-Burgundian fanatics, more so than even the See of Lisieux. Philibert de Montjeu
was succeeded as bishop by the harsh Gilles de Duremort (1439-1453), and by the lettered,
scornful Zanon de Castiglione (11444-1453). Richard de Longueil succeeded all these
enemies of Jeanne and the King of France and worked toward her rehabilitation.
ZANON DE CASTIGLIONE
Zanon de Castiglione, of Milan, succeeded in 1424, as Bishop of Lisieux, his uncle,
Branda de Castiglione. He was a celebrated jurist and professor at Paris, whom one finds
frequently entrusted with embassies in France and Bohemia and who received his elevation
as bishop at the hands of Martin V. In that year Zanon took the oath of loyalty to the
church of Rouen.
On January 2.8, 1430, Zanon obtained expectations of being Bishop of
[459]
Bayeux, to which he was transferred in 1432. In 1434 he was sent as a deputy of Henry
VI to the Council of Bile; he departed with a commission from the Duke of Gloucester to
buy for him all the books he could, especially those of Guarino of Ferrara and Leonardo
Bruni. He spent a year in Florence, singing the praises of his master to the Italians, who
henceforth entered into relationships with his English patron. On July 1, 1441, Zanon was
present with Pierre Cauchon upon the entry of the Duke of York into the cathedral of
Rouen. He replaced Cauchon on the King's Council in 1443 and he celebrated the requiem
mass for Cardinal de Luxembourg. The following year he traveled about Lower Normandy with
many other members of the Council to Provide the necessities of the country "for the
good and honor of the King and his justice." In 1445 Zanon came to Charles VII to
treat of the marriage project between Edward of York and Jeanne of France, and that same
year as dean of suffragans he was in charge of transmitting to the other bishops the
orders for the convocation of the Council. The next year he was sent by Henry VI to the
Sovereign Pontiff on the matter of the dispensing of commands, and he journeyed to
Normandy with the commissioners of the King of England to assemble the members of the
Estates "to have their advice upon the actions, maintenance and conduct of affairs of
the seigneurie of the King." In 1448 he inspected the situations and fortresses in
the territories of Cotentin and Alençon, and he obtained from the English king delays for
the inventory of the property of his See. When the English cause was lost, Zanon allied
himself without difficulty with Charles VII, to whom he swore allegiance in November 3,
1449. He was nominated Bishop of Pavia in 1453 and sent by Pope Calixtus III to the
Council of Ratisbon to treat with the Emperor. Zanon was created Cardinal in 1456 and then
created Papal Legate to the March of Ancona by Pius 11. He died suddenly of a fever at
Macerta in 1459.
Italian in nationality, English at heart, and a man of the Renaissance, the opinion
that he delivered concerning Jeanne, dated at Bayeux, is full of contempt. This political
bishop was not a Christian. But he was very well educated, and he must have been very
greatly respected by all the Norman clerics as the nephew of Branda, who founded at Pavia
in memory of all the benefits he had received in France, a college for the students of
Lisieux, Bayeux and Evreux. Zanon was himself the first conservator of the privileges of
the University of Caen.
[460]
GUILLAUME ADELIE
Guillaume Adelie, Dominican, became a bachelor of theology in 1421, and licentiate on
January 12, 1428, master on June 8, and master regent at Paris in the month of September.
He was still teaching there in 1438. He is not to be confused with Guillaume Adeline, the
master of theology who was condemned for sorcery.
JEAN FOUCHIER
Jean Fouchier, Friar Minor, studied theology at Paris but without taking degrees. In
1439, at the time of publication of the privileges of the University of Caen he was
preaching and was described as follows: "famosus sacrae paginae professor, mag. Joh.
Foucherii, Ord. Frat. Minorum, ipsiusque ordinis in provincia Rothomagensi custos."
JEAN MAUGIER
Jean Maugier, Maugerii, of the diocese of Rouen, was master of arts in 1403 and
bachelor of canon law, and licentiate in law but not in theology. He was born about 1370
and was received as canon of Rouen in 1421 in place of Jean Porcher, who remained faithful
to France. He held, from 1423 on, a general commission to prosecute all trials relative to
the Church. He was a deputy to the Estates of Paris in 1424, pénitencier of the church of
Rouen in 143-2, vicar of Pontoise in 1436. He must have died before June 11, 1440
In his consultation on the subject of the Twelve Articles, Jean Maugier asserted always
his readiness to accomplish the good pleasure of Pierre Cauchon. We find that he gave two
houses to the Chapter of Rouen.
JEAN EUDE
Jean Eude was a bachelor of theology. He does not appear to have studied at Paris.
JEAN DACIER
Jean Dacier, Benedictine, was a licentiate in civil law and prior of Besson. He was
Abbot of Belfont in 1418 and Abbot of Saint Corneille in Compiègne after June 23, 1424.
He was completely acquired by the Burgundian party, as the notes of Dom Gilesson prove,
which are preserved in a few copies of the ancient archives of Compiègne. A former
almoner of Pope Martin V, Jean Dacier died on May 4, 1437, after
[461]
having been present at the Council of Bâle as representative of the abbeys of the
province of Reims. The abbey of Saint Corneille was in the heart of the city near the
great market.
GUILLAUME ERART
Guillaume Erart, a native of the diocese of Langres, was a doctor of theology; be is
not to be confused with Guillaume Evrard. He was a master of arts, a bachelor of theology,
and became rector of the University on February 26, 1421. He was procureur of the
"nation" of France in 1426 and was en rapport with Jean Graverent, the
Inquisitor, on the subject of heretics who had appealed to the Pope. He received his
degree as licentiate and then as master of theology in 1428. He taught at Paris from
September, 1428, at the same time as Pierre de Dyerée, Pierre Le Mire, Jean Gravestain,
and Guillaume Adelie. In December, 1430, he pleaded before the Parlement against Geoffroy
le Normant, declaring that he had been ordained "master of grammarians of the College
de Navarre." In 1429 Guillaume Erart had been sent to Champagne by the King of
England, along with Pierre Cauchon; Geoffroy protested that it was not his duty to teach
children "and he ought to employ himself in preaching"; he declared besides that
he had more than thirty livres income, was cure in Normandy with eighty francs income, and
that he was a canon of Laon and canon and sacristan of Langres. Erart made allusion to a
journey that he had made in Germany, to Bâle. We find him at Paris in September, 1431,
among the master regents, and on January 25, 1432, he presided at Paris over the
examination for the licentiate, when Thomas de Courcelles received first rank. Nicolas
Loiseleur was his first pupil at Paris in 14311432. And Guillaume Bonnel, Abbot of
Cormeilles, dean of the Faculty of Law, took action against him for "at the last
licentiate examination (1432) he opened the list of licentiates which the masters had
given him." In 1433 he is called the vice-chancellor of Nôtre Dame. In August in the
name of the University he made before Parlement at Paris a "grief compliante" on
the subject of the royal ordinance on the repurchase of rentes of the churches and
colleges of Paris. Guillaume Erart is mentioned for the last time among the master regents
in September, 1433. Henceforth he was in Normandy. He entered the Chapter of Rouen on July
17, 1432. Later he is to be found in Paris where he went to "further the liberties of
the Church." Named archdeacon of
[462]
Grand Caux in 1433, he fulfilled in turn the trusts of chancellor, precentor and
vicar-general. On February 7, 1434, he was named professor of theology and received a
canonicate at Nôtre Dame in Paris by recommendation of the Bishop of Paris, Jacques du
Châtelier, a worldly prelate who was elevated to the rank of bishop by the favor of
Bedford and Philippe le Bon of Burgundy. He was the executor of the will of Hugues des
Orges, Archbishop of Rouen in 1434, and he disputed with the canons of Nôtre Dame the
subject of the succession to office by the wealthy Alespée and the latter alienated him
from the Chapter. He appealed to the Pope.
A friend of Louis de Luxembourg, Guillaume Erart went to England to swear fealty in his
name to Henry VI for the perpetual administration of the church of Ely. The King of
England charged him to go to Arras in company with Raoul Roussel and Jean de Rinel in 1435
to treat for peace, and he responded very dryly to the fine and pacific discourse of
Thomas de Courcelles. On November 12, 1436, Guillaume Erart presided at an assembly of
prelates "for a certain need touching public affairs and the coming of certain
English lords" to Normandy. In 1437 he was named chaplain to the King and received an
annual income of twenty pounds sterling for services rendered to the Crown. Guillaume
Erart from that time on lived in England, and we note that the canons of Rouen charged him
to reclaim the legacies made to their church by Henry V and Bedford. Named dean of the
cathedral in place of the late Gilles Deschamps, Guillaume Erart did not take possession
of this dignity, which, however, he accepted, and which shows all the hope the canons
placed in his influence at the English court. He died in England in 1439, leaving great
sums to the cathedral of Rouen and to the college of the community, and an enameled silver
chalice to the Chapter. He bequeathed likewise a legacy Of 40 livres to the University of
Paris. The executor of his will was the rigorous Pasquier de Vaux, Bishop of Evreux.
English at heart, like his patron Louis de Luxembourg, very active and unscrupulous, he
appears to us as one of the most impassioned judges of Jeanne d'Arc, whom he condemned
violently on the day of her abjuration.
JEAN DE TROYES
Jean de Troyes, called Halbould, of the Mathurin order, was vice-dean of the Faculty of
Theology in 1431. Licentiate in theology in 1403,
[463]
master in 1416, he gave his adherence to the condemnation of the propositions of Jean
Petit. He was minister-general of the Order (Gallia, viii). In 1418 he went to the Duke of
Bedford at Rouen. He was regent of the Faculty of Theology from 1421 on; he took part in
the condemnation of the doctrines of Brother Jean Sarrasin (March 30, 1430). October,
1432, he is described as vice-dean of the Faculty when the University addressed an embassy
to the Duke of Burgundy. The last mention of him that we can find is in 1438.
PIERRE DE GOUDA
Pierre de Gouda, born at Leyden, studied at Paris from 1426 on, became a licentiate in
1427, was procureur of the English "nation," in 1428, and was elected rector of
the University on March 24, 1431- He became a canon of Utrecht in 1433, and addressed a
petition to obtain a parish church at Rotterdam in 1439
GUÉROULD BOISSEL
Guérould Boissel, also written as G. Boissely and Géraud Boissel, was a doctor of law
and was designated by the Chapter of Rouen on February 12, 1431, to represent it at the
Council of Bâle, with Jean Beaupère, Thomas Fiesvet and Thomas de Courcelles.
Regent doctor of the Faculty of Law from 1423, he was elected dean on March 2, 1430. In
October, 1431, he was delegated by the Faculty of Law to take the rolls to Rome with Henri
Thiboust, Thomas de Courcelles and Pierre de Gouda. The last mention of him is made in
1433
PIERRE DE DYERÉE
Pierre de Dyerée, Petrus de Dierreyo, was the old dean of the Faculty and professor of
theology. In 1403 he is described as a prebendary canon of the church of Troyes, master of
arts and theology, and had been regent in theology for ten years. The last mention of him
is made in September, 1433. On November 4, 1433, a service was celebrated for his soul at
Saint Mathurin's and the Bishop of Meaux officiated en pontifical,
HENRI THIBOUST
Henri Thiboust, priest of Coutances, was in T403 master of arts and medicine, and was
pénitencier of Coutances and Bayeux, and rector of the church of Saint Pierre de Hambye
in the diocese of Coutances.
[464]
He was master regent in medicine at Paris in 1414, at the same time as Guillaume de La
Chambre, and was a colleague of Guillaume Desjardins in 14,8. In 1422 he was delegated by
the University to go to the Council of Constance; in 1428 he obtained from Martin V the
authority to teach medicine during his lifetime. He was vice-dean in 1430 and in 1431 we
see him designated as ambassador to carry the rolls to Rome, with Guérould Boissel,
Thomas de Courcelles and Pierre de Gouda. He took part, in 1432, in the deliberation which
decided to send ambassadors to the Duke of Burgundy. He was named dean on November 6,
1433. In 1438 he was ambassador to the Council of Bourges; in 1439 he is cited as
pénitencier and canon of Paris. Henri Thiboust is mentioned for the last time among the
regents of the Faculty of Medicine in 1449. He died in his house in the rue du Fouarre and
his body was carried in state to Nôtre Dame.
JEAN BARREY
Jean Barrey or Barret, of the diocese of Tulle, was bachelor of arts as in 1403, master
of arts and received first ranking, as bachelor of law in 1415; he became a licentiate in
1416. Is he the one mentioned in the deliberations of the Faculty?
GEROLFUS DE HOLLE
Gerolfus de Holle, or Hole, master of arts, received his licentiate in law under
Guérould Boissel on March 14, 1430.
RICHARD ABESSOR
Richardus Abessor was a master of arts. He studied in the Faculty of Theology as cursor
in 1430.
JEAN VACHERET
Jean Vacheret was a cleric of the diocese of Autun, and beadle of the Faculty of
Theology. He was under-beadle in 1403 and became beadle in 1418.
BOEMONDUS DE LUTREA
Boemondus de Lutrea, given in the deliberation of the University on the Trial as beadle
of the "nation" of France, exercised for a long time the duties of beadle of the
English "nation."
[465]
JEAN SOQUET
Jean Soquet, of the diocese of Rouen, was a professor of theology. In 1403 he is cited
as master of arts, having taught eight years in the rue du Fouarre and studied ten years
in the Faculty of Theology. He became a licentiate in theology in 1422, and was teaching
at the same time as Jean Beaupère, Pierre de Dyerée, Jean de Troyes, Erard Emengart,
Martin Billorin, Pierre Miget, Denis de Sabrevois, Nicolas Midi, Pierre de Houdenc, Jean
Le Fèvre, and Guillaume Adelie, all theologians hostile to the Maid. Jean Soquet is
mentioned for the last time as among the master regents in 1434. We know that he returned
to Rouen in 1433 to the Chapter on business relative to the Council of Bâle.
JEAN GRAVESTAIN
Jean Gravestain was a Dominican and professor of theology. He studied the Bible at
Paris in 1421 at the same time as Jean Le Fèvre. He became a licentiate in 1426, master
in 1427, and was a regent in the Faculty of Theology in September, 1429.
SIMON DE LA MARE
Simon de La Marc, Simo de Mara, was a Norman, a master of arts and licentiate in
medicine on February 21, 1430, and a master regent in November, 1430, a Faculty colleague
of Henri Thiboust and Gilles Canivet. We encounter him in Rouen in November, 1435, and
learn that he could not return to Paris because of the dangers of travel.
ANDRÉ PELÉ
André Pelé became a licentiate in law in March, 1428. He was elected by the French
"nation" to take the rolls to Pope Eugene IV in June, 1437.
GUILLAUME ESTOCHART
Guillaume Estochart, not Oscochart, was a master of arts. In 1426 be became a
licentiate in law, and on October 10, 1431, rector of the University.
JEAN TROPHARD
Jean Trophard, of the diocese of Bayeux, was master of arts and bachelor of law in
1403. We find another Jean Trophard, likewise of
[466]
the diocese of Bayeux, who became master of arts in 1418 and bachelor of theology after
1452 at the University of Caen.
MARTIN DE BERECH
Martin de Berech, not Bereth, was a Hungarian. He was a master of arts, and cursor in
the Faculty of Law in October, 1430, and received his bachelor's degree that year and was
rector of the University on October 7, 1432, when the University deliberated about sending
an ambassador to the Duke of Burgundy. In January, 1429, he fought Paul Nicolas, a
Hungarian or Slav, who, having been admitted in the English "nation," attacked
the authority of that group, saying that "they were only a small number of people and
did not have opinions and did not need to be heard like the other 'nations!
JEAN BOURILLET
Jean Bourillet was a priest of the diocese of Autun, a master of arts, licentiate in
law, and a fifth year student of theology in 1403. He studied at Paris at the same time as
Pierre Cauchon. In 1414 he is cited as master of the collège of Fortet, and deputy to the
Council of Pisa. In 1448, at the age of seventy, he resigned as treasurer of the church at
Sens.
THOMAS AMOURET
Thomas Amouret, Amoreti, was a Dominican, a bachelor of theology in 1435, and received
his licentiate on January 20, 1444, and was proclaimed master on May 22. We find that he
preached a sermon in Rouen in 1438.
BERTRAND DU CHESNE
This Benedictine of Cluny, Bertrand du Chesne, de Quercu, was a licentiate in law in
1416, and dean of Lihons, doctor in 1426 and master regent the year following. In 1429 he
sustained a trial before Parlement against the collège de Cluny at Paris. Pope Eugene IV
named him Abbot of Saint Pierre de Hanon in the diocese of Arras in 1439
LOUIS DE LUXEMBOURG
Louis de Luxembourg was Bishop of Thérouanne and chancellor of Henry VI and was the
brother of the rough Burgundian captain, Jean, who sold the Maid to the Bishop of
Beauvais.
He was elected dean of the church of Beauvais on May 31, 1414, and
[467]
at times resided at Rouen before 1430, living in the archbishop's palace, He espoused
the interests of the English entirely and responded to the call that Bedford issued to the
nobility of Picardy. We know that he occupied himself in putting Paris in a defensive
position when Bedford retired to Normandy. He was present at the coronation of Henry VI at
Nôtre Dame and was the executor of the will of Isabelle of Bavaria.
On April 7, 1432 (new style), King Henry ordered his treasurer-general in Normandy,
Jean Stanlawe, to pay to Louis de Luxembourg, his chancellor in France, 1,000 livres
"to help him support the great expenses which in the cause of our service he had had,
and has, to pay." He was very much in favor with the English government. In 1422 he *
had been head of the embassy which went from France to London to felicitate the young
Henry VI upon his accession to the throne. He was favorably looked upon by the Chapter of
Nôtre Dame of Rouen which, on the news that the Bishop of Thérouanne had been named
Archbishop by the Pope, decided, on January 13, 1430, to take steps to urge him to accept
the nomination.
He was strongly allied with Bedford; he was the executor of Bedford's will, and we see
that after the death of Bedford's duchess, Anne, Louis placed his niece, Jacquette de
Saint Paul in his hands. She was a girl of seventeen, and Bedford married her, to the
amazement of Philippe le Bon of Burgundy. This marriage contributed not a little to
alienating the Duke of Burgundy from the English alliance. In 1436, during the Parisian
insurrection against the English, Louis de Luxembourg took refuge in the Bastille, where
Richemont besieged him. He had to abandon his property to the conquerors and was
transported to Rouen down the Seine. On January 15, 1437, as he was disposed to journey to
England, the Chapter of Rouen had mass said for his happy voyage and reminded him of
Bedford's legacies to the churches of Rouen. He was named Archbishop of Rouen on October
24, 1436, and was later made Cardinal by Eugene IV (1440). He became Bishop of Ely when he
finally went to England, but kept all his prerogatives as Archbishop of Rouen. Raoul
Roussel, who replaced him, was, moreover, one of his intimates. Louis de Luxembourg did
not lack, however, means of indemnifying himself for his losses. Henry VI gave him a
pension of 1,000 marks from the Exchequer and 1,000 livres from the revenues of Normandy.
The church of Ely was worth 2,000 livres. He resided rarely in his See, which he
administered through a procureur.
[468]
He lived splendidly in his manors, moving with a great train of baggage and horses. He
was appointed ambassador by Henry VI in December, 1442, to treat for peace with Charles
VII, his adversary, and died on September 18, 1443, in his castle of Hatfield. Pasquier de
Vaux was the executor of his will. His heart was sent to Rouen and his body was buried in
a magnificent tomb in Ely Cathedral, near the altar of holy relics.
