William of Newburgh: Book Five
Book One | Book Two | Book Three | Book Four | Book Five | Introduction
Index:
- Chapter 1: The acts of the
king after his coronation, before he crossed the Sea
- Chapter 2: Of the
proceedings which took place between the king of England and his enemies, after he had
crossed the sea
- Chapter 3: Of the truce
made between the kings; and of the peace of the provinces, excepting from the royal taxes
- Chapter 4: How knightly
exercises began to be practiced in England in the time of King Richard
- Chapter 5: Of the return of
John to his brother
- Chapter 6: How one Stephen
was deluded by a demon
- Chapter 7: How the kingdom
of the Normans in Sicily was overthrown
- Chapter 8: Of the horrible
death of the duke of Austria
- Chapter 9: What came to
pass, by God's disposal, in the province of Le Mans, for the correction of the king of
England
- Chapter 10: Of the death
of Hugh, bishop of Durham
- Chapter 11: Of the three
illegitimate children of the same bishop, and of him who succeeded
- Chapter 12: How Hubert,
archbishop of Canterbury, celebrated a council in the church of York, under the name of
legate; and of the dispute which exists between the archbishops of Canterbury and York
concerning the primacy
- Chapter 13: Of the army of
the Saracens that entered Spain from Africa
- Chapter 14: Of Mahomet the
false prophet, and of the law which he introduced through the spirit of error, and how the
same law infected many nations
- Chapter 15: Of the war
that was renewed between our kings, after the termination of the truce
- Chapter 16: How the king
of England was exculpated by the letters of the Old Man of the Mountain from the murder of
the marquis
- Chapter 17: Of the
warlike commotion that followed the truce between the kings, and how they entered into a
treaty at Issoudun
- Chapter 18: How the kings
proclaimed the treaty which had been agreed upon, which did not last long; and of the
commotion in Brittany
- Chapter 19: Of the sudden
death in England of the abbot of Caen
- Chapter 20: Of a
conspiracy made in London by one William, and how he paid the penalty of his audacity
- Chapter 21: How the common
people desired to honor this man as a martyr, and how this error of theirs was
extinguished
- Chapter 22: Of the prodigy
of the dead man, who wandered about after burial
- Chapter 23: Of a similar
occurrence at Berwick
- Chapter 24: Of certain
prodigies
- Chapter 25: Of a sign
which was seen in the heavens, and of the storming of certain castles
- Chapter 26: Of a famine
and pestilence which overran England
- Chapter 27: How the
Germans a second time took the sign of the cross
- Chapter 28: Of the
dissension between King Richard and the archbishop of Rouen
- Chapter 29: Of the death
of the bishop of Ely, who deserves rather to be called the chancellor
- Chapter 30: Of the
short war with the Bretons; and how the forty years' differences with Toulouse were ended
- Chapter 31: Of the
capture of the bishop of Beauvais
- Chapter 32: Of the
desertion of some from the king of France, and on what account a truce was made between
him and the king of England
- Chapter 33: Of a wonderful event that befell at Malton
- Chapter 34: Of the reconciliation of King Richard and the
archbishop of Rouen; and of a certain prodigy
Chapter 1:
The acts of the king after his coronation, before he crossed the sea <to index>
[1] After the
solemnities of his coronation, the king remained a short time in England, and took care to
arrange the state of affairs anew, as if he had then been made king for the first time:
and almost everything which seemed to have pleased him at his first accession to the
throne, he now thought necessary should be changed and altered at his second coronation.
The kingdom, too, which he had divided in many ways, when he was about to undertake his
journey to the East (as it is more fully related in its place), he now determined to
restore to its original condition, and he demanded back all that he had at that time
lightly bestowed or sold for a weighty price, as if he had only lent it. It was not lawful
for any one to protect his right of tenure, by virtue of an agreement, or title, or
instrument, while all were crushed by the power of the crown, and no one ventured to say
to him, "Will he plead against me with his great power, or oppress me with the
strength of his greatness?" but he spoke gently, and with subtlety, to those who had
purchased the royal possessions, saying, "It does not become you to lend on usury to
a royal personage; therefore, if you have already received the money you lent me out of
the fruits of your property, you ought to be content with that; but if not, I will make it
up from my own property, thus taking away every pretence for keeping it back; for you have
prudence enough to know the rescript of the holy see, by which you are forbidden to lend
on usury to your own king, and your money ought by no means to be withheld from me, if, at
a proper time, it should happen to be required."
[2] Terrified, at
length, by the impending power of the king, they began to discover the artifices by which
he had stripped them of their money for the expenses of his expedition to Jerusalem; and
they resigned everything, without the slightest question about the profit, which they had
not received. For not even the bishop of Durham, who purchased an earldom near to the
borders of the Scots for a large sum, and had now possessed it for some years, had any
privilege above the rest in this respect; but ceasing to be an earl, he fell back into a
simple bishop; and thus, much labor and much money were sacrificed, which, however, would
not have been lost to him, if they had been applied to pious uses and laid up for treasure
in heaven. Yet, when he conjectured, from the change in the king's countenance, that his
disposition was less favorable to him, without waiting for any demand, he resigned the
earldom; nor even then, as it is said, did he by more ample concessions satisfy the king's
desires, for they were insatiable.
[3] Besides this,
the king, either to liberate the hostages who were left with the emperor, or for the
expenses of carrying on a war with the king of France, imposed upon the whole kingdom a
tribute altogether unusual; that is to say, he demanded two shillings from every carucate
of land without distinction, disregarding the privileges of the clergy, of religious
persons and of certain others. Also, when certain of the greater abbots of the Cistercian
order waited on him to congratulate him, he said, "We approve your devotion and
liberality to us, in giving the best of your substance, that is, the fleeces of your
sheep, towards our ransom, as it was becoming; and if life should be granted to us, we
think of repaying this favor with a favor and that we may be debtors to you for an
everlasting favor it behooves you once more to declare your affection towards us, and not
think it hard to accommodate us with your wool of the present year; for, when we were
released by the emperor, we returned in great poverty to our own country, and confiding in
you in our most urgent necessity, we took from foreign merchants the value of your wool
for our needful purposes, which we shall, doubtless, restore at our exchequer in the month
of October, with thanks for your approved affection." In this manner, despoiling
those religious persons, under the appearance of flattery, he reduced the most celebrated
of their monasteries to an unusual state of poverty.
[4] When he had
disposed of his affairs in England, and appointed a discreet man, that is to say, the
archbishop of Canterbury, as chief justiciary of the kingdom, he proceeded towards the
sea, with an army of Englishmen, which he had summoned to cross over with him. When he
received news from parts beyond sea, that the forces of the French had assembled, and were
meditating an irruption into Normandy, he waited with great impatience for an opportunity
of crossing over, and very frequently chided the elements; but at length the winds blew as
he wished, and he crossed over. He was received by his people with congratulations; and
his presence, after their long heaviness, raised their spirits to the greatest confidence.
Chapter 2: Of the
proceedings which took place between the king of England and his enemies, after he had
crossed the sea <to index>
[1] In the
meantime, the king of France laid siege to Verneuil, a city strongly fortified, which his
father formerly besieged in vain; and though his army was innumerable, yet in this
instance he was destined to inherit the lot of his father: for the king of England being
restored thus opportunely to his people in Normandy, by degrees drew his army together,
and pitched his camp not far from Verneuil, at a castle which is called L'Aigle. When he
had remained there some days, the French army declined the risk of engaging in battle with
him; and after they had toiled in besieging the city with great and useless labor, they
raised the siege and retreated. But their king, as if to remove the disgrace of a shameful
retreat, destroyed, in his perverse fury, the city of Evreux, which he had previously
plundered, nor did he even spare the church of Saint Taurin, the most celebrated in that
part of the country; though when he had commanded it to be burnt, not one man, out of so
great an army, could be found, through the fear of God, to execute so nefarious in order;
so he himself, as it is said, with some lost souls of that class of men whom they call
"Ribalds," entered the sacred edifice and set it on fire. Afterwards, as it is
said whatever was carried out of that church was conveyed to the city of Chartres, and it
acted like a firebrand to that most famous city; in consequence of which it became in a
state of combustion, and was food for the flames, until it was almost consumed.