While charged with the defense of Paris, Louis de Luxembourg, then Bishop of
Thérouanne, -- who, the Journal dun Bourgeois de Paris assures us, was a
"full-blooded man" -- had brought from Saint Denis the Maid's armor, negotiated
her sale to the English, was present at the Trial, her abjuration and torture. Upon the
testimony of André Marguerie he could even weep: singular tears on the part of him whom
Percival de Cagny denounced as one of the authors of Jeanne's death.
JEAN DE MAILLY
Jean de Mailly, Bishop of Noyon, was one of the principal members of the English King's
Council, and a very fanatical Burgundian.
He was a licentiate in law, councilor of Parlement (1401) master of petitions of the
hôtel (1418), and president of the Chamber of Accounts in 1424. He became dean of Saint
Germain l'Auxerrois at Paris and was called to Noyon as Bishop by Martin V on July 20,
1425. The following year, with Louis de Luxembourg, he was designated to pacify the
dispute concerning heretic witchcraft between the Bishop of Paris and Jean Graverent,
Inquisitor. From 1424 on we find him at Rouen present at the sessions of the Exchequer,
and he was appointed by the English government. He accompanied the young King to Paris, as
well as Pierre Cauchon, and was present at Nôtre Dame as ecclesiastical peer, at Henry
VI's coronation ceremonies. He subscribed to the safeguard accorded to Jeanne's judges.
Jean de Mailly was not very old at the time of the Rehabilitation (he was born about
1396). He alleged, however, that he had been present at only one session of the Trial and
declared that he remembered nothing about it. He was, nevertheless, present at the
abjuration scene and at the burning of the Maid. In 1443 Jean de Mailly received in
procession Charles VII in his city of Noyon. In 1435 he had taken part in the embassy
which announced to Charles the happy conclusion of the Peace of Arras. He died February
14, 1472, leaving to his church
[469]
his Bible, a manuscript on vellum. He was above all else a diplomat and financier.
HENRY BEAUFORT, BISHOP OF WINCHESTER
Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, was made Cardinal in 1426; he was the Chancellor
of England, and great-uncle of the King.
This illegitimate son of John of Gaunt was Grand Chancellor of Henry V and Henry VI,
banker to the State, and a candidate for the Papacy. He was the implacable enemy of the
Duke of Gloucester, was a warrior and later a peacemaker, and intrigued with all the
courts of Europe. He was ambitious and a miser. As Martin V's legate to Germany he
preached for a crusade against the Hussites in Bohemia. Alarmed at his increasing power,
Gloucester persuaded him to go to France in April, 1430. He crowned Henry VI at Paris on
December 17, 1431, and was employed in all the affairs of that year. He returned to
England in May, 1432, Shakespeare's tragedy of Henry VI gives us a perfect portrait of
this strange prelate.
WILLIAM ALNWICK, BISHOP OF NORWICH
William Alnwick was Bishop of Norwich (1426-1436) and later (1436-1449) of Lincoln. He
was a monk of St. Alban's and in the confidence of Henry V. Henry VI made him his
confessor and keeper of the privy seat. He was educated and enjoyed a great reputation for
sanctity and orthodoxy. He prosecuted very vigorously the heretic Lollards. Alnwick had an
influence in the great scholarly foundations of Henry VI and occupied himself in restoring
Lincoln Cathedral. In 1425 he was recommended by the King of England to the Holy See for
the Bishopric of Ely.
THOMAS FRIQUE
Thomas Frique, Benedictine, was prior, then abbot, of Bec-Hellouin, and was confirmed
by the Pope in this latter dignity on August 8, 1430. He lived at Rouen in his hôtel in
the rue du Bec. We see him take his place after the Abbot of Saint Ouen in an assembly of
prelates convoked in the Archbishop's chapel, a precedence he long contested. He died in
1446.
ROBERT JOLIVET
Robert Jolivet of Montpichon, Joliveti R. abbas Montis, R. abbé da Mont, was a Norman
Benedictine, a bachelor of law in 1416, and be.
[470]
came Abbot of Mont Saint Michel in 1411. He fled from his abbey which remained faithful
to Charles VII and took refuge with the English about 141g. He went on various missions
for Bedford, and became his chancellor and keeper of his privy seal in 1423. We see Robert
Jolivet on May 27, 1428, as the representative of Bedford at the foundation of the
Carmelites in Rouen.
Extremely devoted to the government of Henry VI, this religious played an important
role in diplomacy and even in military matters, inspecting troops and visiting fortresses.
He was a member of all the important councils. In 1425 he was commissioned by the King of
England to recover the abbey which he had so admirably fortified before his departure.
Between April and June, 1428, Robert Jolivet was at Paris awaiting the coming of Salisbury
and the English army "to advise and conclude where he would be sent." In
November he went to Mantes to see Bedford about the siege of Orleans. On September 12,
1430, Jolivet is cited as chancellor with the considerable salary of 800 livres a year. He
resided at Rouen in order to serve the King. On November 16, 1431, King Henry ordered the
payment of the wages of the ten lancers and thirty mounted archers who had escorted him
(with the Abbot of Fécamp) to Paris where he had been summoned. On July 23, 1436, King
Henry VI ordered him and the Bishop of Lisieux and the Earl of Suffolk to call together
the Three Estates at Caen and to take part in the project of establishing a university
there. Jolivet was buried at Rouen in the church of Saint Michel in July, 1444.
JACQUES LE CAMUS
Jacques Le Camus or Camus does not appear to have been a doctor of theology, but he
must, however, have studied at Paris. He was canon of Reims from January, 1423, and
titular holder of a second canonicate in the collegiate church of Saint Symphorien in
1428. He lost all his benefices, having embraced the cause of Henry VI who, when Le Camus
was deprived of his property by the King of France, gave him the benefice as cure of La
Trinité of Falaise, which had been abandoned by Adam Mesgret, who had fled to Reims.
Jacques Le Camus died in October, 1438.
NICOLE BERTIN
Nicole Bertin was a canon of Lisieux. We encounter him on May 25, 1454, making a
foundation in favor of the Collège du Saint Esprit,
[471]
as executor of the will of the late Jean Bidault, archdeacon of Augé in the church of
Lisieux, canon of Reims, Rouen, Lisieux and Mans. As executor of Pierre Cauchon's will he
approved his legacy in favor of Saint Cande le Vieux in 1450, We know that Bidault,
brother-in-law of Jean de Rinel, had desired "some foundation be made for his soul
and that of the late Reverend Father in God, Messire Pierre Cauchon, in his lifetime
Bishop of Lisieux and of Beauvais." JULIEN FLOSQUET
Julien Flosquet is cited in a petition of 1419 without his University ranking. In 1434
he became canon of Thérouanne.
GUILLAUME DU DÉSERT
Guillaume du Desert was born at Paris about 1400. He was nominated for a canonicate in
the church at Rouen in 1421 by Henry V. On February 12, 1432, he took at Paris the degree
of bachelor of law. He was in turn master of wills, from 1446 to 1448 master of work at
the cathedral, which his family had endowed. Guillaume du Désert fulfilled various
missions which allowed him to think that he was a valuable man. He went to England to
claim the payment of legacies that Henry V and Bedford had made to the cathedral. He was
absent from Rouen when Charles VII entered the city, and he obtained without trouble new
letters of provision, and he undertook to get the King's confirmation of the Norman
charter in 1452. The following year he fulfilled a mission to Rome. He was curé of Saint
Nicolas le Painteur. Guillaume du Désert died on January 25, 1471, and was buried in the
cathedral although he was curé of Saint Hilaire.
He was certainly an educated man, for he owned some fine books which he bequeathed to
the Chapter library. His decision in Jeanne's case was propped on that of the Abbot of
Fécamp. Guillaume du Désert was consulted among the first witnesses at the
Rehabilitation proceedings: he had been present at Jeanne's abjuration and execution. In
his testimony he declared that he recalled very little about it, saying, for example, that
"if Jeanne had taken the part of the English as she had that of the French she would
not have been treated like that."
ROBERT GHILLEBERT
Robert Ghillebert or Gilbert, an Englishman, was doctor of theology and was at the time
of Jeanne's trial dean of the King of England's
[472]
chapel. He became in 1433 Dean of York and he reports in a petition to Eugene IV
(November 17, 1435) that in the time when he had followed the King in all the battles won
in France he had seen many murders, fires, etc., and that he rejoiced from the depths of
his heart when his countrymen were victorious just as he suffered profoundly when they
were beaten. He was still Dean of York when he was confirmed as Bishop of London by Eugene
IV on May 21, 1436.
JEAN TOUTMOUILLÉ
Jean Toutmouille, Dominican, who brought to the Trial his title as doctor of theology,
could not have acquired this degree at Paris, for the University documents do not mention
him. We find that he preached a sermon at Rouen in 1458.
[473]
[Blank Page]
ON THE TRIAL OF JEANNE D'ARC BY PIERRE CHAMPION
Translated by
Coley Taylor and Ruth H. Kerr
[475]
[Blank Page]
ON THE TRIAL OF JEANNE D'ARC
The Record of the Trial of Jeanne D'Arc (Procès de Condamnation) is justly one of the
most celebrated documents of our history. It makes known to us a cause which has seriously
shocked human conscience, and at the same time reveals to us the most authentic and most
poignant experiences in the life of the heroic Jeanne D'Arc, the pride and mirror of a
people. This document makes us, after a fashion, witnesses of a drama of the deepest
pathos, where innocence and youth were victims of political passion, of theological and
juridical knowledge. Formal law triumphs here over candor and intuition.
For a long time, even before the admirable edition of Jules Quicherat, historians have
accorded to this document a very special, not to say exclusive, importance. This record it
is that reports the very words of Jeanne, which presents to us the scenes of her
martyrdom. We place to-day the Procès de Réhabilitation in the same category. Besides
the questions of the judges, and the replies of Jeanne, we wish to hear the remarks that
the witnesses who knew her have to make, the people of her countryside, especially those
of her companions-in-arms. Besides, the two records complete each other admirably; they
are inseparable; they present the drama and the idyll. In the midst of the settings, in
the ring of fire evoked by these documents, the figure of Jeanne appears, much more
clearly, closer to us, than from the words of contemporary chroniclers, or those of modern
historians. In their innocent pages, in their works so filled with erudition or fervor,
one always has the impression that the figure of Jeanne, so close to earth, so near to
heaven, is merely glimpsed. The trial records give us something nowhere else achieved. The
most beautiful telling of the story of Jeanne d'Arc, the most authentic, the most moving,
lives within these two documents.
[477]
It is astonishing to realize that her story has remained inaccessible in an edition
that has become very rare, complete only in the Latin, a tongue formerly known to all but
which, alas, is becoming less and less familiar to 'the generality of men. It is to meet
to some degree this public need that 1, a few years ago, at the request of my father,
undertook the publication of the Latin text of the Procès de Condamnation, together with
a French translation which would be followed by the Procès de Réhabilitation. This work
was to have appeared in 1914; the introduction was written in great part in the trenches
of the Somme, on leave, or on quiet nights.
This great trial, this "most celebrated trial," (1) one of the most
impressive juridical monuments of the time, has not been accessible to readers up to this
time. We shall now penetrate into this somber cathedral of logic and theology, just as one
pushes open, at evening, the door of a vast church where, in the light of candles, some
solemn or funereal rite is being celebrated. We shall be present at the most dramatic of
dramas in its formalism of implacable justice; we shall hear the clear voice of Jeanne in
the midst of so many climaxes when the hatred of her judges broke through the feigned
sweetness and the appearances of law; when rhetoric made laughable the secular arm, even
then we shall experience the fire, the moral suffering worse than torture, the dungeon and
irons which she was not permitted to escape. In this great drama, a crowd of
supernumeraries is busy. Two nations await the sentence. A scheming bishop who aspires to
be archbishop, sits as judge in this high tribunal. He has for acolytes, for accomplices,
the canons of an ancient cathedral, the instruments of the most celebrated university of
the world, that of Paris, the greatest authority of learning of the time, which had seen
the collapse of all spiritual power and was itself all the spiritual authority. The bishop
puts before the Holy See the fait accompli, acts upon that other redoubtable power, the
holy inquisition. Rome, Rouen, Paris are the principal scenes of the drama. Two nations
have rôles to play. To place these scenes, to descend, as far as we may, into the hearts
of the players in this trial, is the object of this essay, and of the numerous notes
[which are translated here in Dramatis Personae], and which will permit one to approach
the reading of this document with clearer advantage. For now that we are
-------------------------------- (1) Celeberrimus processus, says the circular letter
of Henry VI, June 6, 1431.
[478]
better informed, the Trial has completely changed in aspect. This Trial is no longer
precisely that of Jeanne. It has become the trial of her judges. Proper reversal of things
here below: condemnation of the mistakes of people who have undertaken to prove too much.
What is the origin of this great trial record, edited some years after Jeanne's death?
It was especially the apology of her judges. They are instructing posterity: We acted
righteously, tenderly, justly, they say. We were not hurried or impassioned men. We
English did not, as it was our right to do, treat this girl as an enemy, although she had
inflicted upon us so many defeats and losses. We, ecclesiastical judges, acted according
to the immutable doctrine of the Church, in accordance with all the forms of law, after
having exhausted the aid of all the lights of reason. And from that reasoning followed the
necessity of giving to the document great publicity which should, in advance, thwart all
inclinations toward rehabilitation.
Until then what was known of Jeanne? A marvelous adventure, crowned with success, then
discredited by reverses; the news traveled thoughout the world of a great trial, under the
auspices of the University of Paris, and almost those of the Papacy, a trial one was
forbidden to criticize under pain of prison; a sentence commented upon in public
addresses, sermons, and broadcast by circulars backed up by threats. That is all that was
known.
It was certainly not enough to hush the legend of Jeanne, to deflect the popular fervor
from her who had been worshiped during her life by the good people of France. It was
important also for her judges to give all the publicity possible to the great machine of
procedure which the Trial was, to publish openly the astounding declarations of this
obstinate Jeanne and the advice so full of moderation and weight given to this simple girl
by the scholars; it was necessary to show Jeanne contradicting herself, recanting in the
face of fire, and finally recognizing her errors, her folly, her deception. Catholic
people could no longer have faith in her who had lost faith in herself. All this, fated to
influence opinion, the attentive reader may find in the Trial Record; all this, which was
prepared and manufactured with the greatest care. And so the judges who had had the
satisfaction of seeing realized, in all or in part of the scenario of the drama written in
advance in their minds, thought to establish their innocence in some fashion for
posterity. Such is the strength, and such is the weakness of this great monument,
[479]
of which the juridical and theological arguments rest upon vain foundations, a monument
so logical, and so fragile. Here appears the weakness of an epoch otherwise full of sap
and exuberance; the abuse of logic, of scholasticism, of formalism. Regularity is not
truth; law is not justice; to think in group, conforming to tradition, is not to think; to
judge in accordance with unitary and authoritative policies, following the law of the
strongest, to judge according to the convention, is not to judge at all. The words of the
Imitation come to memory: "Even though you know all the Bible and the sayings of the
philosophers, what shall it serve you if you have not grace and love?"
And so it is Jeanne's judges that we, in our turn, shall judge; posterity makes a bill
of accusation of their apologia.
I REGULARITY OF THE TRIAL
The Procès de Condamnation of Jeanne d'Arc is a masterpiece of partiality under the
appearance of the most regular of procedures.
Rarely has injustice taken the likeness of justice, to this degree; rarely has an
assembly seemed so little imbued with zeal for the safety of the soul and body of a poor
and saintly girl; rarely has one invoked with such hypocrisy its own impartiality and
shown likewise a false goodwill towards helping an unlettered woman to defend herself. And
the judges at Rouen clothe themselves moreover in the opinion of that almost celestial
light of the time -- of the entire world -- the learned University of Paris. What cowardly
opinions were screened behind decisions entirely political, but so sagely argued, by the
Faculties of Theology and Law!
It was a well-ordered trial, a machine of procedure superbly synchronized, put in
motion under the highest, most redoubtable authority of that time, the authority of the
justice of the Church. Never were witnesses and formal evidence received with so much
care; no trial of that period-save that of Jean, duc d'Alençon, tried by his peers -- was
conducted in so impressive and stately a manner. (Three or four canons, designated by the
chapter, sufficed in those days to instruct the court in matters of faith.)
And no trial received such publicity: five authentic copies were drawn up of this great
session; circulars were sent to make the conclusions
[480]
known immediately to the princes of Europe, to ecclesiastics, to cities; and it was not
wise to speak ill of the Judges of the Maid!
This monument of iniquity, this masterpiece of technique has finally borne its fruit.
As her judges wished, Jeanne was condemned as a heretic; the English burned her, as
they had desired; and they could say, among themselves, that a witch had led Charles, King
of France, to the sacrament of Reims; but the formal regularity of the impressive trial
made it impossible for one to dare pronounce the name of the Maid in the country of
France.
Save in Orléans, where the worship of Jeanne persisted, associated as she was so
inextricably with the memory of the city's deliverance, the Trial Record put public
opinion to sleep. She who had been worshiped in her lifetime, before whom candles had been
burned and prayers said, whose ring had been kissed and clothing touched as a sacrament;
she who had heard her legend run from one end of Europe to the other, was forgotten. The
great procès the record in all ways regular, was there; the University of Paris and
authority had spoken. She was doubted. See how the testimony became uncertain on the
subject of Jeanne: we can find the only opinion favorable to Jeanne in a book of
controversy, Le Champion des Dames, by Martin Le Franc in 1440; and even there, the pro
and con is given.
The justice of man is often pitiless; the form of justice is so always, and to a
greater degree; here it had to seem irreproachable. It took almost twenty-five years to
destroy, piece by piece --and after endless formalities -- this imposing machine that is
the procès de Condamnation. Before that could happen France had to be reconquered by her
king; the English bastille that was Rouen had to become French again. Charles VII has been
accused, perhaps lightly, of ingratitude in this business; it would, doubtless, be fairer
to reproach him with indolence and lack of clairvoyance.
Certainly, in 1452, many of Jeanne's judges were dead; but they had lived full of
honors and were recipients of benefices. Several among them, when called to make
depositions before the Rehabilitation, were to lose their memories and to testify
lamentably, like Caval and Tiphaine (who denied all participation in the Trial); or to
change, like Guillaume de Désert who stated that "If Jeanne had taken the part of
the English instead of that of the French, she would not have been treated in such
[481]
a way." And certain of the judges surviving in 1452 had conveniently joined King
Charles VII.
Jean Beaupère, rector of the University of Paris, so active in attacking Jeanne, was
to invoke his title as a good Frenchman when the partisans of Charles VII entered Rouen
(he was living then at Besançon, in a territory not opposed to the King) but he
maintained, in 1 452, his opinions on the natural causes of Jeanne's visions, and in the
malice inherent to feminine nature. Thomas de Courcelles, the notorious Sorbonnist, was to
explain before Charles VII the doctrine of the French Church in 1440 (in the definitive
edition of the procès he had prudently suppressed his name wherever it had figured in the
French minutes); he died dean of the chapter of Nôtre Dame. Guillaume de Conti, the
Benedictine, was to congratulate Charles VII upon his entry into Paris. Another of her
judges, Guillaume de Désert, obtained from King Charles the confirmation of the Norman
charter. These facts scarcely indicate that they were held to be suspect.