[2] So the war in
those parts was carried on between these two great kings, now with prosperous and now with
adverse fortune alternately, as is usual. The rigorous captivity of the king of England
had, a short time before, despoiled him of his treasures, and the avarice of his enemies
had infringed upon the limits of his territories; but after fortune had shown so much
malice towards him, all that followed was prosperous; for in the war he did not lose one
foot of the land he possessed. Of the fortresses of which he had been despoiled, he
recovered the noble castle which is called Loches, with several others, by the fortune of
war. He also entered the territories of the enemy, and after some exploits, which were
valiantly and prosperously performed, he came to Vendome, and rested his army there for
several days. The king of France, however, when he thought that he had retired from that
place, pitched his camp not far from Vendome; but when he discovered the vicinity of the
enemy, he retreated in the night. When the morning appeared, the king of England pursued
the retreating army, and captured the carriages and baggage of the fugitive king, with
certain secret treasures, and riches of various kinds, and much of his household goods.
[3] At that time,
however, he was annoyed by certain wicked deserters in Aquitaine; that is to say, Geoffrey
de Rancon, and the count d'Angouleme, very powerful men; and who were bold through the
countenance of the French, by whom they were instigated against the king of England. The
son of Henry of Navarre, however, the relative of Berengaria, queen of England, entered
Aquitaine with an army and devastated the territory of each of these deserters; but when
he received the news of the death of his father, he returned home for the purpose of
securing the succession. After a short time, the decree of fate carried off this count de
Rancon, whom I have mentioned; and the king of England coming up with his army, after a
short siege, obtained possession of his famous castle, which is called Tailleburth; and
soon after, directing his attack against the other deserter, he stormed the city of
Angouleme, with sanguinary celerity. While these things were being acted, the king of
France was proceeding very calmly, for he had skillfully kept him in suspense, in the
expectation of a truce, which was already a subject of debate between them.
Chapter 3: Of the
truce made between the kings; and of the peace of the provinces, excepting from the royal
taxes <to index>
[1] In the one thousand one
hundred and ninety-fourth year from the delivery of the Virgin, about the feast of the
chief of the Apostles, which is called "Ad vincula" [1 Aug.], after many
conflicts and various events, through the mediation of men of influence, a cessation of
arms (which is called a truce) was solemnly confirmed between the kings, for one year.
This was very useful to the king of England for the restoration of his strength, which had
been much exhausted by his captivity; although, as it appeared to some persons, it was not
very honorable, since he now held Normandy within limits which were much smaller than
before. But considerations of expediency preponderated; and it was important to consult
the state of affairs, although with some small loss of reputation. This was done, and the
provinces which were the seat of war enjoyed a short period of repose; but in that
cessation of evils, the avarice of the kings towards their subjects was vehemently
manifested in their efforts to procure money, while they were meditating thoughts of war
rather than of peace; arid were preparing themselves in all things for future movements.
[2] At last, in this business no
opportunity was overlooked ; and when it happened that a pretence (even an imaginary one)
occurred, the royal tax-gatherers did not refrain from open violence in extorting money.
In the meantime, those persons especially complained -- but in vain -- of their unusual
burdens, who by the religious indulgence of former sovereigns were accustomed to enjoy
freedom and immunity from every secular exaction; that is to say, men of religion. And,
indeed, the most Christian fathers of the kings I have mentioned were eminent patrons and
protectors of men devoted to religion; but we grieve that their sons imitated them but
little in this respect. Indeed, the king of England, on account of his wayward youth, was
dreaded at the commencement of his reign, as one likely to be anything but a mild
sovereign; but with regard to the king of France, by reason of the remembrance of his
father, and the peaceful habits of his early youth, better things were expected of his
future conduct; and men of every class prayed for his prosperity. When he returned home
from the regions of the East, however, as it is mentioned above, he was changed into
another being, through his implacable hatred towards the king of England; and he showed
himself severe to almost all men, and especially to the religious orders and the clergy,
as if he would avenge himself on his own subjects; whereas the king of England, through
the favor of God, after he returned from captivity, was found more mild.
[3] For instance, the venerable
John, archbishop of Lyons, at that time happened to be in England, and was resident in
London with some men of distinction, when several of them complained in his presence of
the cruelty of their own sovereign. "Say not so," he said, "for I tell you
that your king is a hermit in comparison with the king of France;" and after
introducing a few remarks on the habits of his sovereign, he added, that when he became of
age, he spared his own treasures and extorted all the expenses of the war which he waged
against the king of England, from the churches, and chiefly from the monasteries.
Chapter 4: How
knightly exercises began to be practiced in England in the time of King Richard <to index>
[1] In the course
of the truce between these kings, those military practices, that is to say exercises in
arms which are commonly called tournaments, began to be celebrated in England; and the
king, who established them, demanded a small sum of money to be paid by each person who
wished to join in the sport. This royal exaction had no influence upon the willingness of
the young knights, who were fired with the love of arms, nor did it check their ardor, nor
prevent them from holding a solemn assembly for exercise; but it is notorious that a
military conflict of this kind is never held in England, for exercise alone and the
display of valor, without some quarrel arising; unless in the days of king Stephen, when,
through his unbecoming weakness, there could be no vigor in the administration of public
discipline. Moreover, in the times of the kings before him, and also in the time of Henry
II, who succeeded Stephen, these knightly exercises were altogether forbidden in England;
and those who, perchance, sought glory in arms and wished to join these sports, crossed
over the sea, and practiced them at the very ends of the earth.
[2] The
illustrious king Richard, therefore, considering that the French were more expert in
battle from being more trained and instructed, chose that the knights of his own kingdom
should be exercised within his own territory, so that from warlike games they might
previously learn the real art and practice of war, and that the French should not insult
the English knights as unskillful and uninstructed. Be it known, however, that exercises
in arms of this kind were prohibited by three general councils, under three venerable
pontiffs of Rome; wherefore pope Alexander, in the Lateran council, says, "Walking in
the footsteps of our predecessors of happy memory, popes Innocent and Eugenius, we
prohibit those detestable meetings from being held, which are called tournaments, in which
knights, by previous appointment, are accustomed to assemble and with rash audacity to
fight together, whence the deaths of men and the peril of souls frequently proceed. If any
of those knights, therefore, shall be mortally wounded there, although absolution may not
be refused where he demands it, yet let him be deprived of Christian sepulture."
Although such a solemn assembly of knights is forbidden by authority, under a heavy
censure, yet the fervor of those youths, who in their vanity seek glory in arms, and who
rejoice in the favor of kings, who desire to have expert soldiers, has treated with
contempt the provisions of this ecclesiastical decree, even to the present day.
Chapter 5: Of the
return of John to his brother <to index>
[1] At the same
time, John, the brother of the king of England, with great disgrace to himself, was
serving in the army of the king of France, against his own brother. While his brother
Richard was detained in Germany, he had been led astray, and enticed by the French king;
so that, having broken the laws of nature, he had associated himself with his brother's
enemies. As long as John had power, he was held in honor by the king of France; but when
he was deprived of the fortresses which he had received in England through the profuse
liberality of his father or his brother, and had become powerless (having nothing
wherewith to injure his brother), then the king of France despised him, as though he no
longer needed his assistance. But when John saw that his brother had not only returned in
safety to his own country, but was even prospering well, he sought at length to be
reconciled to him. So, at the mediation of their mother, he returned as a suppliant, and
was received with sufficient fraternal affection; and afterwards he performed military
service to him faithfully and valiantly against the king of France -- thus expiating
former errors by his late services, and completely recovering the love of his brother
towards him.
[2] Hugh de
Nonant, bishop of Chester, a man unstable in all his ways, who, being pricked by his evil
conscience, had fled from the face of the king of England into France, also appeased the
king with no small sum of money; and having recovered his bishopric, he afterwards took
care to make himself useful more in the affairs of the king than in the duties of his
pastoral office.
Chapter 6: How one
Stephen was deluded by a demon <to index>
[1] Let me in
this place commemorate what is reported to have happened to Stephen, the governor of
Anjou, shortly before the return of the king of England from Germany. This Stephen had
been raised by king Henry from a middle station to the greatest height in the government;
and during the life of that king had displayed prudence and moderation in his actions; and
he pleased king Richard, his son, so well, that when he was about to set out for foreign
countries, he entrusted him with the same administration of the same offices. Stephen,
however, conjecturing that a king of such a delicate constitution probably would not
return from the great and certain perils of such a very long and laborious pilgrimage, or
perhaps would never return, began, in his long absence, to exceed the limits of the power
entrusted to him, and to exercise himself in great matters, and in things too high for
him.
[2] Wishing,
however, to ascertain with the utmost certainty whether that prince would return to his
own country, by the persuasion of a certain familiar friend, he thought he would consult a
man of Toledo upon the subject, who was famous in curious arts; and he carried the reward
of divination in his hands. The diviner took the man, whom he intended to delude, into a
secret place, and exhibited to him a certain head, which was to be addressed by him,
saying, "Inquire from this head, but use few words, and be brief; for he makes no
response to a long speech and to many words." Then Stephen said, "Shall I see
king Richard?" and the evil spirit replied from the head, "No." Then he
asked, "How long will my administration last, which I received from the kings?"