All that might have been attempted in Jeanne's favor during the process of the Trial
was a sortie by force which would have contributed materially to the deliverance of the
Maid: for her enemies had guarded against all the legal means on the day after her
capture. To study the route she was made to travel before she was taken to Rouen, the
heart of English power, is to recognize that they were aware of the sole eventuality which
could have been of any help to Jeanne. And if, as the judges have been reproached for not
doing, witnesses of the French party had been summoned to the trial at Rouen, armed with
safe-conducts, it is not certain that they would have greatly served the cause of the
Maid, whose virtue and sincerity could well do without their testimony. But it is certain,
on the other hand, that the judges at Rouen would not have failed to compromise them, to
confuse them in their doctrine by Jeanne's replies, full of good faith, 'assuredly, but of
an orthodoxy often doubtful.
Jeanne seems to have been aware of these two alternatives. In the session of March 14th
she was to say that her voices had told her that she was to be delivered by a "great
victory."
And it appears evident likewise that Jeanne cared little about witnesses from the
French side appearing at her trial. When she had told of the angel bearing the precious
crown to the king, at the time of the audience at Chinon, a tale that might have made poor
Jeanne seem too
[482]
venturesome, she was asked whether she wished to have called in the testimony of the
Archbishop of Reims, and that of the Sires de Boussac, Bourbon, La Trémouïlle and La
Hire, she replied by a ruse . one full of good sense, however: "Call a
messenger and I shall write to them all about the trial . . ." and otherwise she did
not wish to have them believed or to rely upon them. She was asked further whether she
would answer in the matter of her visions, in case the judges should summon the knights of
her party, protected by safe-conducts: Jeanne replied prudently first to let them come,
"then she would answer them." The judges at Rouen then asked her whether she
wished to rely upon the testimony of the religious of Poitiers who had examined her upon
her arrival "in France": Jeanne made this astonishing reply: "Do you think
you can catch me up in this fashion and draw me to you?"
Between Jeanne and all the learned clerics, whether they were examiners at Poitiers or
judges at Rouen, there was an abyss: _her divine candor. Of Regnault de Chartres,
archbishop of Reims, Jeanne was to say "He would not dare say the contrary to what I
have told you." Poor Jeanne, she did not understand the adroit sharp breed of
politicians. This Regnault, on the day after her capture at Compiègne, wrote to the good
people of Reims "since she did not wish to believe counsel, she had done all as her
pleasure was"; and he announced to them the coming of the little shepherd of
Gévaudon, "who says neither more nor less than what Jehanne the Maid has said."
How would such witnesses have testified at Rouen!
It was, besides, too late; the immense machine was already in motion. How right were
these counselors who judged, with Frère Ysambard, that they were asking poor Jeanne
"questions too difficult, subtle and cunning, so that the great clerics and
well-educated men who are present, would be at great pains to know how to answer
them." How far-seeing was that serious Norman cleric, Master Jean Lohier, in
preferring to leave Rouen rather than have to give his opinion to the Bishop of Beauvais
on the formal and fundamental regularity of the Trial "and that the said woman, who
was a simple girl, did not have counsel in replying to so many masters and doctors, and in
great matters, especially those touching her revelations, as she says. Ana for this it
seems to him that the Trial is not valuable You see the
[483]
manner in which they proceed: they will catch her up if they can, in her own words
" (Deposition of Guillaume Manchon.)
II RESPONSIBILITIES OF THE JUDGES
To Jeanne's judges, to these prejudiced, unfeeling judges, to these hateful judges, we
must however do justice. We must find out the responsibilities, more or less heavy, that
fell upon them and upon the assessors of the Procès de Condamnation. Of all the
responsibilities, the University of Paris must be charged with the most important. As this
university has changed a great deal, it is perhaps necessary to recall what was understood
at that time by the University:
There are on the Mount Sainte Genevieve, on the sacred mount of learning, in the very
peaceful rue de Sorbonne, in the midst of so many colleges, gardens, convents, stinking
alleys where water and filth commingle, a poor college and a chapel which are frequented
by pale emaciated clerics and young religious: it is the noted house of Sorbonne. There
masters and students meet, students sometimes aged, sometimes starving, who for years have
shared a common misery, a pallet of straw; have endured cold and hunger, aspiring to the
titles of licentiate, or master, which will permit some to teach, others to meditate, and
will procure for the cleverest the great means of success: access to the benefices. They
are gathered there, all these sons of France, grouped in "nations," thirsty for
learning, for sound doctrine, accomplishing the vow of a pious mother. Some are the pride
of their village, in some cases of their entire province. Timid, poor, ambitious, they
elucidate solemnly the sacred texts of the Old and New Testaments, are attracted to
lectures and discussions, to preaching, eaten with cares, made thin by their vigils,
always ready to crush out error, to defend the Catholic faith, apt in sustaining opposite
conclusions from the same premises: wrestlers in words.
And not distant, in the rue de Clos Bruneau, or at Saint Jean de Beauvais, are grouped
the numerous disciples in the courses of the Law and the Decretals, appropriate for the
administering of churches, for the discussion of the business of chapters and parishes,
for instruction in and commentary upon, the laws.
In the neighborhood of Saint Côme are the doctors and the students
[484]
of medicine in smaller number; in the rue de Fouarre, in the stalls and sometimes in
the street, the turbulent crowd of students of the arts, of science, philosophy and
letters, jostle one another.
It is on the Mount Sainte Geneviève that comradeship is formed; it is there that
esprit de corps is born. Students and asters, all are sons of Alma Mater, of this mother
who nourishes them with the milk of knowledge, in this time which had a veritable
superstition for the written word, for verbal learning. Masters and disciples were to meet
again at the Trial of Jeanne in which university friendships certainly played a strong
part.
The University of Paris was the federation of masters of the Faculty of Theology, Law,
Medicine and that of the arts. It held general assemblies in the Chapel of the Mathurins,
where we shall see masters reunite precisely on the matter of the trial of Jeanne. The
kings and popes were but patrons of this great republic, nothing more.
The Faculty of Theology was comprised only of the ecclesiastics giving their
instruction in the great religious houses. Charged with teaching the Word of God, the
doctors of theology had to defend the Catholic verity and confound heresy. This faculty
attributed to itself the power of deciding, in sovereign authority, whether a religious
doctrine were true or false. Along with its decision the bishop and even the pope could
exercise only a judiciary or coercive power: they could do nothing in a case but apply the
penalty. The Pope could not rule in a matter of dogma (1) for he might well err by giving
a theological reasoning in condemnation, and for that it was necessary to have recourse to
the learning of which the assembled masters were the depositaries. An historian and
partisan of the University, Charles Thurot, was able to say: "These pretensions were
not illusory. Composed of the governors of all the orders, seculiers of all the nations,
the Faculty of Theology of Paris embraced all who were accounted eminent theologians
throughout Christendom. And in the Fourteenth Century it stood alone. No other was
composed of so many distinguished members and doctors. All nations were admitted to the
Sorbonne; all the religious orders were represented at Paris by the élite among their
brothers. It did not seem that one could find elsewhere a tribunal more impartial and more
enlightened." ------------------------------------- (1) I summarize here the
conclusions of Charles Thurot, _De l'organization de l'enseignement dans l'université de
Paris_, 1850.
[485]
In fact the doctors of theology reconciled with the obligation of defending orthodoxy
the liberty of discussion and examination necessary to the growth of the spirit. The
Faculty was the heart of the University of Paris, the teaching of the arts remained a
preparation for theology. It was the intellectual glory of the University,, the cradle of
all the great philosophers, of all the thinkers of the Middle Ages; of all those who went
to take up at the Council of Bâle the struggle for the liberties of the French Church.
The University had exercised, down through the centuries, this right of recognizing the
heresies or opinions produced at Paris and in its environs. From the most remote districts
the judgment of the University of Paris was appealed to in matters of faith. And, at this
period the masters were preoccupied with the deeds of witchcraft which had been
challenging the imagination for several years. In the midst of the numberless disorders
that marked the first half of the Fifteenth Century, the University was the unique
manifestation of intellectual opinion in France.
Gerson had spoken in its name for a general reform of the kingdom in 1405. It resisted
the Pope, who levied tithes, and communicated increasingly with him; it reprimanded the
King and combated the mendicant orders; it corresponded, after the death of the duc
d'Orléans, with the dukes of Berry and Burgundy; it took the part of Jean Petit at the
behest of the Duke of Burgundy, always in the name of reform. It revolted with the
populace, in 1408, and Charles VI had to publish an order forbidding its members to stir
up the people of Paris. It humbled the Provost, Guillaume de Thignonville. The King
demanded that it excommunicate the duc d'Orléans; the Duke of Burgundy communicated to it
his "secrets." It approved of the Cabochien ordinance, then, after the rising,
celebrated the benefits of the peace and condemned the proposals of Jean Petit; it
pronounced itself in favor of the liberties of the French Church. But when the Burgundians
entered Paris the University denied emphatically the acts of the five years preceding: the
men who had held it in servitude had deceived the nation and corrupted the students! It
became entirely Burgundian; Gerson and Machet had to flee. Pinched, and without resources,
after the detestable murder of Jean Sans Peur whom it had sworn to avenge, the University
delegated Pierre Cauchon to approve the Treaty of Troyes, to which it had adhered
solemnly. It became English from that moment. It asked
[486]
Henry V to confirm its privileges in 1420; it recommended Pierre Cauchon for the See of
Beauvais, "for he is a very prudent and very benign person, and a man of 'grant
clergie'." It rendered thanks to Henry V when Meaux was seized; the union of the
noble Kings of France and England, the two noble kingdoms and their good subjects, is
exalted, as well as the love of peace. Especially it did not forget Bedford and the
lettered Gloucester, who were its protectors. The University made pious offerings upon
each English victory. It exulted over the announcement that Henry VI was coming to France
to visit his kingdom (April, 1431).
In the month of December, 1431, a somewhat extraordinary scene took place in Paris
where the little Henry VI made his impressive entry. It was one of the judges of Jeanne
d'Arc, Nicolas Midi, who was charged to greet him in the name of the University. He
expressed the University's joy upon seeing that there shone in the infant King the
excellent principles becoming to a monarch and to a Catholic Prince, that is to say,
obedience to God and the Church, zeal for justice, the virtues of clemency and pity.
Nicolas Midi saluted in Henry VI the father, the patron, the guardian, the special refuge
of the University, who was his first born daughter, "orphan, or rather widow in his
absence, since she did not then have her singular and special protector to lead her. He
told of her sorrow, "asking audience of him, hoping the said Prince would treat her
well and favorably, as had the king his predecessor." And Nicolas Midi translated the
dream, the utopia of the University men: this union of the two kingdoms, "which
formerly were divided and in discord," and presented the spectacle of wars, sedition,
the ruin of churches, the diminution of faith. Let this good union be realized, by the
Grace of God, and all evils would cease, as there was every reason to hope!
Such is what a member of the University came to say, in a compliment addressed to the
English King, in presenting to him all his wishes for joyous accession, prayers for his
health and the success of his enterprises, the offering of public prayers and preaching to
the people!
To tell the truth, the University had suffered from the common misfortune of the time.
In 1425, protesting before Martin V against the creation of new French universities, Alma
Mater said that her members were dispersed and that her ancient glory had much diminished.
Jean Gerson was living at Lyons in exile; other eminent University leaders,
[487]
since 1418, had fled to the court of Charles VII. Those who lived in Paris seemed, for
the most part, Burgundian fanatics; we learn that they served, as others have, the master
of the day. The domination of the English appeared almost to have been recognized by
Charles VI himself. The Parliament and a great part of France had accepted and sworn to
uphold the Treaty of Troyes. A marriage had sealed the legal union of the two kingdoms.
The Pope himself could not have censured this opinion of the masters; and the Church had
never intervened in what we shall call a change of government. The English were Christians
and Catholics. They were to prove themselves, especially at the instigation of Bedford,
very devoted sons of the Church and submissive to the Papacy. And, finally, we should
speak advisedly of the decadence of the University. Its moral power was the same; the
misfortunes of the time made it desirable that a single opinion be professed. Concerning
Jeanne the opinion of the masters was, at that day, the only opinion.
The Maid was captured on the twenty-third of May, 1430, at six o'clock in the evening.
This news did not reach Paris until the morning of the twenty-fifth or the twenty-sixth.
The Secretary of the University wrote, in the name and under the seal of the Inquisitor of
France, a summons to the Duke of Burgundy, to the end that Jeanne "vehemently
suspected of many crimes implying heresy" be given up "according to law" by
the procurator of the holy inquisition "to good counsel, favor and aid of the good
doctors and masters of the University of Paris and other notable counselors being
there."
In the secret conferences of the University as much as in the councils of the English
government, then, was born the idea of condemning Jeanne, this monster of pride, before a
tribunal of the Church. It was a marvelous idea; the opinion of the University,
unfavorable to the Maid, would have an extraordinary impression on the clergy, even upon
those who favored Charles VII. The English, besides, with the Church trial, could assume a
disinterested attitude.
The masters who had already claimed the Maid for the Duke of Burgundy were to claim her
again for the Inquisitor of the Faith at Paris, or for his colleague, Pierre Cauchon. For,
on the subject of Jeanne, the opinion of the members of the University had for a long time
been unanimous. They were in part motivated by the fabulous anecdotes which had been
current since her appearance. Besides, the esprit de corps desired the Parisian masters to
hold as strongly suspect any person of the Armagnac party, especially those accredited by
the
[488]
doctors of Chinon. The Parisians united in the reprobation of the Armagnacs, who had
condemned the Burgundian propositions of Jean Petit.
Innocent tales, widely told through the Lorraine countryside, of "fairy
trees" were accepted without verification and were distorted. A girl leading
men-at-arms, dressed completely like a man, could not be other than depraved, a monster, a
loose creature, like-the ribald dames who followed the armies.
Brother Richard had preached at Troyes that Jeanne knew the secrets of God, and that
she could have an army enter into any city at all, and by any sort of means. He was a
suspect personage, already disturbing to the University of Paris as a promoter of errors
and of lying prophecies. He had had to flee Paris, having preached that the Antichrist was
born, and announced the Day of Judgment for 1430,
When Jeanne had appeared before Paris, in the month of September, 1429, the Parisians
did not doubt, following the. rumors easily noised about, that her partisans were going to
exterminate them all; that the intention of King Charles VII was to plow the city under.
While the Parisians were making a procession in honor of the Virgin, on the eve of her
nativity, in contempt of the observance of religious fêtes -which would later be
remembered by the University-Jeanne had made a fruitless attack on the city. They saw in
this check a miracle of favor from the Virgin on behalf of the Burgundians. The credit of
Jeanne fell, since she had failed: it was the Spirit of Evil that was leading her and not
the Spirit of God. The question preoccupied the University masters then, for they composed
and transcribed at that time an essay: De Bono et Maligno Spiritu.
The belief in Jeanne's divine mission declined from that time. Bedford, writing to the
King, represented her as a bloodhound of the Devil using enchantments and witchcraft.
After the disastrous sortie of Compiègne, what must the masters at Paris have thought of
Jeanne, prisoner, who had announced that she was sent of God to drive out of France all
the enemies of her King? And the leap at Beaurevoir, was it not culpable temerity and
mortal sin?
One must not forget this, if one wishes to see a little clearly into the obstinacy of
the University theologians in prosecuting Jeanne; and one must keep it especially in mind
in order to understand the range of their questions on the magical power of all the
objects that belonged
[489]
to Jeanne, her standard, her sword, her rings; the insidious questions which were asked
her as to the extent of her mission, and the matter, always strongly mysterious, of her
intuitions and her voices.
The Maid had announced, in short, a mission which was imperfectly realized. The English
were not driven from the kingdom of France; Charles, duc d'Orléans, remained captive in
England; she herself had fallen into the hands of her enemies and had not escaped. The
description of her visions, so precise, could seem fallacious and vague generalizations to
men who were accustomed to study this subject, in the Légend dorée for example: In the
recital of her audience with the King, it was evident that Jeanne had varied, and even
that she was boasting. In all this the most forearmed theologians, like Beaupère, were
inclined to see "more of natural cause and human intention than of supernatural
cause."
The University, as we have seen, intervened at the beginning of Jeanne's trial; it was
to intervene again in the course of the sessions. The nineteenth of May Pierre Cauchon
declared in public sitting that the opinions of the doctors and masters should suffice to
judge the case. But a month later for the greatest peace of the consciences and the
edification of all, he made an appeal to the lights of the University, in particular to
those of the Faculty of Theology and Law. And, on the fourteenth of May the University had
informed the King of England that the Trial had been conducted wisely, righteously and
reasonably by the eminent experts, men who had not spared trouble or time, nor had they
taken any danger into consideration. All delay was very perilous, it was necessary to
finish, to act rapidly, to lead an erring people back to holy doctrine. The day before, a
letter had been sent to the Bishop by the members of the University in which the same
sentiments were expressed. It was essential to drive ahead if they wished to prevent
Jeanne from corrupting all the Western World.
The Faculty of Theology proved to be, naturally, the most vehement. There was in the
deeds of Jeanne only wicked belief, dangerous lying, cruelty, presumption, idolatry,
schism. The lawyers in giving their opinion (the gentlemen of the law are more prudent and
shrewd) showed themselves to be unquestionably less affirmative on the substance and more
moderate in form; for many colleagues of the Faculty of Law had declared (which did not
seem to them very credible, however) that it
[490]
was necessary to reserve the hypothesis that Jeanne's voices came to her from God. The
lawyers then gave their opinions on this reservation. But it appeared to them that there
was in Jeanne's case evident schism, contradiction with the symbol of the apostles,
apostasy, deceit, suspicion of heresy, boasting.
An important declaration of authority by which all those who would not have dared, or
known how, to form an opinion were impressed, and which many assessors had only to
restate. From that point on we see esprit de corps and discipline triumph.
But it ought to have been evident to these theologians that an evil spirit did not
motivate this pious child, who had taken the garb of man only from necessity, to protect
her virginity and to lead soldiers. Could they have expected her to reply in any but an
inadequate way to questions concerning the Pope, the council, her submission, when they
themselves were divided in such matters? Could they admit, those masters, that sixty-six
articles of accusation which they said were taken from her own admissions were denied by
Jeanne for the most part? Did they have to admit the mixture of the true and false, the
fabrication of a pseudo-resumé of these accusations in which they had not even taken the
trouble to come to an accurate agreement? Why did they not keep Jeanne in an
ecclesiastical prison when the archbishopric had a room at Rouen for women under the
supervision of women? Why did they suggest that they could not from such a distance seek
the opinion of the Pope, since the messengers and ambassadors at the University went so
frequently to Rome to see to the smallest matters concerning their colleagues and affairs
of their benefices? Why had they taken this precaution of covering their judgment by the
authority of the English government?
The University and the Council - The Pope of Rome and the Universal Church
The judges submitted their opinions (one might say a matter of form) to the judgment of
the Sovereign Pontiff and of the sacrosanct General Council.
This authority of the Pope, incidentally invoked (for it is always the Church, the
prelate officers of Christ of whom Pierre Maurice will speak to Jeanne), the Maid will
wish to invoke in her turn. She will say, she too, that she will rely upon the appeal to
the Pope. But on that occasion
[491]
they will remind her that the Pope is very far away, and that the local priests are
proper to judge the affairs of their diocese (May 24); and that such is, moreover, the
strict inquisitorial rule.
But the judges were lying when they stated in their sentence: "Thou hast refused
to submit thyself to Our Holy Father, the Pope, and to the Holy General Council."