The spirit answered, "Until thy death." Thirdly, he inquired where he should
die, and the response was, "In pluma." He was not permitted to inquire further;
but being dismissed by the sorcerer, he went away joyfully, to experience in due time the
fallacies of the demon which had been called up. He afterwards commanded his servants to
take every precaution not to bring anything made of feathers near him on any occasion
whatever, or to place anything of the kind under him; by this precaution promising himself
a very long life, since he was not to die unless "in pluma," or amidst feathers.
[3] So, from that
time, he began to act very confidently, as if he foreknew future events, to trample upon
his vassals, and to oppress a certain one especially of the nobles whom he suspected and
hated. This individual being unequal to him in force, fled from the face of the pursuer
into a certain castle that he had; but the governor surrounded the castle with his forces
to attack it; and he happened to be wandering rather carelessly about, with a few
attendants, for the purpose of ascertaining on what side it could most easily be taken,
when suddenly his adversary, whom despair stimulated to acts of daring, sallied out with
his men through a postern-gate, and seized his foe, who was thus delivered into his hands,
as if by the judgment of God. He joyfully carried him within the walls; and though he
offered a large ransom for his life, yet he was cruelly put to the torture, and killed.
But that castle was called "Pluma;" and the quibble of that delusive spirit was
obvious, when he foretold that the unhappy man should die "in Pluma."
[4] This is
similar to what happened long ago to Gerbert, the pseudo-pope. For he was devoted to
sacrilegious magic, and he inquired of a brazen head when he should die; and the reply
was, "When it shall be your duty to celebrate the mass in Jerusalem." So,
believing the response could not quibble, and thinking that he would never visit the holy
city Jerusalem, he began to live secure, as if he would never die, or, at least, would
live very long indeed; but being worthy to be deluded by the devil, he was ignorant that
there is a church at Rome called Jerusalem, where the Roman pontiff was accustomed every
year to celebrate the sacred mysteries in a solemn manner on the Sunday when the Psalm,
"Rejoice, O Jerusalem," is sung. Therefore, when he was required at the proper
season to perform the customary duty, he shuddered with horror at last, though too late,
at the fallacious response, and he experienced the truth of it.
[5] A similar
anecdote is also narrated of Alberic, formerly earl of Northumberland; who, when he was
great and powerful, not being content with his own station, went about to seek for higher
honor; and having consulted an evil spirit, by means of a certain follower of that
nefarious art, he heard that he should have "Graecia." At length, leaving all
that he possessed, he went towards the regions of the East and entered Greece upon the
faith of the oracle. After he had made a long stay in Greece to no purpose, and the Greeks
happened to hear that he had come to reign over them, they drove him out of their
territory, despoiled of all his goods, and they scarcely spared his life. After the lapse
of some years, wearied by toil and affliction, he returned to Normandy, and was received
with benignity by king Henry, on account of their old acquaintance; and he, wishing to
provide for the future welfare of his wearied friend, bestowed on him in marriage a noble
widow with all her patrimony. At the solemn benediction, the priest said to her,
"Lady Graecia are you content to have this man?" for so she was called; then he
recognized at last the astuteness of the delusive spirit, who had lifted up his covetous
mind with a vain hope, by foretelling that he should have "Graecia."
Chapter 7: How the
kingdom of the Normans in Sicily was overthrown <to index>
[1] In those days
the highly flourishing kingdom of Sicily (which from its commencement under Guiscard, for
more than a hundred years had retained its condition unchanged) was overthrown, more by
the malice of chance than by external violence, and passed away into the power of the
emperor of Germany, with the provinces annexed to it; that is to say, Campania, Apulia,
and Calabria. To set this forth distinctly, the commencement of the narration must be
taken up at a little earlier period.
[2] In the time,
then, of William the elder, who conquered the people of England, Guiscard, who was
descended from a family of moderate fortune in Normandy, finding that he gained but little
profit by doing military service to that king, and having confidence in his own valor, was
discontented with a humble station; and so he departed from his native country with a few
companions and set out for Apulia. After he had fought there with great reputation, men of
his own nation, poor and desirous of obtaining higher pay, were incited by his example,
and by degrees resorted to him, and he became their chief, But those persons for whom he
had fought a short time before began to malign and defraud him, and he subdued them in a
short time; and availing himself of his increasing fortune, he grew so powerful that he
reduced the opulent provinces of Apulia and Calabria under his power; and, by the
wonderful felicity of his success, he also obtained possession of the kingdom of Sicily.