They made the little King of England a liar in the circular letters written to the Emperor
and to the kings of Christendom, which represented Jeanne as having spurned the judgment
of our Holy Father, the Pope; in the circular letters to the prelates of France wherein it
was said that Jeanne had "rejected" the judgment of the Pope and that of the
Council (June, 1431).
Again, the authority of the Pope said to be denied by the Maid, was stated in advance
in the letters which the University addressed to the Pope, to the Emperor, the College of
Cardinals, documents in which Jeanne is definitely classed by the masters of the
University as one of the ruck of superstitious women who had appeared in that time.
But in actual fact, what was the authority of a Pope in those days? Who was this Eugene
IV who had just succeeded Martin V (who died the twentieth of February, 1431) precisely at
the beginning of Jeanne's trial, while Bishop Pierre Cauchon was assuring himself of the
collaboration of the Inquisition?
My thoughts are often carried towards that city of Rome in the Middle Ages, the
greatest city of Christendom, considering it in regard to its size and its history; one of
the least, if one considers it in respect to its population and the number of its
buildings that were in ruins. Rome, a throne in a desert. There are here only large and
marvelous palaces, falling apart; vines and gardens tangled in their ruins. The cellars of
these deserted palaces are the lairs of porcupines, badgers, hedgehogs and foxes. One can
pick out from a distance the amphitheaters, the cupola of the Pantheon, the colossal
horses, towers, their steeples, and that which dominates all and which bears the cross and
which is the cynosure of Christian eyes, Saint Peter's. And here is the dwelling of the
Popes and there is the strong Castle of Saint Angelo, circular, like a donjon tower, which
commands with its rocky mass the bridge over the Tiber which is the entrance to Rome for
those who come from France, Spain, Germany, Bologna and Venice.
[492]
But Rome is no longer in Rome. The authority of the Church Universal has been carried
away in the wandering council, where the masters of the University, the prelates of
France, meet directly after trying Jeanne d'Arc. Their authority was the sole authority.
The Church scarcely likes one to recall this time of disorder, its revolutionary
period. When the Council of Constance. came to an end (1418), three rival popes had been
ejected from the seat of Saint Peter: the old pontifical monarchy, restored in the person
of Martin V, had become a republic of clerics. Periodic councils were held regularly. The
vicar of Christ was scarcely more than the will of the multitude. A Gerson could even go
to the length of demanding that on the stone of every church be graven the pontifical
promise to submit to the decrees of the Council. Martin V (this old Roman patrician of the
Colonna family) could never do anything but temporize, evade or react secretly.
Firm and obstinate he appears, mitered and sleeping in his last sleep, on his
magnificent tomb in Saint John the Lateran, and he had great need of rest, having worked
so hard to pacify the factions of the Church and to repair its ruins, seeing to the
Schismatics. As common father of the faithful, contemplating the anarchy of France, the
savage English aggression, he was always disturbed about the meeting of these periodic
synods where he had need to fear the audacity of orators and the violence of the French
who were working for the proportional representation of nations, proposing financial
measures which would have dried up all the streams of revenues of the Holy See. He also
had to protect himself from the princely tyrants and from the Italian cities which would
not shelter these conclaves except to live upon them and intrigue with them against him.
A program of reforms had been elaborated. A friar minor, Guillaume Josseaume, had
preached at Sienna in 1419: "To the Church belongs the directing, the governing of
the pope, to instruct him in all that touches the faith in all that is necessary to
salvation." A discourse that the delegation of France approved entirely. John of
Ragusa at Sienna, the only representative of the University of Paris, awaited his acolytes
of whom Jean Beaupère was one-he was to question the Maid-to achieve the triumph of
reform. Where could the Pope go to find a wedge? To the Germans? To the Duke of Burgundy?
And he had to reckon on the extraordinary appetite of Bedford. Could he himself attempt to
realize
[493]
the program of the reformers, he who had such a horror of the multitude?
At the time when Jeanne appeared Martin V had, as we see, many worries; and, if he had
any design, it must have been in a way of humbling the University, which, in March, 1429,
had just imposed a retraction on Jean Sarrazin, friar minor, who had dared to state that
the authority of a Pope alone could give a force of law to the decrees of the council.
Preparations were being made for the general assizes of Christendom. The University was
addressing itself to the head of the Empire to hasten the promised conclave. The chapter
at Rouen was sounded by the University about contributing to its funds for the sending of
an embassy to Rome (July, 1429). Baudribosc, Loiseleur and Basselet deliberated about it,
personages whom we shall meet again among the judges of Jeanne d'Arc. Cardinal Beaufort of
England was acting to the same end. The struggle came out into the open. On November 8, at
the gates of the Colonna Palace, placards were raised declaring that the Pope and the
Cardinals would be abettors of heresy if they did not open the council in the month of
March following, and that they would proceed with the deposing of Martin V.
Although a cleric of Rome in the time of Martin V wrote, in 1428, a narrative very
favorable to the Maid noting the progress of Jeanne's mission, a little after the
deliverance of Orléans, there is reason to believe that Martin V knew only by hearsay
about her.
Jeanne's trial began only a few days before his death. And we can only think that he
could have refused little to the University that he feared so much (we know what favors
one gains from the opposition). In fact between 1428 and 1429 Martin V authorized Bedford
to levy new subsidies from the Norman clergy; more yet, in the serious question of the
Hussites, which remained his care for so long, the Pope found himself thwarted in seeing a
part of the army raised at his order to combat the heretics being used to wage war in
France, and all on account of the Maid.
The third of March, 143r, by a conclave held in the monastery of the Minerva, a
Venetian hermit, Gabriel Condolmario, otherwise known as Cardinal of Sienna, was elected
Pope, and took the name of Eugene IV. An isolated man, dependent upon the cardinals, but
otherwise affable, given to study, a fine manuscript copyist, disinterested and kindly but
stubborn; such was the new Pope. Rome rose in rebellion under the Colonnas; Eugene IV fell
ill; the meeting of the Council was
[494]
at hand; such were the events of the day when Jean Beaupère arrived, on the second of
November, 1431, at Rome where he got a hundred gold florins. The old University master
came to protest before the Pope of his own devotion, to affirm the necessity of the
Council in the interests of the faith. He dwelt upon the Hussite peril, the immorality of
the German clergy, the insecurity that existed in the environs of the Bastile. It is
hardly probable that Beaupère spoke of Jeanne d'Arc to Eugene, any more than did Thomas
de Courcelles, who acted in Rome on behalf of the University at the end of that same year,
and who showed was himself always very discreet in the matter of the Trial.
Then one sees Regnault de Chartres, Archbishop of Reims, who accommodates himself well
to Jeanne's end, announce that he would take part in the Council of Bâle, and advise his
canons of Reims to do likewise.
Finally, in the sad city beside the green river, the greatly anticipated Council opens,
which will hear so many noisy voices, which will have so many happy memories for the
secretaries of the Holy See, the very lettered and impious Italian humanists, whom
Gloucester will protect, Aretino and Poggio; and the members of the Council crowd into the
city sometimes in arms, returning from the hunt, or from some rich banquet enlivened with
jests which served to dissipate the boredom which pervades this sad and monotonous visit.
The president of this assembly will be Philibert de Montjeu, the worthy bishop of
Coutances, he who gave his opinion with so much rigor on the subject of Jeanne, he the
prelate completely devoted to Bedford, and whom we know to have undertaken a journey to
the king's council "for the profit and utility of the said country (Cotentin), for
the expulsion of the brigands and enemies of the said lord (the regent, Bedford) who were
in it." One found finds here besides, Nicolas Lami, who had urged Parlement to
intervene order on Bedford's side "if by diabolic suggestion emanating from Pope
Eugene the said Holy Council be dispersed"; and also Thomas de Courcelles. We see
England and the University very much at home here. Bedford again makes excuses here for
Louis de Luxembourg, prelate half English, half Picard; the Bishop of Noyon, Jean de
Mailly, another judge of the Trial; and the most English of all, Pierre Cauchon, retained
by grace of his functions as counselor of the English King. And the Pope believed it
necessary to explain his actions to Bedford!
Where are we really, at Rouen or Bâle?
[495]
The victory of the men of the University was to be complete. In 1433, Eugene IV was
called, on the threshold of the cathedral, "contumacious," and his deposition
was being considered. Total victory of the Council; an apparent victory, for Eugene wrote
to the Doge of Venice, "We shall resign the tiara and renounce life, rather than be
the cause through which the pontifical dignity shall be subordinated to the Council,
contrary to all the canonical laws." Deposed definitely in 1438, one may believe that
he was thinking of these evil days when he wrote, "0 Gabriel, how much better it
would have been for the salvation of thy soul had thou never become Pope nor Cardinal, but
rather hadst thou died in the habit of thy monastery." A pope then was a small
matter. The universal church was the Council which had just restored unity.
And so it was these men of the Council, the University judges of Jeanne d'Arc, the
French representing the National Church, who had all power of freeing or jailing. The
University, the clergy of France, were this perpetual synod, always on the roads, in spite
of dangers (Jean Beaupère knew something about it, for he was wounded and robbed by
brigands); these prelates, always ready to produce notes upon notes, to preach harangues,
considered themselves the Church Universal.
Adversaries or partisans of the Maid, they all were agreed upon this point.
For men such as Beaupère and Pierre Cauchon, who, as young clerics, had been present
at and worked for the deposing of so many popes since Benedict XIII, one can only ask
whether for them the title of Pope had any value left. It is Beaupère who will apply, in
1438, to Eugene TV, the words of Zechariah, XI:17: "Woe to the idolatrous shepherd
that leadeth the flock! The sword shall be kept upon his arm, and upon his right eye; his
arm shall be clean dried up, and his right eye shall be utterly darkened." And we
could have believed that we saw these signs in the ill Eugene during the last year of his
pontificate, and although he became somewhat better, according to a witness, many of these
infirmities continued. In 1438, the Primate of Canterbury had to interrupt the abbé of
Bonmont, traveling companion in England of Nicolas Loiseleur, who was referring to the
Pope simply as "Eugene." These University men were intoxicated with
revolutionary logic, and with pride.
[496]
In the clash of nations these determined friends of peace, some, like the Parisian
clerics, turn toward the past, toward scholastic formalism; and the others, the Rhenish
and Italians, toward Humanism, the noble thoughts of Cicero's Republic. Literate prelates
wept over the death of Homer and Plato and dreamed of nothing but idylls, general
reconciliation, conferences at which all races and nationalities would gather; in an epoch
when war had exhausted the world, when central Europe was seeking what she has not even
yet found-the limits of nationality when the Turks were invading Constantinople and
Salonica, these religious were seeing as already realized their projects of perpetual
peace among the children of the same Heavenly Father. In these circumstances soon tragic,
they dreamed again the dream of Augustine, transposing in the real this City of God, the
greatest book of the Middle Ages, with the Imitation, while the Barbarians were forcing
the gates of the Empire.
Whether Jeanne D'Arc appealed to the Pope of Rome or the sacrosanct Council was a
matter of small consequence.
The judges of the Trial deigned simply to inform the people of the final sentence. But
it is scarcely credible that Rome could have had a thought differing from the opinion
expressed by the University men, who were speaking, in themselves, to all intents and
purposes, in the name of the Holy See. It is certain that Rome was burdened with too many
other cares to be bothered about a prophetess; and it is scarcely probable that Jeanne's
appeal would have found there any echo, if it had been transmitted. Can one possibly
suppose that, when one sees Eugene IV praising, with regard to Pierre Cauchon, the
doctrines of the Masters of Paris?
Responsibility of Bishop Cauchon
The place where Jeanne was captured was part of the territory of Beauvais, of which
Pierre Cauchon was then Bishop.
He was an important man, a very zealous Burgundian, entirely devoted to the English,
who had even taken refuge with them at Rouen, having been driven from his diocese by the
coming of the French. Moreover, this politician, this ambitious man, was the conservator
of the privileges of the University of Paris, the protector and the solicitor of the
corporation which had just denounced the Maid so harshly, circumstances which absolutely
designated him to prosecute her trial. Moreover, as early as July 14, the University had
indicated him as the King's
[497]
choice. He was charged with forming a tribunal, and considering the consultations that
Cauchon held with the bishops of Normandy, one may believe that he arranged it with art.
The Inquisitor of the province, Jean Lemaistre, could not but cover with his authority the
work of the Bishop of Beauvais. The provincial Inquisitor does not seem to have been
enterprising; and he associated himself in this business with bad grace, by special
command of the Grand Inquisitor of France; and even Cauchon covered himself with the
authority of the Parisian University men. In their ranks Cauchon found his most zealous
collaborators, and he even found critics who suggested that he was not working quickly
enough! Their participation in the Trial was to be fatal to Jeanne. Ten Paris doctors of
theology were to be called to the Trial and among them the most intolerant and remarkable
of the Burgundian doctors, Jean Beaupère, Guillaume Erart, Nicolas Midi, and especially
Thomas de Courcelles, an eloquent young man, learned, modest, with downcast looks, who was
to become one of the lights of the Council of Bâle, and who may pass for the father of
the celebrated liberty of the Gallic church. It is he whom Cauchon will employ in
preference to all, and who will be the author of the definitive document of the Trial
Record. Ambitious, violent and at the same time pliable, far-seeing, adept in all manner
of diplomacy, Pierre Cauchon was a superior man, a partial man, and "dangerous,"
as a lawyer of the Parlement of Paris is to say of him; so one must expect to find him a
man rich in resourcefulness. Jeanne certainly was conscious of his occult rôle and of his
great intelligence; she feared him: "I tell you, mind well what you pretend, you who
are my judge," (10th session). "Bishop, I die through you," she will cry at
the stake.
Cauchon had the extreme skill of preventing this trial in the matters of faith from
appearing to be visibly motivated by politics. He had the strength to keep the English
away from it; they were even to threaten him. He protects the University, which then
complains of his want of diligence, for the University finds that he is delaying (November
21, 1430) and complains about it to the King of England. In Paris they could have tried
Jeanne just as well, "for they had for that purpose a number of erudite and wise
persons." Cauchon will satisfy them by calling, on February 18, 1431, the Parisian
masters who are working as the hirelings of the English sovereign. Afterwards he will send
to Paris to
[498]
ask the solemn advice of the University on the subject of the articles of accusation.
(April 29th, May 14th.) Alma Mater again asks the English King that an end be made to the
Trial; she requires it of the Bishop also. The sentence passed by the University, which is
read at Rouen on May 19th, is a death sentence for Jeanne.
Did it not serve a purpose for the English King to proclaim on June 18 that Jeanne was
burnt at the stake so that her errors and wickedness should remain without imitators? Why
try to protect the masters of the University before the Council and the Pope if they were
not disturbed? The Trial had been conducted properly and canonically. And did the
University have need of pointing out to Eugene IV Pierre Cauchon's diligence in this
affair? When he transfers Cauchon to the episcopal see at Lisieux, the Pope will employ in
regard to him the habitual and lauditory formula: "Vade ac bonae famae tuae odor ex
laudabilibus actibus tuis latius diffundatur" (January 19, 1432). The Pope will
praise the doctrine of the masters of Paris and their zeal in conserving the purity of the
light that burns in the House of the Lord; the river which flows from the springs of
wisdom!
And remember that it was always the pontifical favor that pushed Pierre Cauchon ahead,
notably to the See of Beauvais, where on October 7, 1420, the archdeacon, master Quentin
d'Estrées, declared that the canons "were ready to obey the apostolic orders and to
give thanks to the Most High for having procured for them so great a shepherd." The
bull of Martin V speaks of the "Honesty in habits, prudence in spiritual matters and
facility in things temporal, and other gifts of many virtues clearly shown by the worthy
witnesses of faith in the person of his very dear son, Pierre Cauchon."
The Bishop made his entry into Beauvais January 12, 1421, accompanied by the Duke of
Burgundy, the Bishop of Tournai, his chancellor, and the Bishop of Thérouanne and a large
following of men-at-arms, and in this wise passed from the cathedral to his castle. The
Burgundian power was installed there with him in that stronghold of a dwelling whose
stones still stand. Jouvenal des Ursins, his successor, could not but remind King Charles
of the loyalty and fidelity of the people of Beauvais. "And although they held your
adversary for their lord, this was because the former lord bishop was in that foolish
error; but they always were your servants at heart." (Letter to the Estates of
Orléans, 1440.)
Cauchon resided little at Beauvais, where he was not a strict reformer
[499]
of habits. Nothing justifies the favorable opinion that the Papacy nourished about him.
He was chiefly active in the defense of his own interests and prerogatives. The Chapter
renewed its warnings against concubines, "all those who, wearing the habit of the
Church, maintain suspect women in their houses or elsewhere"; a measure which could
not have had much effect, for the harlots, expelled from the houses of the men of
religion, took up their abode not far off, and little by little they resumed their former
common life.
Master Nicolas de Pacy, who was Cauchon's prosecutor, was designated to the parish of
Longvilliers. A singular procureur, this master Nicolas, who had a dispute with the
archdeacon of Beauvais over a notorious woman, and a fight over her; he was later
imprisoned "for various loosenesses." Gilles de la Fosse, servant and secretary
to Pierre Cauchon, was put in possession of the prebend made vacant by the death of Master
Jean Cauchon, the Bishop's brother.
The city of Beauvais was entirely in the hands of the Burgundian faction, and the
captain in charge arrested a canon, Master Guillaume de la Beausse, "on the occasion
of certain words, touching the event of the coming of the very illustrious lord, the Duke
of Burgundy, and certain letters which the said prince had addressed to the inhabitants of
the town."
They had to take measures, also, against the canons who did not live in the canonical
houses, and refused to keep them up. And the Bishop, who was never to be found in his
official church residence, can scarcely be said to have set a good example for his
subordinates.
Of the personages who were to play a rôle in Jeanne's Trial we find many among the
religious of Beauvais. In the month of September, 1426, a prebendary, Jean Bruillot,
resigned in favor of Thomas Brébanchon, priest; Jean Beaupère contested the possession
of a prebend with Eliot Martin, following a decree of the University of Paris; Nicolas
Lami, master of arts and bachelor in theology, was put in possession of a prebend which
Jean Chuffard had enjoyed (February 24, 1427).
All these persons, all the Parisian clerics introduced to the chapter by letters from
the King of England or by Pierre Cauchon, were notorious Burgundians; and there were even
among them partisans of the English domination.
Abuses, aggravations, the carrying of arms, stories of ravished girls,
[500]
and concubines, thefts, embezzlement of Church funds -- the like was to be found in
ecclesiastical life to some degree everywhere -- at Beauvais, Paris, Rouen. This must be
said because it was the truth. It must be said, for Jeanne was horrified at the women whom
she would not have tolerated even among the soldiers; it must be said because, knowing
this, we can better understand the mystic tendencies of a Gerson or a Clamanges, and the
holiness that was so much a part of the feeling that grew around the Maid. There is
scarcely anything more discouraging to read than a record of these criminal acts which
make known to us, with all their secrets, the hearts of these religious, the disorders of
the prebendaries of the times, which explains so well the favor of the common people that
attached itself to the mystics and to the inspired.
Evil in habit, hard-bitten men avid of wealth, such were the religious and particularly
the canons, of the period. And the common wretchedness seemed to have given more power
than ever to money, and to these Burgundian coins especially, which were about the only
ones in circulation in France.
How can one read the vigorous pages in which Jean Jouvenal des Ursins draws a picture
of the clergy of his time, in a letter addressed to the Estates of Blois, in 1433, at the
time when he had just succeeded Cauchon -- by scarcely a month -- as Bishop of Beauvais,
without thinking that this good man is talking of his predecessor?
"Where are the archbishops, bishops, abbots and prelates and other men of the
Church who will govern themselves in a manner of life that the Holy Council and canons
have ordered? Where are the important prayers that they should make to God for the poor
people, so that God may relieve the afflictions of the people and act through those who
arc His communication? If there are groups, they will band themselves together and will
find stronger divisions and get mixed up with finances, and desire to have large pensions
from the King, while, by his means, they have great and notable benefices from which they
ought to expend the revenues for the good of the public. Are they not forbidden the seven
deadly sins? And very publicly many things are said of them: God grant that they may not
be true!"
A large and majestic pillar in the primitive choir of the Cathedral of Beauvais rises
behind the stall where Cauchon sat, carrying toward the light its heavy crowns of
flowering acanthus. A grotesque figure in the likeness of a toad, a sort of menial with a
large mouth and snub nose,
[501]
leans on its little arms; and on its back it carries the long column which rises so
high.
This ugly figure, which an ancient carver seems to have wished to represent the sins
and ugliness of the world, of our sad humanity, in fine, appears to me to be symbolic. I
see it rising there from the place where sat enthroned that worldly man Pierre Cauchon.
And my imagination, following the slender column which rises toward the light, wanders
under the arches, in the flame of the stained-glass windows, on the road to Heaven and the
angels.
A marvelous encounter! For Master Pierre Cauchon was anything but a churchman; he was
the man of business, the man of ambition, the temporal man, the man of realities, of
calculating schemes, of heavy finesse. One can scarcely see him as really careful about
obtaining the crown of eternal glory which the University authorities had the audacity to
propose for him as the reward of his pastoral zeal in the matter of Jeanne's Trial! Pierre
Cauchon lives among us forever. He is of those who are never visited by tenderness,
intuition or loving kindness.
The Rôle of the Chapter at Rouen
It is now necessary for us to transport ourselves to the great business city of Rouen,
to the choir of the immense cathedral, not far from the tomb of King Henry, brother of
Richard Coeur de Lion; to the high church, still full of memories of the Anglo-Normans,
which the English wished to make their sanctuary, just as they had made of the city an
English bastile.
Rouen, through the care of Henry V, had become another London, with its palace along
the banks of the Seine, its fortified bridge, its ancient chateaux enlarged by towers
along the side facing the country, its innumerable alleys, its churches, monasteries and
places of business. In the heart of the city, the cathedral was a world in itself with its
vast cloister, its office establishment, its canonical houses. There, during the time when
it had no bishop, the canons formed themselves into a sort of political parliament; for
Bedford had arrived to put an end to the tyranny of the English; he had given merchant
corporations in other Norman cities their liberties. And the canons, Normans and lawyers,
conducted themselves there like petty kings. Pierre Cauchon lived very near them, at the
establishment of Master Jean Rubé, like one of them. And Bedford, who liked to be in the
choir during rituals wore the dress
[502]
of a canon. It was in Rouen that he died, September 14, 1435, asking -that he be
interred in the sanctuary, at the right of the altar, under the shrine St. Sernin, at the
feet of King Henry, with the brief and proud inscription: lohannes Dux Betfordi Normanniae
Prorex.
Although two or three canons usually sufficed to instruct Rouen in matters of faith
Pierre Cauchon called upon part of the Chapter of Rouen to judge Jeanne D'Arc (twenty-two
assessors), a thing he could not have done without the consent of the rich and powerful
Chapter -- almost entirely newly manned since the English domination of Rouen and the
cooperation of the government, thanks to regal rights.
All of the Norman holders of benefices proved to be men who were easily managed. These
men were not rigorous fanatics (one of them, Jean Basset, the Official, was to get out of
prison two clerics whom the English government had jailed for high treason). There were
many among them as there were in every cathedral chapter who were lovers of books and
letters, such as Jean Alespée, Guillaume Baudribosc, Nicolas Couppequesne, Guillaume du
Désert, André Marguerie and Pierre Maurice. But there is a world of difference between a
savant and a saint: Zanon de Castiglione, Bishop of Lisieux, Italian by birth, English at
heart, but humanist above all, could formulate on the subject of Jeanne a judgment
absolutely contemptuous.
These Norman clergy asked nothing but to be allowed to live at peace in their beautiful
town houses at Rouen, among their books, with their money, in the midst of their families.
Many of these men of the church were in reality appointed English functionaries, sitting
in councils, supervising the royal finances, fulfilling special missions and embassies:
such, for instance, were Raoul Roussel, Gilles de Duremort, Denis Gastinel, Loiseleur.
Others were the intimates of Cauchon, charged by him with many missions, like Vendères,
Caval, Thomas de Courcelles, and Pierre de Heuristic. They were held loyal by
self-interest; and all were more or less seriously compromised in partnership with the
English government, without perhaps, any serious convictions one way or another.
On the Chapter rests the responsibility for having granted jurisdiction, for although
Jeanne was captured in his territory of Beauvais, Bishop Pierre Cauchon, a refugee at
Rouen, could not have exercised jurisdiction without obtaining territorial authority. And,
the See being vacant, the Chapter alone could authorize Pierre Cauchon to follow the
procedure
[503]
decided on by the English. The Chapter had successfully resisted Cauchon when he had
thundered out his censure at the time of the conflict which arose over the subject of
tithes. It was not unusual for cathedral chapters to oppose the metropolitan, when
insignificant interests were involved.
But, the twenty-eighth of December, 1430, the Chapter of Rouen received the request of
the Bishop of Beauvais without any resistance! Then Bedford came to take rank among the
canons. He flattered, astonished the Norman clergy by his pious endowments; and thanks to
the droit de régale, the Chapter of Rouen was named in great part by the kings of
England. An attenuated responsibility, more theoretic than real, then, rests upon the
Chapter. For these same canons will be likewise deferential and faithful to Charles VII,
but not until he comes to occupy Rouen.
These dignitaries, who detested the common people, can be recognized, it seems, in the
complaint of a German cleric who wrote a little later about their kind. They have always,
this rhymer says, the best horses, the softest beds, the loveliest women, gold in plenty,
and the richest dwellings. "I cannot find where it is written that such things should
be," cries the poet who takes his sorrows to God.' (1) But that was a condition that
had been general for a century, in a time when the concentration of benefices in a few
hands engendered simony and immorality.
Were the judges Threatened? Rôle of the English
These religious, these great teachers assembled there, had all the cowardliness
characteristic of men deliberating in a group.
One cannot -- without exaggeration -- see anything in them but schismatics; it is
without interest to know whether the Minors or the Benedictines are to show more zeal in
pursuing Jeanne than the Dominicans. They were all submissive to the decisions of the
University of which they were, for the most part, alumni; they obeyed their superiors. The
theologians took refuge behind the sacrosanct opinions of their Faculty; the lawyers
behaved in like manner; certain among them even avoided giving their opinion. The violent
led the timid.
It pays us to ponder the rare deliberations that the d'Urfé manuscript has preserved
for us; the assessors do not give their opinions; they echo
------------------------------------ (1) Poem dated 1449. Cited by Edm. Vansteenberghe,
Le Cardinal Nicolas de Cues.
[504]
certain extreme opinions, or that of the Bishop. In that they were the men, very
ordinary men, that all trials and assemblies know; disciplined men known in every
jurisdiction, in every corps; vulgar terrorists such as all troubled epochs produce.
We have already shown how the unanimous and deplorable opinion of the Parisian masters
concerning Jeanne was formed. We may add here that these religious could believe any peace
holy; that worship was then ruined by the war; that they were bewailing their desolated
churches, their loss of benefices (witness Cauchon, the bishop without a See); that some
of them cursed the war-like Jean Beaupère, whom brigands had robbed and left for dead
between Beauvais and Paris in 1423.
A great part of conservative and order-loving France, the business and laboring
classes, protected behind city walls, thought very much in the same way; and in agreement
with them, too, were the mild, the intellectuals the diplomats, and certain of the clerics
who surrounded Charles VII. The partisans and faithful followers of Jeanne were those who,
through the war, had nothing to lose and everything to gain, such as the handsome duc
D'Alençon, or Dunois, for example; the good country folk whose houses had been burned and
whose cattle had been stolen, those whom Jouvenal des Ursins was to call "my
people," "my children."
Were violent means brought to bear upon the trial judges? And by whom? By the Bishop,
or by the English? The fact has long since been cited that the English appeared very
little in the Trial. Bedford, the regent, seems at this time even to have given the
government over to the Cardinal of Winchester; that was, however, nothing but a feint.
He was a very great politician, this John, Duke of Bedford, third son of Henry IV,
husband of Anne, sister of Philip of Burgundy, and the best artisan in the
Anglo-Burgundian alliance. In physique, a powerful man with a large frame, a big, broken
nose, piercing eyes and a crown of hair cut cap-fashion.
He labored in France, in prosecuting the war and in trying to repair its evils; he
endeavored to repress and prevent all signs of a national awakening, It was entirely due
to Bedford that a part of France turned English. Pious, deferential to the clergy, Bedford
was almost popular in Paris where the workmen were constantly repairing his hôtel, where
the good people of the street marveled at the kindness of his pious wife.
[505]
Bedford had shown an extraordinary activity in putting Paris in a position of defense
since July, 1429; he had turned away from their destination the English troops levied to
fight against the Hussites; he had denounced Charles VII as using the help of a
"woman of dissolute life" to abuse his people. After Jeanne's fruitless assault
upon Paris, Bedford went to Saint-Denis to chastise the inhabitants. His military and
diplomatic initiative certainly caused Jeanne's ruin. He was clever enough to keep the
Duke of Burgundy, always tacking about in a system of truces, attached to his cause by
ceding him the investiture of Champagne, by offering him a kind of regency over France. As
for himself, he concentrated on the affairs of Normandy and he made of Rouen an English
citadel, the capital of his government.
It was the English counsel of Bedford that designated Cauchon to demand Jeanne as a
witch, and who furnished the ten thousand livres necessary for her purchase. Although
Bedford appeared but a single time in the trial, and then in a singular attitude for a
noble duke, and although he might seem to have passed the hand to Cardinal Beaufort, that
violent and reactionary prelate, it is not to be doubted that Bedford personally conducted
the whole business. One can recognize everywhere his powerful spirit: one discovers his
creatures among the judges: Pasquier de Vaux, his chaplain; Jean Pinchon, who is to
represent the Chapter of Rouen in his name; Jean Bruillot, who will harangue him so that
he will not sacrifice the Chapter of Rouen and the Carmelites.
It is very evident that the hatred of the English was great enough to demand Jeanne's
death: before the walls of Orléans they had threatened to burn her at the stake. And when
one sees the English government buy the Maid at a considerable price from the Burgundians,
pay the expenses of the Trial; and on January 3, 1431, the English Royal Council write:
"It is our intention to take and keep by us this said Jehanne, if so it be that she
is not convicted [actainte] in this said case," we have no doubt that the affair the
English have motivated will be well conducted in their name.
They got her through their money. They guarded Jeanne rigorously in their castle at
Rouen. At first in an iron cage, attached by the neck, feet and hands; then by handcuffs.
When she was taken ill, they were afraid that she might die before the formal judgment;
and when a guard attempted to do her violence, Warwick dismissed him. The chance of
[506]
her escaping before her trial was a great worry to them (this is understandable after
her leap at Beauvrevoir and her refusal to take oath before the Bishop that she would not
try to escape).
Canonically, legally, the affair was well in hand. "Farewell," Cauchon said,
after Jeanne had taken man's attire again: a word said long before that, doubtless.
Something that the English of Rouen did not understand in general: the Trial seemed to
them much too long. They insulted Jeanne and believed that they would see her escape them,
after her abjuration; they talked against Cauchon; they talked about all these churchmen
as false, traitors and Armagnacs! (Deposition of Guillaume Manchon.)
But must we believe that the English threatened the members of the tribunal, as
witnesses declared in the Procès de Rehabilitation? Yes, after the abjuration, when they
were reproaching Cauchon as a weakling. Before that it is scarcely credible, except that
English jailers assured Jeanne's safe-keeping; she lived thus in a strictly secret place.
But the Bishop himself? Did he use pressure upon the court? Some of the witnesses at
the Procès de Rehabilitation declared that he did (Massieu and Manchon); but their
testimony appears to be somewhat exaggerated, and needs to be more closely verified.
Manchon, who did not have to face Cauchon at the Procès de Réhabilitation, attempted
to give himself a fine rôle. He reported, for example, the experience of that religious,
Jean Lohier, a solemn Norman cleric, who judged the Trial to be without value. Lohier had
said this to the bishop and judged soundly that Jeanne, in making certain forms of
affirmation in her statements concerning her visions, would certainly be lost; and Manchon
believes that Lohier fled to the Court of Rome.
But Master Jean Lohier, doctor of Theology and Law, was sent, in the month of October,
1431, as ambassador of the University of Paris to the Pope, and he did not breathe a word
of the business at Rouen. One finds him in Paris again in 1432 and 1433. On May 9th, he
held trials at the apostolic palace. The University masters had not, then, held any
bitterness toward him; and he had not, doubtless, had to flee Rouen, as Guillaume de la
Chambre has said, for fear of being drowned. Manchon (with other witnesses who perhaps
reproduced his testimony) assures us also that Nicolas de Houppeville, summoned to give
his opinion of the Trial, refused to take part in it, and that he was, for that
[507]
action, in danger. Boisguillaume declares that he got out of Rouen; Guillaume de la
Chambre says that they threatened to drown him.
But we have the witness of Nicolas de Houppeville himself, which cannot be suspect in
this circumstance, On the very, fact, the original deposition is not in agreement with the
official version: Houppeville did not take any part in the Trial, having been thrown out
the second day for a remark made to Colles and reported to the Bishop that "it was
dangerous to start that trial." The latter respected his hatred, and made him
acquainted, because of it, with the jails of Rouen.
In the editing of his second testimony, Houppeville varies: he had been present at
certain deliberations and had courageously taken sides against Cauchon, declaring that
those who wanted to take charge of the Trial were not Jeanne's judges, but that that duty
fell upon the clergy of Poiters and the Archbishop of Reims, Cauchon's metropolitan.
This angered the Bishop, which he mentions. Houppeville maintains that he is
responsible to the Official, and he goes before it. But when Houppeville has to appear
before the Official, he is led off to the prison of the château. According to a letter
that he wrote to Jean de la Fontaine, Houppeville thinks that it is because of the words
that he said in giving his opinion of Jeanne's trial that he is imprisoned. But he
believes also that the opinions of Pierre Minier, Raoul Pigache, and Richard de Grouchet
were not included in the Trial record.
What are we going to say concerning this witness prosecuted by Cauchon either in fact
or in imagination: "and that said Trial was conducted by the said English, as he
believes; but there were no threats or menaces, it seems to him, against the judges; they
did according as they willed, especially the Bishop of Beauvais . He says that, in
his opinion, the judges and the assesseurs were, for the most part, free to act; many
others were afraid . ."
According to the word of Massieu, Manchon, and Ysambard de la Pierre, Jean de la
Fontaine also had to escape from Rouen, under the threats of Cauchon, who had found him
too partial to the accused. One sees that Jean de la Fontaine certainly left Rouen; but it
was to go to Paris to seek at the University the decree of death for the Maid. He sat at
the Trial until the end, and all that he did in Jeanne's favor was to advise her
submission to the Church.
Upon testimony of a more moderate judge at the Trial who certainly appears to be
speaking the truth, certain of the English proceeded against her in hate; but the
important persons acted in accordance with rectitude:
[508]
"Aliqui Anglici procedebant contra eam ex odis; sed notabiles viri procedebant
bono animo." (Deposition of André Marguerie.) These important men acted, proceeding
with a good spirit. "Procedebant bono animo": one of the most tragically human
phrases that one can utter. Political passions and interests, above all else, divided the
judges and the accused: they were sufficiently strong to blind them.
In the last analysis, Jeanne and her judges had a common faith; and it was for the
variations of doctrine, inaccessible to the young girt of nineteen years, that they
persecuted and condemned her so cruelly. They examined her like skeptics, psychiatrists,
or sectarians. Although the good faith of the young girt was so evident, even in that
which was erroneous in their eyes, they saw nothing but simulation, falsity.
Such severity would seem incomprehensible if we did not know the habits of the members
of the clergy at that time. We can let one of them speak, the celebrated Jean Gerson. In
his "Declaration summarizing the faults of Churchmen," Gerson asks that a
"good bishop, proven in work and doctrine, be elected, and not a carnal man, ignorant
of things spiritual . that he will not reside outside the diocese . that the bishop
will not, through avarice and ambition, attempt to live as the nobility . that he will not
be absent from his church for more than three weeks What does it serve, what good can it
do the Church, all this magnificence of princely glory, this superfluous pomp of prelates
and cardinals, which makes them as if forgetful that they are men? And what an abomination
it is that one holds two hundred, another three hundred, benefices! For that is the
reason, is it not, that divine worship is diminished, churches impoverished and deprived
of men of valor and teachers, and that evil examples are given to the faithful Why is it
to-day necessary for a man, poorly educated, to enjoy four, five, six or eight benefices
when he is not worthy of even one? And when those eight churches might maintain men
devoted to doctrine, prayers and serving God? Consider whether it is more worthy that
horses, dogs, birds and the superfluous entourage of the ecclesiastics of to-day should
eat up the patrimony of the Church rather than Christ's poor. Or instead of having it used
to convert the infidels, and other good works . Why is it necessary for canons of
cathedral churches, shod with spurs and wearing civilian dress, to reject entirely the
habit of the Church and to carry lances? And even the bishops carry arms, abandoning books
and surplices; and they fight with arms in the camps
[509]
like secular princes! . Now open your eyes and see whether the nuns' cloisters of
to-day are not like the lodges of courtesans; whether the sacred monasteries of canons
differ from markets and shops; whether the cathedral churches have not become dens of
thieves and rogues. See whether certain priests have not, under the pretext of having
servants, adopted the custom of keeping concubines. Judge whether it is necessary to have
so many images, and such a variety of paintings in the churches, and whether they do not
lead simple folk into idolatry."
The same complaints are made by Pierre D'Ailly, the author of "The State
Corrupted, or the Ruin of the Church." (1) The last philosopher of the Middle Ages,
Nicolas de Cues, was to say, in a sermon on August 15th, 1432: "Alas, the Church
to-day is fallen as low as possible . She is not clad in the sunlight of justice,
prudence and good manners; but she is dressed rather, as in the skin of a beast, in the
mantle of ignorance; she wallows in the mud of cupidity and debauchery, and her avarice
chains her to the earth. . .
Heresy and Witchcraft in the Fifteenth Century
But it is not sufficient to establish that the trial was regularly conducted, to
determine the responsibilities which rest upon the judges at Rouen. We must enter into
some questions of theory and present in addition certain ideas necessary to those who wish
to understand a serious reading of the Trial Record. Ile accusation of witchcraft appears
to have little foundation; it is indeed, ridiculous. But at least it was early in general
use.
The year 1431 is assigned to the fragment of the letter from the Duke of Bedford to
King Henry VI which attributes the "great mischief" at Orléans to "the
interlacing of false beliefs and crazy fears" that the English had had "of a
disciple and hound of Satan, called the Maid, who made use of false enchantments and
sorcery." And on September 15th, 1429, an Abbé Villois said, "that in the said
woman one may not have faith, and that those who believe in her are mad and suspect of
heresy." This panic terror of "incantations" of the Maid kept back at
Sandwich and Dover English captains and soldiers who refused to embark (edict of May 3,
1430).
------------------------------------ (1) Sometimes attributed to Nicolas de Clamanges.
[510]
One must not forget that it was in the Fifteenth Century, beyond a doubt, that belief
in witchcraft reached its highest development.
The first rulings which condemned magic, those which derive from Frankish capitulaires,
have a remarkable skepticism concerning the popular superstitions which speak of the
nocturnal horseback riding of women under the guidance of Diana: the Devil inspires such
women. In the Thirteenth Century, the rôle of demonology is affirmed in the extravagant
writings of one Césaire d'Heisterbach: the Devil shows himself everywhere here on earth,
taking the figure of a woman, a Negro, an ox or a dog. The Jews and the Moslems spread,
along with astronomical science, similar beliefs throughout all Europe; and Saint Thomas
states that to doubt magic is to go against the authority of sacred writings, otherwise so
full of oriental beliefs.
Since magic is conditioned on the intervention of the Devil, and a pact is made between
him and the sorcerer, it is an apostasy and implies heresy: it is judicable by the
inquisition although the crime of witchcraft does not threaten the unity of the Church. In
1437, a friend of Jeanne's judges, Jean Nider, prior of the Dominicans at Bâle, who burnt
so many witches, wrote his Formicarium, a treatise on discipline which he had composed to
direct the religious of his order in their investigations of heresy. The Vaudois were very
rigorously pursued in 1440; they were, in popular sentiment, identified with sorcerers.
Towards 1440 a theologian wrote a treatise against the "Errors of the Cathares, or
those who ride broomsticks or wands." Sorcerers and witches were burned at Provins
(1452), at Evreux (1453), and many more were burned at Arras in 1459 and 1460, in the sad
affair of the Vauderie.
To the theologians, poisoned as they were by this unhealthy literature of demonology,
all that Jeanne attributed to God could equally be ascribed to the Devil. The greatest
ruse of the Evil One is precisely the imitation of Jesus, the counterfeiting of His
miracles. It is not necessary for the Devil to manifest himself in the likeness of a crow,
a black cat, cock, dog or a hen of that hue, or of a hideous blackamoor with red lips; he
can take the form of a young man, of a white child, of a handsome man dressed in
parti-color white and red, of a beautiful young boy dressed in white who speaks softly and
the sight of whom incites to sin. Ginifert has the figure of a child with a serene face
wearing a white tunic. And one of the judges of the Maid, reading the lives
[511]
of the Fathers, remarked that the Devil could also take the form of an angel. The first
gesture of sorcerers is the denial of God: that is why Jeanne's judges insisted so much on
her pretended oaths and frank language of the fields and camps. When the Sabbath dances
began, the Devil directed them willingly, to the sound of the musette or tambourine. The
sorceresses poisoned fountains; they healed those that were demented. And that is also why
Jeanne's judges took so much interest in the dances at the fountain in Domrémy. Finally,
when the sorcerers are imprisoned, demons visit them in their jails, and make revelations
and promises. It was thus the Devil visited Marguerite Coyffieur of Arvieux in prison: her
eyes glowed like torches, and the jail was as bright as if the torches and candles were
burning. And the Devil forbade Marguerite to reveal anything to the court; and as she had
made some avowals, he struck her on the jaw and in the left eye: if she spoke she would be
burned.' The Devil offered to carry Peyronnelle, wife of Jean Césanne, out of the window
far from the prison. It is the Devil, in fine, who breathes the spirit of despair into the
souls of sorcerers. Thus Marguerite Daumas hanged herself. One Sunday night Jeannete
George found herself in the tower of Avallon when she called her master, the Devil:
"Art thou there? I give thee my body and my soul." And the Devil replied to
Jeannete, "Climb up the ladder." And when she was on the platform, on the top of
the tower, he said to her, "To horse, to horse!" But Jeannete was heard to cry
in a loud voice, "I am dead!" There was great terror within the tower, which
shook, while the wind blew violently outside. A prisoner testified to this when the
inquisitor came into the prison. But at the foot of the tower Jeannete was found dead
without any apparent hurt. The vice-governor of the Castle of Avallon so reported to the
juge-mage of Grésivaudan in the year 1459. (1)
If we are to understand the bearing of the questions Jeanne's judges asked her
concerning her visions, and to know what they thought of the leap from the tower of
Beaurevoir, we must keep the spirit of such scenes as the above in mind. How easy it was
for them to formulate against Jeanne an accusation of witchcraft when popular belief in
magic was so widespread as it was, among princes as well as among the common people. And
in that country of woods and springs where the Maid was born, in a time when she was
awaited to heal disease by the ------------------------------------ (1) Jean Marx,
L'Inquisition en Dauphinée, étude sur le développement de la repression de l'hérésie
et de la sorcellerie du XIVième siècle au temps de François 1er. Paris, 1914.
[512]
laying on of hands, when people worshiped her as a saint, offering candles to her,
asking her to perform miracles. We ourselves are troubled by the strength of her
intuition, by her prevision of events.
A series of Norman documents proves to us that even in Rouen the Inquisition pursued
several cases in matters of faith about the time of Jeanne's trial.
In 1429, the Inquisitor receives nineteen books from the Chapter for things done
"in certain cases of faith for the well-being and relief of the jurisdiction of the
Church." In 1431, scaffolds are erected at the entrance of the cathedral for Alis la
Rousse and Cardine la Ferte. At that time, Jean le Galois, curé of Illois, undergoes a
long imprisonment on bread and water, for having avowed belief in books of magic and
having written some himself. In 1432, three prisoners, Jean Robert, Raoul Pellerin, and
Jean le Fèvre, are denounced from the porch of Nôtre Dame; the Inquisitor is present at
the trial of Nicolas de Buchy in matters of faith. In 1433, Maistre Jean de Villaines is
excommunicated; in 1437, Folenfant is punished; in 1438, at Neufchâtel, Jeanne Vanerel,
widow of Raoul le Clerc, a suspect in matters of faith and a sorceress, is denounced anew
at the cemetery of Saint Ouen. A scaffold is erected in the entrance of the cathedral for
Jeanne la Guillorée. Jeanne la Turquenne and Jeanne la Ponsetière are condemned as
witches. In 1466, more scaffolds were built for the punishment of heretics, one a woman.
In 1448, Guillaume Ernoullet, painter, was paid for making five heretic crowns for
Guillemette Hasbouque, Étienne Blondel, Guillaume Pain, Robert Hequet and Jean Jean,
detained in prison on matters of faith. Guillaume Lucas was prosecuted for appealing to a
sorceress in the hope of recovering his health, and hanging about his person a garland of
certain herbs picked on Saint John's Eve, and uttering words which he could not afterwards
remember. (1)
Such are the matters on which the Chapter of Rouen had to make decisions, as well as in
the business of Jeanne d'Arc.
IV The Question of Inspiration and the Voices, Following the Contemporary Theologians
Jeanne was condemned at Rouen under two principal accusations. She was condemned
because she declared her direct reliance upon God, and
--------------------------------------------------------------------- (1) Archives de
la Seine-Infériéure, G.
[513]
because she said that God must be the first to be served; because she declared to the
clerics, who represented before her the Church Militant, that she was in communication
with the voices of Heaven, and that she expected to be freed directly by the Church
Triumphant.
In the time of Jeanne D'Arc, the idea of Catholic unity, of the Church Universal, was
infinitely dear to the heart of the clergy, that is, to all the people who were thinking,
it was much more natural to them than the idea of patriotism, which is only an extension
of individual feeling, and which was repugnant to these logicians, these Latinists, these
theologians who had the same method, the same language, the same infinite and spiritual
domain. This idea of unity appeared to be threatened in those days by the personality of
the prophets who appeared on every hand, and also by the clash of the French and English
nations. The more the Pontiff at Rome became self-effacing, the more the University
theologians repeated: there is one Church One, Holy, Catholic which is led by the Holy
Ghost, which never errs nor can ever be in fault. Every Catholic was held bound to obey it
as a child obeys its mother, and he must submit to it his words and deeds. The inspired
person had no right to withdraw himself from the judgment of the Church; the apostles
themselves have obeyed it in their writings. Scripture, which reveals the word of God to
us, commands our belief but through the intermediary of our Mother, the Church. She is the
infallible rule which we must always remember. Outside of this rule there is but schism
and division. Such is the teaching of Saint Paul.
And it is Jean de Châtillon, a former master of theology in the University of Paris,
who solemnly calls this to poor Jeanne's attention. For she has said, in the simplicity of
her being, "I wait upon God, my Creator, in everything. I love Him with all my
heart." And, turning to her judges, she declared, "I wait upon my Judge: he is
the King of Heaven and of earth."
All these inspired ones, who insisted in believing in nothing except their own inner
light, who did not submit themselves to the learning of specialists, were the objects of
scandal to the theologians. The true Christian, the real devotee, is the man submissive to
the authority of his superior. But Jeanne persisted in her opinion, she insisted, in these
arduous matters of faith, in knowing more than the doctors and learned men, she, an
untaught woman. She was obstinate in strange and new
[514]
affirmations, without having taken the advice of prelates, of her curé, of churchmen.
That, to say the least, is what they will use against her, and with what false
grandiloquence! And Jeanne's pride shocks judges infinitely more proud than she, for they
claim to be obedient children, humble religious, who think like their teachers, as is
their custom. When the judges have to consider the reality of Jeanne's apparitions, since
they do not discover the mark of humility that characterizes the true revelation, they say
that these proceed only from her pride; Jeanne is inspired by devils. She is herself like
an angel in revolt. On the judgment of these men, whose eyes are constantly on their
superiors or staring at the floor, Jeanne expiates the crime of plain-speaking and of
looking straight into the eyes of her adversaries.
The first article in the draft of twelve, the longest, the most important of the
charges of the accusation, is entirely concerned with the question of the saints and
inspiration. Here is the little that we know about them: For three or four years, from
1424 to 1428, Jeanne resisted the commands of the Voices which enjoined her to go seek
Robert de Baudricourt, and to devote herself to France. These Voices, Saint Catherine and
Saint Margaret, Jeanne recognized only when they told her who they were. Then Saint
Michael appeared before her.
We know nothing of Margaret, who was born at Antioch, where her father, Theodosius, was
a patriarch of the pagan religion. But her legend tells us that she was a noble young girl
of marvelous beauty who was tending the sheep of her nursemaid when the prefect Olibrius
saw her and desired her for his concubine. She preferred to die for Christ, who had died
for her. She was tortured on the rack and lacerated by iron spikes; and the blood ran from
her body as from a flowing spring. Led back to her prison she was visited by' the Devil
who appeared to her in the likeness of a dragon, and that of a young man. She was beheaded
by the executioner."
We know scarcely more of Catherine, daughter of the King Costius. She was instructed
from childhood in the liberal arts, and debated against Maxence before the portals of the
temple at Alexandria. But she was beautiful, eloquent and could refute the grammarians and
orators. She took Christ for her love and like Margaret was beheaded.'
------------------------------------ (1) Drouhet, Dictionnaire des légendes du
Christianisme; Légende dorée, ed. Brunet; Petit de Julleville, Les Mystères.
[515]
These legendary lives have the original unreality of oriental tales. The mystery plays,
in the representations given in the cathedral plazas, popularized them and made them live.
Everyone at that time knew that an Olibrius was a tyrant, a brute. The statues in the
churches, the miniatures in the missals, the figurines of the stained glass windows had
put before every one's eyes, in almost every hamlet, living likenesses of the lovely young
women, Catherine and Margaret. A sister of Jeanne was named Catherine for the Saint, to
whom the church of Maxey was dedicated.
There is something touching, significant, in the adoption by Christian people of these
two saints and in the predilection Jeanne had for them. Margaret, that pearl, is chastity;
Catherine is wisdom, the learning that conquers bestiality. Symbols full of meaning when
one thinks of the crude desires of the men of that time, the idealization of the young
girl, the woman, the wisdom which is learning united to beauty. That is what I understand
in this delicate adoption; what Jeanne's pious countrywomen must have understood, girls
like the little Lorraine girls that I have met decorating the statues within the high
chapels and ancient churches which ennoble their countryside.
Jeanne's third spiritual guide was Saint Michael, whom God commanded to represent Him
every time he wished to make a "great act of resistance." Michael had fought the
devils . a brilliant knight; and he receives the souls of the saints to conduct them
into Paradise.
His second appearance is generally placed at Tombelaine. There was at Mont-Saint-Michel
a very famous sanctuary that the English forbade anyone to visit. For Jeanne, the
"resistance" was the great act of her life. Saint Michael, ambassador of God,
was the good knight who guarded the Castle of the Mount against the English. He was the
archangel, armed and fighting, who was represented on the standard of Charles, King of
France.
But it is very evident that nothing of all this was premeditated on Jeanne's part.
These spiritual forces acted within her, not as images but as unconscious forces: Jeanne
had moments of divination, of clairvoyance and ecstasy, such as great intelligences, the
most normal and direct, the most refined and the most simple, have experienced. She did
not name the Voices, moreover, until after her Saints told her their names.
This question of the Voices and Inspiration, has occupied -- and from
[516]
an early time -- the theologians who decide on dogmas from century to century, whom the
saints and the seers embarrass so often. For they have rules to discern the true from the
false apparitions, to evaluate the divers degrees of certitude and revelation.
We must know these rules if we are to enter completely into the spirit of Jeanne's
judges. And the best thing to do, in this matter, is to follow, step by step, a treatise
by Gerson. We are not concerned in this with a suspect, for we are dealing with the best
educated man of his time, with the Chancellor of the University of Paris who had to flee
the city when it became Burgundian. We are dealing with the man who consecrated his last
activity to writing an extremely favorable mémoire of the Maid (May 14, 1429).
V Gerson's Treatise on Revelations
We shall not try to translate, word for word, which would be too fastidious: we shall
attempt to give only the essential parts of it, and to express the principal ideas. (1)
This treatise Gerson addressed in the form of a familiar letter to a certain Brother
Célèstine who was his dearest friend. In this epistle he proposed to demonstrate, by a
continuous metaphor, how the real coin of divine revelation can be distinguished from the
counterfeit money of diabolic illusion, so that the Angel of Satan may not deceive us by
representing himself as an Angel of light.
The theologian goes to the heart of the question in citing the revelation made by the
Angel Gabriel to Zacharias on the subject of the Forerunner. It is precisely here that the
curious investigator asks how one may know that the announcement of John's name was an
angelic deed rather than an illusion of the Devil.
It is necessary to distinguish the revelations of angels from these illusions; for just
as the verity of our religion is combated by the disputatious arguments of heretics, so is
the authority of true miracles and holy revelations diminished by the means of angels of
deceit, by sophisticated feats and the prodigies of magicians. Gerson continues, following
(1) "Tractatus loannis Gersonii, doctoris et cancellarii parisiensis, de
Distinctione Berardi visionum a falsis," in the _Opera Omnia_, pub. by Ellies Dupin,
Antwerp, 1706. Written between 1398 and 1401 Apropos of the canonization of Saint Brigit
in 1415, Gerson wrote another treatise, "De Probatione Spiritum," similar in,
ideas.
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this, that there is no general rule or method that we can give as a means of discerning
always and infallibly the true revelation from the illusion. And it is more a matter of
faith in our own prophets, and consequently in our entire religion, than it is of
certitude and evidence.
Nevertheless, another question arises: Can we recognize that we are faithful believers?
Following John's doctrine, can we prove whether spirits are of God, so that we may not be
deceived? (John IV, I.) This discussion, Gerson says, he has approached knowingly because
so many illusions have been produced in his time and in that century.
On the subject of the coming of the Anti-Christ, for example, the world had behaved
like a crazy old dodderer; and it had suffered from fantasies and illusions like those
experienced in dreams. Many say "I am the Christ" and, far from being true they
seduce, none the less, multitudes of the gullible, easily hypnotized by fables.
Gerson had heard many say that they knew for a certainty, by revelation, who was to be
the future Pope; errors which had misled lettered and famous men, whose writings he had at
hand. It was extraordinary to him to report that many persons of religion and of austere
life had given credence to such evidence.
If anyone presents himself and declares that he has had a revelation like that of
Zacharias, and those of other prophets, what are we to do? What shall be our line of
conduct? If we deny it shortly, at once, if we make a mock of him or accuse him, it would
seem, says Gerson, likely that we are weakening the authority of divine revelation, which
is powerful to-day as formerly. We shall offend the simple, who will judge that our
prophesies are but fantasies and illusions. We must, therefore, take an open attitude, in
conformity with John's text: It is not necessary to believe every spirit, but we must
prove whether the spirits arc of God; and, obedient to the apostle, we must follow the
good.
And so we become as spiritual treasurers and changers of money, dedicated to examining
carefully and diligently the precious and strange coins of divine revelation. But this
examiner of spiritual money must be a theologian experienced in his knowledge and in the
usage of life, differing from those who never reach the consciousness of truth, such as
the chatterers, the wordy, the imprudent, and the quarrelsome; or those who have more
judgment in appreciating the appointments of the table, meats and wines, than aptitude in
judging the matters that make demands
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upon the spirit and intelligence, and to whom all discourse upon the subject of
religion seems fabulous or a burden. To such changers each new coin of divine revelation
remains something unknown and foreign; they reject it with great laughs and indignation;
and they make a mock of it and prefer accusation.
There are others (and says Gerson, I do not deny that they do not fall into a contrary
vice) who ascribe as facts in the book of revelation all the dreams of the vainest of
delirious men, the most superstitious and most extravagant illusions, the monstrous
thoughts of sick and distempered minds. These believe with too easy a heart; the others
show a spirit far too impracticable and harsh,
And so we must examine this spiritual money of revelation with five principal measures
of evaluation: to wit: weight, flexibility, resistance, form, and color. Humility gives
weight; discretion furnishes flexibility, patience indicates resistance; truth gives us
the form, and charity the color. And the good logician develops, in taking them up, each
one of these parts of his figure of speech.
The first sign to examine, then, is the conduct of the person who claims to be favored
by God with apparitions. The man who, by proud curiosity or vain praise, or by presumption
of holiness, desires to have unusual revelations and considers himself worthy of them; who
takes delight through vainglory in such things as he tells of them, mark well: he merits
being the sport of illusions. And Gerson recalls to us, in this connection, the examples
to be found in the lives of the saints.
The Devil appeared to one of them, transfigured not only in the guise of an angel, but
in the likeness of Christ; and he announced that he had appeared in the world to be seen
of him and worshiped. This holy father remained thoughtful for a time, after the manner of
the Virgin Mary, asking himself what to say to this greeting. He thought to himself:
"Don't I worship Christ every day? What does such a vision mean?" Taking refuge
in humility, he said to the demon: "Go thou to him who sent thee for I am not worthy
of seeing Christ here below." Upon this humble answer, the demon went away, covered
with confusion and shame.
Another father closed his eyes in a similar case: "I do not wish to see Christ
upon earth," he said: "I shall be content upon seeing Him in Heaven."
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And, too, Gerson points out, one must distinguish whether the revelation in question is
useful for custom, the good of mankind, the honor and development of worship, or whether
it relates to vain matters, to useless babbling. As in the history of the Gentiles, man
can draw, without vain boasting, glories from his own deeds: as did Tullius and Scipio
Africanus.
This weight of humility we find in Zacharias, who stood like one amazed upon seeing the
angel, and refused to believe his annunciation. But we must add, as Saint Gregory said in
his Dialogues, that "This true humility may not be obstinate, but submissive and in
awe." Certainly also, it is not humility but the sign of proud self-esteem, when a
person, in alleging his humility, scorns the prelate who is informing himself in such an
arduous case. He would not act like that if he were not learned in his own eyes, if he did
not rely upon his own prudence, if he were not ready to believe in his own sense and upon
his own council rather than upon the judgment of his superior.
The second sign which distinguishes the true spiritual person is discretion: daughter
of humility, that is, the readiness to listen to a counselor. For there are people whom it
pleases to be governed by their own feelings, and who act according to their own devising.
It is the most dangerous Director who leads them, or really it is their own opinions that
drive them. They grow dangerously thin by fasting, they prolong their, vigils in
exaggerated ways, they trouble themselves with too copious weeping and wear themselves out
in hysteria. They do not believe anyone's warnings; they will not be advised to live in a
more moderate fashion; they do not bother to listen to people learned in divine law; they
scorn all counsel. Such people the author pronounces as being the prey of illusions of the
Devil; and one must hold suspect all that they say in unusual revelations.
Gerson cites the instance of the married woman he had just encountered at Arras. This
woman sometimes went from two to four days without taking nourishment and naturally she
was held by many to be a wonder. The interested theologian had spoken with her, and he was
not long in finding out that this abstinence was not sobriety, but simply a case of vain
and superb obstinacy; for, after such a fast, exhausted by hunger, the woman ate with an
unbelievable voracity. Upon which Gerson had asked her how, in these conditions, without
taking
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anyone's advice, she had followed an abstinence such as the most saintly and the
strongest had not observed. She replied by indirection that lacked all humility; whereupon
the theologian admonished her, explaining to her that this mania for fasting was nothing
but a singular folly, that she was displeasing to her husband, and that the hunger that
followed the fasting was the punishment exacted of her.
And Gerson attacked in his time all the excesses in abstinence which led to incurable
maladies, such as brain lesions and mental troubles; and he ascribed many visions to these
mental maladies; the books on medicine were full of examples of them, he declared. He
noted the manias and remarked that he had encountered many people who appeared to have
good judgment about most things but who were demented in certain other circumstances: such
were they who delved in the magic arts. Gerson's third attribute of the real spiritual
coin is patience: a quality which is extremely difficult to evaluate for obstinacy often
simulates it
The fourth attribute is truth, which gives the configuration and legitimate inscription
to the coin. The Scriptures are the place, the treasury where reposes the royal die of
spiritual money. If a coin differs in form and inscription from the King's die, without
any doubt it is false. Nevertheless, it can come about that the resemblance of the false
money to the true is such that the counterfeit can be determined only by the most learned
men. It is necessary therefore to seek what are the conditions of the true revelations.
Gerson's first condition: That no angel, saint or prophet predicts any future event
that does not transpire, precisely in the sense he and the Holy Spirit understood it;
otherwise it occurs through the response of devils; for they deceive and are deceived. If
you reply in spirit: "How can I know whether it is God who is speaking?" here is
the answer: "You shall have this sign: if a prophet has announced something in the
name of God, and it cannot be realized, it is not God who has spoken; you are concerned
with an invention of the prophet and of his spirit of arrogance."
Second condition: If that which a prophet or an angel has predicted does not happen
word for word, the inspired will receive a revelation from the Holy Spirit to understand
whether this announcement is to be understood conditionally, mystically or literally. This
the author calls appealing to or questioning God, or soundly informing the mind.
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Third condition: the holy angels and true prophets do not announce anything contrary to
good customs and the true faith.
Fourth condition: Revelation which goes counter to good habits, without the very clear
intervention of an order or dispensation of God, is not to be listened to. Here the author
enters in great detail into this very necessary gift which the Apostle calls
"discernment of spirit." This sense acts in the manner of a mysterious perfume,
of an illumination, as an experience by which we distinguish the true revelations from
deceptive illusions.
In this connection Gerson cites examples taken from Saint Bernard and from Christ
Himself; since He proves that a virtue emanated from Him when he healed the woman by the
touch of His raiment; and Saint Augustine tells also in his Confessions that he had
discerned the presence of his mother among the true and false visions of a night's sleep.
However, it is impossible to lay down a general rule; it is necessary to examine each case
by itself. Similar difficulties, almost insurmountable, are encountered by anyone who
tries to distinguish absolutely the states of vigil and those of sleep. Experience is not
sufficient; and all that one can say of the matter is "I know it for certain."
It is therefore necessary to show ourselves prudent in such matters and to come back,
in fine, to the only light which we possess, which is that of humility. Let us trample
under foot our pride, our vainglory, this monster horrible and immense which is always
reborn with a new force when one pursues it, as in the case of fabulous Antaeus, or with
the hydra head of poet's legend.
And in the case of a miracle, examination is just as necessary for the good and verity
of the faith: a useless miracle is to be held suspect. And so we can judge as sacrilege
the prestidigitations of magicians, and those who make Christ fly through the air.
Gerson's fifth sign, and last, of the spiritual coin is charity, or divine love. It is
that which gives the golden color to the coin. But this sign may not be sufficient in all
circumstances, for this color is disguised by that of carnal love.
This has been found to be true especially among women who have shown toward God and the
saints a love which was inspired more by vice than by true, sincere holy love. Concerning
this, Gerson criticizes the pretensions of these pious women who live in familiarity with
holy
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men, and the book of Marie de Valenciennes. For love must begin in the spirit and be
consummated by the body: thus these women thought to enjoy God, while their passions were
so tar from holy. And Gerson brings his thoughts to a close in these terms:
The greatest danger in these matters is to refer them to one's own sense; for if the
spirit of presumption slips into us, mistaken vanity can easily take possession of us. The
temptation is to be led to a desperate feeling in seeing that we cannot arrive at
certainty on the subject of holy revelations. Well, there is a certainty; but in the
divine light, not in the human. It is in raising our aspirations very high that we can
catch a glimpse of it.
In brief, if we happen to be judges of the spiritual coins of revelations, let us, says
Gerson, attach ourselves to God and His Holy Scriptures; let us not be hastened in passing
judgment, especially whether there is falsehood, or folly joined with falsehood. Such is
the rule that permits us to prove the good spiritual money.
This promenade into the country of theology is not pleasant. Our companion, a logician
of great spiritual soundness, leads us in this labyrinth as in a suite of small cloisters
where there is little light, where one can scarcely see one's way. But the ideas expressed
in this treatise are so far from our thoughts, deduced in so special a manner, that we
ought to know them in the only form in which they were produced. Is that to say that we
can find in them sufficient reasons for excusing the judges of Rouen? We can at least
recognize certain motifs which were able to determine them from the moment that their
self-interest urged them in this.
As far as the Bishop is concerned, I do not believe that he could enter for a single
moment into these considerations. He was a man of very cold nature, ambitious, a material
man; to judge him even by the features that his tomb presents to us, a man of the flesh
and coarse. He was such a good functionary of the English government that he had visited
in their country and could probably speak their language: "Farewell," he was to
say when Jeanne's cause was decisively lost.
And when the Bishop builds, at Lisieux, a delightful chapel in honor of the Virgin, he
appears to us as a man more ostentatious than pious. And, too, he seems to be attached to
his province. Perhaps at that time he turned back upon himself, disillusioned, feeling
that he had failed in
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life, for the Bishop of Beauvais was never to become Archbishop of Rouen.
But the excuse in the field of theory which we cannot find for Cauchon we can perhaps
accord to the Parisian theologians, to all this University family, this corporation of
learning in which master and scholar have labored together, and collaborated; where there
were debts of gratitude, examinations prepared in common, as was the case with many of the
judges of Jeanne d'Arc; where was to be found, in a word, a real companionship . an
esprit de corps.
When Jean Beaupère, the most learned of these Paris doctors, was questioned at the
time of the Rehabilitation, it was remarkable to note that he did not retract: the
professor maintained that "he had and still has a strong conjecture that the said
apparitions were more from a natural cause and human intention than from a cause outside
nature." When the judge spoke to him of Jeanne's innocence, Beaupère declared oh! he
did intend to imply "corruption of body," but rather "that she was very
subtle, with the subtlety appertaining to woman." And that was all that could be
drawn out of him.
It is not difficult to see that Beaupère remains always the representative of the
theologians who advocate distrusting visions, that he maintained the unfavorable opinion,
so common in his time among the religious, and which is still rife among us, relative to
the feminine sex and its innate malice.
X (Sic) War in the Time of Jeanne d'Arc
It is now time to get a little air, to look about the camps and the countryside. It is
time to leave the morose clerics to their speculations, shut up in their rooms, and to
consider the companions in war, with their bronzed faces, highly encased in mail and with
their hair cut cap-fashion, men who carry for banners the fleur-de-lis, the cross of Saint
Andrew or the leopards.
At the beginning of the Fifteenth Century, France was still, as much as Italy, one of
the most civilized kingdoms in all Christendom. Business flourished there; people amused
themselves; the arts were flourishing and manners were as amiable as they were easy. The
quarrel between Orléans and Burgundy saw the end of this gentle splendor. The parties
competed for the English mercenaries with their money
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resources. These latter were tempted to substitute themselves for the French
government, and to conquer the country.
This was precisely the opportunity that King Henry V took advantage off: a hard man,
dominating, harsh, unscrupulous, mystic and realist, who had prepared with care the
conquest of a peaceful and joyous kingdom. Of great piety, sincere or feigned, very brave,
Henry V conducted himself as a justice, a reformer of French manners, fulfilling the
secret design of God. King Henry was a great Englishman; and his life seems to have been a
crusade against France. It is not thanks to him that the French are not English to-day. We
must say something of this war in which Jeanne played so great a role, and of the causes
which led to checking the English. The great army of 1415, united at Portsmouth, was not
larger than 10,000 men (2,500 men-at-arms, 7,000 archers, 120 miners and 75 cannoneers
according to the largest estimates). At Agincourt, Henry V led in combat not more than 900
lancers and 3,000 archers. At Verneuil, the English numbered 2,000 or 3,000 men (this was
the bloodiest encounter of the time). At the moment of their greatest power, before
Orleans, the English army in 1428 numbered approximately 5,000 men (1,000 lancers and
4,000 archers). In 1417, the royal navy comprised sixteen vessels and carracks, eight
barges and ten whalers. (The carrack was of five hundred tons cargo and a crew of
eighty-eight sailors; the barge, one hundred and forty tons and thirty-eight sailors; the
whaler, a little more or less.)
As for Jeanne, she commanded an army of 12,000 to 14,000 men. A very large army for
that time. France did not lack men, and there were many valorous Scotsmen as mercenaries.
The most difficult thing was to create a war treasury large enough to pay them. It was
impossible to put knighthood on foot and lead it into battle, among the lancers, pikemen
and crossbowmen. Guerrilla warfare was always difficult for the French. And before the
coming of Jeanne -- we have Dunois' word for it -- 200 English could put to flight 800
French, so great was their prestige.
After the general encounters wherein the country's soldiery and the flower of chivalry
perished (which happened three times during the Hundred Years' War) the war proceeded at a
slow, infallible pace and
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took on the character of a military occupation, a spreading government. It took on the
monotonous aspect of trench warfare.
Not that trenches were dug in the terrain of France to defend positions foot by foot.
But France at that time was covered with castles, fortresses which were veritable
redoubts, commanding the traffic of rivers and valleys, having a view necessary for
men-at-arms to hold an ambush, to make a sortie, to reconnoiter the plain, to ride down
and recapture territory. Each fair town had its girdle of walls, oftentimes double and
triple. These defenses were carefully planned with a view to sieges and were repaired when
necessary at the joint expense of the people and the Church. When the alarm was given the
citizens, even the canons themselves, mounted guard at the ramparts. Moats filled with
water were a serious obstacle to all who attempted to make an assault upon the fortress. A
few defenders were enough to hold these places which were all but impregnable. About the
castle, commanded by a captain paid by the town, were placed a few hundred crossbowmen,
archers and a small number of artillery pieces, culverins, veuglaires, and crapaudaux,
from which has evolved our trench mortar.
To capture these places politics and bribes were more effective than force. In general,
one bought the captain of the town, who was easy to corrupt and entirely mercenary; or
else towns were captured by famine. Iron and stone cannon balls had little effect on those
great piles of masonry, and their ricochet was not damaging. It was necessary to dig mines
and to set off explosives under these great towers and heavy walls which then tumbled down
like card-castles. The workmen of the north, men of Hainault, were particularly formidable
in playing with mines.
But more frequently towns were taken by means of famine, the cruel siege which
imprisoned the people. They could not leave to work their fields, to sow or reap their
grain or cultivate their vineyards. Cities were surrounded by a military city made of
fortifications, with wooden and stone towers called bastilles. A very costly proceeding,
very complicated -- not very effective, in the opinion of a youth of the time, Jean de
Beuil, who was later to become a marshal of France. That is what the English did at
Orleans and it was not a great success.
These long years of war in which the French had to do a great part of the work before
Martinmas in Winter, before Saint John's Day, before
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Spring were years of constant distress. An abiding terror had conquered the land. The
end of the world seemed near.
To wage this long war it was not necessary to have a large body of men under arms. A
few knights did police and scout duty, riding out from the château to run down the enemy,
as the gendarmes of South Algeria do in subduing native bands. The laborer suffered all
the evils of this kind of warfare: his cattle were stolen, his cottage was burned. The
encounters of any importance were extremely rare, and the mercenaries of both nations had
a "certain small custom" among themselves, and took the opportunity of making
"good livings" together; the thrifty peasant was always the victim of their
raiding. The delay in large operations and their considerable expense were discouraging;
discouraging also were the assaults on a town or castle, which had to be repeated many
times before the enemy could be broken of their stubborn resistance. And they could then
establish themselves in another stronghold and it would all have to be done over again.
That is the kind of war that was being waged in the time of Jeanne d'Arc. It was very
disagreeable; it was neither brilliant nor chivalrous.
Upon the urging of the Duc d'Alençon, a youth enthusiastic to the point of folly,
Jeanne undertook the use of the small cannons which sowed panic among the knights, and
which, aimed by skilled gunners, had sometimes surprising results at short distances. As
at Orleans, when a lucky shot decapitated the Earl of Salisbury while he was making a
reconnaissance.
But Jeanne's characteristic method, which she used intuitively, was the charge: to lead
the attack. And the soldiers and plain folk understood her. How intrepid and French she
was in that! And also, how easy it was to upset the plans and calculations of the timid!
Everywhere at once, Jeanne was in the van: at the bastille of Orléans, where she scaled
the ladder; at Jargeau, where she was knocked down by a stone and got up crying,
"Friends, friends, upon them! Our Lord has condemned the English. Now we have them!
Be brave!" And on the fortifications of Paris, where the Anglo-Burgundians jibed at
the French, calling Jeanne a cowherd and a harlot. She scarcely noticed a wound. Jeanne
was wounded in the foot and shoulder at Orléans, in the thigh at Paris. She could not be
made to stay quiet.
Jeanne was especially the heroine of the siege of Orléans, which was
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a little later made a pompous and military mystery; she became the "miracle of
Orléans" just as with us there was the "miracle of the Marne"; but there
never was a miracle in war. For so long as wars shall last, a long time still, alas! the
victors of a day and the politicians will not be able to subdue a people who must live,
who will not submit to slavery.
The English had occupied Normandy with the intention of perpetual domination. They had
wiped out the loyal nobles, and persecuted the 'plain people, in very much the way the
Germans held Belgium in subjection. In Picardy they had tried, with Burgundian aid, an
alliance with the nobles of the country. More than from its formidable enemy, France
suffered from her own dissensions. Thanks to her internal dissensions, also, England, in
her turn, was to succumb under the feuds of the Duke of Gloucester with the Duke of
Burgundy and the Bishop of Winchester. And, at Orléans, the Duke of Burgundy hesitated,
and did not send troops. The work of reconciliation among the French parties and
provinces, this "French friendship" of which Napoleon emphasized the importance
on the municipal register at Orleans, was consummated in the Treaty of Arras, a peace
which has been held the great victory won by prelates and lawyers, but it was prepared by
the soldiers. Another cause, and an important one, too, in checking the English occupation
of the country was their lack of money. In spite of the ransoms of Rouen and Meaux, in
spite of his victories, Henry V was heavily in debt to the day of his death: not enough,
of course, to ruin a city like London, but the ambassadors, captains of towns, soldiers
and sailors were constantly without money; and they tarried in France without enthusiasm.
The bill for Agincourt was not yet paid when its conqueror died. And the gentlemen
"lodged" in Normandy wrote home: "No money, and foraging is
forbidden!" The Duke of Exeter, the great marshal, and Hungerford did not receive
their wages for Agincourt until the reign of Henry VI. The government owed the Earl of
Huntingdon, made prisoner at Baugé, 8,157 livres for his services; on default of payment,
he was kept in prison in France.
This embarrassment of the English treasury was a permanent cause of weakness. And
although the treasury of King Charles, "King of Bourges" was not better
equipped, he waged war for his cause, in spite
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of his laziness and lack of resolution, rich in another endless treasure, the fidelity
of his oppressed people.
VII (Sic) The Idea of Patrie in the Time of Jeanne d'Arc
We have seen that Henry V came into France to punish her for her sins: it would be more
accurate to say that he came to chastise her for her improvidence. This pious lie,
developed by the Duc d'Orléans in the celebrated _Complainte de la France_ in which he
represented France kneeling before the cross, beside the Virgin, is in conformity with
Christian tradition. As for the lawyers, they disseminated another version: that of legal
right to conquest. John Talbot, the "watchdog of England," that model of
courtliness and courage, in the book in French which he presented to Queen Margaret so
that she would not forget her country's language, included a genealogical table to prove
the legal position. In it there was a picture formed of a series of portraits placed
within circular medallions, one below another. The relationships of this genealogical tree
begins with Saint Louis and divides in two lines: one descending from Isabelle de France,
daughter of Philippe le Bel, the House of Lancaster; the other traces the line of the
Valois to Charles VI and his daughter Catherine. The two lines meet at that point, in the
marriage of Catherine and Henry V, and result, in the person of Henry VI, in a double
heritage from Saint Louis.
Such pictures could be exhibited in churches and other public places. They delighted
only the jurists, however, and the Burgundian chroniclers. The French people thought that
Charles VII and his cousins, Orléans and Bourbon, had been omitted, just as they had been
in the Treaty of Troyes. As for the nobles and the warriors who lived by conflict, it was
a good gamble.
The bloody struggles were the opportunity for the fine "proof at arms" in
which they could test their valor. One wins; the other loses. The king who loses the
battle suffers no reproach: it is honor enough, and sufficient in itself, to have fought
the enemy with boldness. If one always won the fight the war would soon be over.
Preserving one's honor was the essential. Kings, ladies, princes and other great lords,
who were judges of worldly honor were quick to say to whom the honors belonged; to correct
the injustice of assaults, battles, sieges and tourneys.
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It was not I the same for the ordinary folk of the countryside and the resolute
companions-in-arms we find grouped around the Maid. And when the war in its ferocity saw
the burning of chapels and of whole villages; when the ecclesiastics had to give up the
thought of getting tithes, opinion changed.
It is a beautiful thing that this idea of patrie should have been born in a country
trampled under foreign feet, rather than from the bloodless books of jurists and savants.
Beautiful ladies, fine hunts, and the "great deeds of valiant King Arthur,"
"French victories," were the things that these nobles, the Trojans of the Middle
Ages, had in mind. But Jeanne was to say to them (in her letter to the English)
"Render to the Maid . who is sent here of God, the King of Heaven, the keys of
all the good towns which you have taken and violated in France . . ' "
The word "patrie" did not exist in the time of Jeanne d'Arc. (1) Patria, the
word of the scholar, meant country, place of origin; by extension it could sometimes mean
patrie, in the sense in which we use the word, but very rarely did it have that
connotation.
In the feudal world what we understand by patrie, was always connected with the idea of
feudal sovereignty; and the concept of sovereignty was always linked to the idea of
justice. The people of Vaucouleurs, for instance, were "people of the King's
chamber," that is, responsible to him. The king remained their overlord and defender,
the people's liberator, the one surpassing appeal above the ties of vassalage.
It is around this idea of paternal justice that we must look to discern the outlines of
the modern idea of "country." In the name of justice, Jeanne protested against
the foreign invasion; it was in the name of an ancient loyalty that the simple folk of the
countryside revolted against the foreigners, everywhere to some extent, even in Normandy.
One may see, in this province, by the series of letters of donation, that only a part
of the nobility and upper bourgeoisie and the higher clergy accepted the English
domination: these people had taken the "certificates of loyalty" by means of
which they obtained the restitution of their property.
But by the letters of remission, which brought the common people
------------------------------------ (1) The most ancient example of its use goes back
only to 1544. Cf. Antoine Thomas, Revue des idles, PP. 555-559.
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of the countryside and the towns into the scene, we are ' a - able to realize that the
poorer classes lived in terror of the English men-at-arms and also of the partisans of
France, for they were crushed by the pillaging of the leaders of roving bands. For these
laborers, despoiled of their horses, beaten and taken for guides by the soldiers,
terrorized by these groups of five or six horsemen appearing in the village; these
wretched people, who knew neither security nor rest, remained none the less loyal at heart
in the province that was most English.
Such was the poor man of Saint-Pierre-sur-Dive who, while drinking in an inn at Bayeux
with an English herald-at-arms whose standing he did not know, made the imprudent wish:
"May God protect the crown of France and give long life to the Duc d'Alençon and
peace to us all! (1424.) Such also was the unfortunate tailor of Nôtre Dame de Cenilly
who at Coutances, one market day, having drunk more than a little, declared to the English
soldiers at one of the city gates that he preferred King Charles to King Henry.
And the poor citizen of Rugles, who picked a quarrel with the sergeant of the forest of
Breteuil, shouting to him: "I think times will change very soon, and you gentlemen,
officers of the king of England, won't have such a big audience." (1425.) And for
Robin Le Peletier of Valognes, Bedford "was nothing but a wine-bibber pure and
simple, who was good for nothing but taking towns and levying taxes and consuming the
people and did not try to put out of his kingdom our enemies and adversaries"; as for
Suffolk, he considered him a "murderer of populations."
It is not always easy to know what a peasant thinks, and especially a Norman peasant.
In these letters of remission that enable us to know them, documents in which the
chancellory of King Henry presents them, the peasants of Normandy are naturally seen in a
very humble and supplicating attitude. But can one believe that they acted always, as was
officially said, through terror of "brigands," that is, groups rebellious
against the English power? Were they not often in sympathy with them?
Was it always through constraint that the peasants ferried the brigands across rivers,
accompanied them in their reconnoiterings, procured food for them, bought horses for them,
bridled and saddled, and stole on
[531]
their account? In one place a barber goes to take care of the wounded in a forest; in
another, the wounded are taken in and hidden. There was treason to the English everywhere,
even in Rouen itself.
A hole was made in the wall of a house adjoining the church of Saint-Gervaise de Sees,
a breach by which the French were able to penetrate into the fortress by night (1427). A
Jacobin formed a conspiracy at Argentan (1431). Rouen was nearly overthrown in 1432.
In the countryside an Englishman who was without a guide would be put to death.
Peasants found one along the road, near the wood of Baugy, stretched out naked, robbed of
his clothes: everything had been taken, including his horse. And two Englishmen suddenly
appeared at Chicheboville and, not knowing what to do, struck people aside with their
swords and looted an inn. The people of the place besieged them at night and beat them up
with ironed staves.
How many villagers secretly buried in the bushes Englishmen they surreptitiously
killed? Who can tell the number of "brigands" as the English chancellory called
these rebels and guerrilla warriors, who were hidden in the forests of Normandy? Why
couldn't they avenge themselves as did Galoppin, barber of Bretteville, upon the
Englishman's servant who roamed the country demanding chickens and silver pieces from the
housewives?
These Normans were lively after drinking; they played at quarterstaff bouts after a
market day or a pilgrimage. They didn't let themselves be imposed upon by English archers;
they defended their horses, carts, chickens and oats: it took more than a bribe for them
to give up to an English forager. Woods and farmhouses were not safe for a
companion-at-arms not even at night. The laborer knew how to take revenge for the wheat,
the pipe of cider, fat pork and cattle that he had to give up to the garrison of foreign
soldiers.
The English at that time were considered savage and bloody men. The French saw them
fall upon the land, thanks to the great civil dissensions, and proceed to despoil
"the holy kingdom" of its relics. This pillage, this universal robbery cried out
for vengeance. The English were then also considered to be sea pirates who did not wage
"great wars," that is adventures in distant lands. What they waged in France
was, in effect, a. peasant war, an atrocious war. There were reconciliations in the church
and the cemetery only and these were violated as much by the French as the English.
Monasteries were scenes of slaughter
[532]
and were turned into stables. Divine worship ceased. Bells were thrown to the ground,
broken and silent. Fire made the ruin black and complete.
The same spectacle, even more somber, was to be seen between the Somme and the Oise,
that frontier country, the confines of Burgundian Picardy where the English did everything
to rally the local nobility around their banner. Monasteries burned, worthy folk tortured,
relics carried off, churches turned into stables or public houses, laborers and notables
imprisoned and forgotten in deep dungeons and who perished there of starvation; pregnant
women who gave birth prematurely and died, their children thrown into the river or to the
wolves who roamed about the villages; men-at-arms not less ferocious than the wolves,
whether English or partisans of the French; famine. Such are the things revealed to us by
contemporary documents.
And further, as Jean Jouvenel is witness, furnishing us the outline of this dark
picture of the war in the Beauvais sector, not a useless complaint came from the good folk
of that land. Their hearts were the king's faithfully, And if the later bishop of Beauvais
uttered a complaint, it was to reproach the king with not pursuing the quarrel, with
dozing on the banks of the Loire in his little rooms, with taking too much refuge in
prayer; Jean Jouvenel affirmed the fidelity of his city, confirming it in resistance to
all the false promises of the enemy and their partisans.
And passing now to the marches of Lorraine, to the country of Jeanne d'Arc, which is
not Champagne, nor Barrois, nor yet Lorraine proper, but none the less French, the towns
everywhere sought their municipal autonomy, and the village folk, oppressed by all the
local tyrants, by the men-at-arms of three provinces who descended upon this extremely
rich valley whose fields of emerald were its fortune and its crown, aspired to nothing
more than liberty and peace.
They dreamed of that great justiciar of other days, the King of France, and of the
king's court of justice. As elsewhere, the exactions of the soldiery were cruelly felt,
guerrilla warfare, the "ransoms" of the villages, payments for
"protection," the capture of notables, the theft of livestock, and that scourge
of war, fire. The war had developed to the point that peasants were forbidden to keep a
fire lighted for fear it would be too handy a means for men-at-arms to burn their
cottages.
[533]
The farmer mounted guard instead of going about his work. I do not know a more eloquent
witness than the few lines of an account of the month of November, 1428, imposing a fine
of twenty sells upon Jean Bauldet the elder who, during sentry-duty before the gates of
Foug, "went to have a look at his plow in the fields," From this misery and
oppression, rather than in the minds of lawyers, was born the fidelity to the king as
protector and justiciar, and the concept of "patrie." The word alone was
lacking. But the word, pays, "land," is also beautiful, is it not, and just as
rich in meaning?
VVII The Value of the Trial Record
One cannot think of everything, In wishing to destroy Jeanne, to publish to all the
world the errors of her doctrine, and her "lies," the judges of Rouen worked
greatly to preserve her memory. Through them we know truly the "great-hearted
girl"; it is thanks to them that we are become judges in our turn, witnesses of the
marvelous drama wherein strategy and ruse played with virtue and simplicity. In the trial
we hear Jeanne's words truly and we pity her; we weep for her.
So unfortunate, so young and candid, modest and superb, as the occasion demanded, full
of good sense and at times gay, sometimes full of hope, sometimes the prey of despair, so
firm in her faith that the judges called her obstinate, Jeanne appears the incarnation of
virtue and simplicity -- even holiness. She is entirely human, and never was humanity
greater.
Suppose, for a moment, that the Trial Record had been lost and that we possessed
nothing else on the subject of Jeanne but the depositions of the witnesses at the
Rehabilitation and the word of the contemporary chroniclers: no, we should not really know
her. Jeanne would have remained a mysterious, shadowy figure. The few important
depositions of her companions-at-arms would not be enough to make her live before our
eyes.
Here we have her words; we have Jeanne herself; we have in this the evangel of our
devotion. We owe something else besides to the judges of Rouen. Let us imagine that she
had ended her days in the house near Orléans that she had acquired, for she would
doubtless have been released from a Church prison in time, if she had been merely
imprisoned. How much less
[534]
important she would have seemed in men's eyes. What a different value the scene in the
cemetery of Saint-Ouen would have had! They served her well in judging her so badly.
it was the stake which was, in truth, her first altar, a prophecy of that upon which
the piety of man has to-day placed her. As the excellent Michelet has said: "She no
longer understands salvation in the material sense, as she had until then; she sees
clearly at last, and leaving the shadows she obtains that which was lacking to her of
light and sanctity."
And so in this "beau procès," in this unjust trial, the judges have served
Jeanne well. They have written the acts of her martyrdom and gathered together the gospel
of our race, although they thought they were presenting their apologia to the world.
Read the Trial Record and you will be the better for it; listen to Jeanne's words and
you will reject the vain rhetoric of the improper, comic judges with their hatred,
ambiguities and empty Latin, their veneer of Seneca and Statius: you will come to despise
pride.
How clearly Jeanne speaks, a language fresh as brook water!
The chroniclers of the time knew her but little; the devout clerics saw nothing in her
but a lesson; the chroniclers, of Burgundy saw her as a rustic and debauchée, an enemy:
the English believed her to be a witch; the squires and companions saw her as a good,
staunch soldier. And we modern historians try to explain the inexplicable; we add details,
little niceties; we reconstruct the background of her life; we arrange the decor of the
landscape and the drama. But it is in the course of the Trial that Jeanne, living, appears
before us.
For Jeanne remains above all else a treasure of France, the lovely Christian flower
springing from the ruins of the country. An ideal figure that seems so rare coming from
rustic folk only because country people are so eternally calumniated. Jeanne's father was
in fact a good farmer, well off, possessing horses and cattle, the doyen of his village.
Her qualities, except for intensity and inspiration, were not perhaps greatly unlike
those of many maids of her rank and environment. Gerson, in summing up his instructions to
his sisters living in the country, the oldest of whom was twenty-six, recommended:
"You, my six sisters, remain together without entering a religious order, without
living in the towns during the life of our father and mother. You should
[535]
be with them, and live by your handiwork; and of the inheritance which ought to belong
to you, your brothers, I think, will take nothing. You ought not to ask for any other
husband than the Lord." And he addressed this instruction: to be without ostentation
and pride in their dress, and to preserve always a becoming propriety. "You should
say your Hours and other orisons at proper times, matins, tierce, vespers, and upon going
to bed. Hear mass as often as it is possible for you to; the rest of the time you ought
diligently to work, to shun idleness which is the mother of all evils, as one may see in
the towns, where girls do not work. Live as quietly as you can; do not drink wine unless
it is watered, and then not much; and you should not eat too much meat; and you should not
eat spices, onions, nor any other food which engenders perilous heat. Make confession
often, each week, and each great fête day; for confession is a thing which greatly
pleases God and which restrains you from sin. Receive with devotion the true bread which
nourishes the soul, that is, the body of Our Lord. Be of good peace together, and
encourage the doing of good each to the other. Do not speak ill of another; do not harbor
any hatred. Let the oldest be as the youngest; and serve your father and mother with good
nature, willingly. Be careful not to speak to a strange man, except in public, and the
less often you have to, the better. And do not trouble to go to dances and other pleasant
frolics, for there is more foolishness than good in them. It would give me great pleasure,
and it would be very profitable, if you could learn to read in French; for I shall send
you some books of devotion, and I shall often write to you with the greatest pleasure. Why
should you ask for the burdens of marriage, to leave the freedom of this life, more holy,
more certain, and more devout?"
It is in the _Exercises discrets des simples devots_ that one finds these
transcendental maxims for woman: She ought to learn to think on God, with nothing of the
corporeal, without image, so that she will not imagine when thinking of Him an object
large or small, long or short, black or white, here or there, as existing in any given
place.
Gerson's sisters did not have any idea of marrying; and it was never Jeanne's
intention. Their father, Charlier, wrote of them to his son: " 'Thanks be to God,
they love God first of all, and fear sin; they fast one or two days a week, and say their
Hours of Our Lady every day: and Marion has learned them since her husband died. And I
perceive
[536]
that they do not contemplate marrying at any age, but rather do they wish to please us
and you.' This is what our good father wrote me about you, my sisters. Lord, our Saviour,
what joy, what consolation I have had, and have every time I examine these words. this
news of you." Such were the preoccupations of village folk, working people.
The times were hard. Misery was widespread. A poor girl was most likely to find in a
husband a drunkard, a brawler, who would beat her; she would bring her children into
poverty. Let woman keep her virginity, her road to paradise! Bitter ideas and how far from
being earthly!
In the trial Jeanne appears to us in radiance. She says that God is her judge, that she
loves God with all her heart; a concept which has always appeared to be insufficient to
persons of learning. When the judges dare to call her "Saracen" she replies,
simply, that she is a good Christian. She desires, heartily that the Church and Catholics
pray for her And perhaps it was these short answers; "I rely upon Our
Lord," "God our Lord first of all," which exasperated her judges most.
She is all the courtliness and the grace of France; all the chivalry that one could
possibly have found in her time; she had a liking for horses and arms, the prestige of a
leader. She is also all the peasant land of France. in her stubbornness. in her hardiness
in work. in her irony and her mocking gayety, in her old-fashioned politeness.
She is Fidelity. The man who understood her best was one of her judges -- Pierre
Maurice, when he likened her faith in God to loyalty due a prince. She is, again, the
image of France in her impatience: and it was by patience that her judges wore her out so
inevitably.
Jeanne was a "good child," according to the words of the angel. A precocious
and serious child who danced little but sang at will, who knew her cantilènes, and went
when her Voices left her. She remains the wild flower of Christian piety.
And Jeanne was, unaware, the imitator of Our Lord Jesus Christ. She trampled underfoot
the impure body and was always kind to poor people and to children; intrigued against to
the end, forced to the point of greatest sacrifice; active, untractable to deceivers,
candid and defiant. She knew despair, doubt and agony at the end, like Jesus. She
consummated the supreme sacrifice as He did.
[537]
We may ask ourselves how so many ideas and intuitions are to be found in a person as
simple as she was saintly. A saint she was, without question; simple-the question is worth
asking. Perhaps it is our education, our sophistication-our civilization, in a word-which
has most separated men from one another, and this proportionately as the efforts toward
equality have avidly increased. How far from us they seem, at times, our brothers the
peasants and workers; and how well they understood one another in Jeanne's time, the great
lords and peasants who could scarcely write their names; they shared a common experience,
and a common good sense, even a unifying intuition.
Jeanne is, above all things else, the wisdom of a good people. She is the People of
France, the plain people of the countryside of Lorraine which is sweet and clean through
the courage and faith of the people as much as through the smell of woods and orchards.
Nothing has changed in the moral aspect of that countryside although many things have
changed in the landscape, the forests and fountains, and the river in which her father
threatened to drown her. In her village she saw bands of Burgundians prowl for spoils of
war. Villagers kept their livestock in the château de I'lle for safe-keeping; here they
took their cows, pigs, and sheep; the region was harassed by theft, pillaging, fires: all
this was less bloody and less disastrous if one kept apart from the village. All this was
profoundly serious for the times, and for the young girl who thought and dreamed.
I have seen under circumstances likewise tragic, these big market towns of Lorraine,
rich and niggardly; I have seen the humble house clean and white, where young girls live,
the tiny garden a few feet square, a paradise; I am acquainted with farmhouse rooms, the
thick walls, the heavy oak furniture, the smell of milk and white cheese. I know, in
village life, the hour when the animals come home from pasture, when the herder brings
home the communal flock of pigs. I have seen with what gallantry the young girls ride on
the back of farm horses. I have tasted the freshness of the springs; I know the marquetry
of the fields, the forest-the mysterious forest and its springs! I have seen the Meuse
flood the fields in its winding path, the willows and the crowns of the reeds. I have
heard the brown young girls, accompanied by parchment-faced grandparents, pray for our war
dead in these ancient Romanesque churches anchored on the banks of the Meuse, or in the
solitude of the fields where the images of the saints are always decorated
[538]
with garlands of flowers. I have seen refugees escaping in their long carts while their
villages burned behind them. I have seen the magnificent horizons of Jeanne's country
tremble under the noise of war, the plains illumined by the fire that the night breezes
fanned into flame. I have heard the daughters of Lorraine talk, in their clear speech,
with the admirable gestures of plain people, of the evils that had befallen their country
and their hopes. And I have heard our soldiers, like those of Jeanne's day, discuss the
tidings of prophetesses more or less official.
The words of the Trial, Jeanne's sacred words, you will find here. And Jeanne assures
us that the Voices told her: "Suffer it willingly, do not be at all disturbed about
your martyrdom: you will at last come to the Kingdom of Paradise." "Suffer it
willingly" -- the admirable phrase of the simple, the very phrase that Fortune
addressed to poor Villon.
According to the witness of the Preaching Friars, of an old archdeacon and Pierre
Maurice, the theologian, an old canon and Thomas de Courcelles, that intellectual light
agreeable to the gentry of the Council, as revealed in a posthumous publication in which
they attempted to explain again their attitude, Jeanne is supposed to have said on the
last day of her life that she herself was the angel.
A statement interpreted, perhaps, in a sense that Jeanne did not mean it, but
conforming with all that we know of her despair, while the cold sweat ran down her young
face in the cell which was her Gethsemane. A falsehood which is full of meaning. It is
true that she was an angel. A poet tells us that -- a noble poet of the time, the Parisian
canon who was secretary to Charles VII, Messer Alain Chartier:
"And she did not seem to come from any land, but rather she seemed as one sent
from Heaven to support our failing France in her arms. She guided to shore, and even into
port, a king tossed and struggling in the buffets of wind and tempests; she raised the
spirit of the people to hope for better times. She curbed savage England and stopped the
spoiling and burning of France. 0 worthy virgin, worthy of all glory, all praise, worthy
of divine honors! 0 honor of the kingdom, 0 light of the lily; thou art the light, thou
art the glory, not only of the French, but of all Christians! Let Troy no longer rejoice
in the memory of Hector; let Greece no longer triumph with her Alexander, nor Africa with
her Hannibal; let Italy no longer take pride in her Caesar and other great captains of
Rome. And thou, France, even though thou
[539]
hast no lack of other heroes in the past, be content with the Maid; France, thou mayst
dare be proud and enter in the lists with the other nations for military glory, and even,
we may very well say, place the Maid above all others."
[540]
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