Not content with this glory, he entered Greece in a hostile manner, and seized certain
provinces of the emperor of Constantinople; for, after encountering him in battle, he put
his forces to flight, and compelled him to escape ingloriously. The emperor again prepared
for war and drew together, far and wide, the forces of the empire while Guiscard received
a mandate from the Roman pontiff to bring, with the utmost celerity, assistance to the
church of St. Peter, which was assailed by the emperor of Germany; so he left his son
Bohemund in Greece; but not long afterwards he was poisoned by his wife, who had been
tempted by the same emperor; and thus, by an unhappy end, after so much felicity, he
showed how vain everything is that is of this world.
[3] He left,
however, to his sons the entire right to his extensive conquests; and they reigned after
him in much happiness and glory, terrible to the Greeks and Africans, and also beyond the
reach of the emperors of Germany. The succession continued in this most noble race until
William, the son of William, who, after he had married the daughter of Henry, the
illustrious king of England, had no children by her, and was carried off by an early
death. To him succeeded Tancred, the bastard, by the choice and election of the nobility
-- for all despised the government of the Germans. Moreover, Constantia, the aunt of the
deceased king, when the right of succession appeared to lie open to competitors, upon the
death of the king, had married Henry, the son of Frederick, emperor of Germany. He (when
his father died in the. expedition to the East, as it is set forth above) obtained the
imperial power by legitimate succession, and made it his study to bring the territory,
claimed by his wife, within the German rule. Having drawn together the forces of the
empire, he invaded Campania and Apulia and obtained several cities and many castles by
surrender; but when he besieged Naples, famous among cities, a pestilence arose in the
camp and cut off no small part of his numerous army; he himself and the rest escaping with
difficulty. His wife, however, in the meantime, who was residing at Salerno, fell into the
hands of the enemy; for the fleet of Tancred having arrived there and with the assistance
of the citizens (as it is said) put to flight the band of soldiers who were in attendance
upon the queen at that place; she was taken prisoner arid carried away into Sicily, where
she was treated with honor by king Tancred, and, after a short time, resigned to her
husband.
[4] When this
same emperor returned into Germany, he meditated a second expedition into Apulia to do
away with his previous defeat; and as there was not sufficient money for the expenses of
the war in his own treasury, he disgraced his empire by an inexpiable act of infamy.
Having accidentally discovered an opportunity whereby he might promote his future
expedition, he became forgetful of the honor of an emperor, and from a Christian ruler
became another Saladin; for, instigated by avarice, he made captive the illustrious king
of England, when he was returning unsuspiciously towards his own country from the East,
where he had labored much for Christ, as it is more fully related above; and thus England,
drained of its money, even to the holy chalices, provided the expenses of the war in
Apulia with sufficient disgrace to the empire. Though the king was released, yet his
hostages were retained in custody, because the fire of avarice, burning in the shameless
breast of the emperor, had not yet said to him, "It is sufficient." Therefore he
drew together innumerable troops from all parts of the empire, intending to enter the
frontiers of his enemies; but before this warlike irruption, it happened that king Tancred
and his sons yielded to the stroke of fate; nor was any male surviving of the royal race
who could presume to claim the vacant kingdom, especially as the hereditary right of his
wife was joined to the power of the emperor. Advancing, consequently, with an army, the
emperor, in the name of his wife, obtained without difficulty the opulent regions of
Apulia, Calabria, and Sicily. It is said that he granted pardon to those who had opposed
him under Tancred; but he smote with cruel castigation the citizens of Salerno, and ruined
that city, once so famous. The victorious Guiscard is said to have formerly done the like
to the citizens of the same city; assigning to them by this the palm of perfidy, and by
the example of punishment establishing discipline hereafter. Thus that noble kingdom,
which by male succession had stood so long immovable, failed by a female inheritor, and
fell, and thus passed away into a province of the German emperor, in the one thousand one
hundred and ninety-fourth year from the delivery of the Virgin.
Chapter 8: Of the
horrible death of the duke of Austria <to
index>
[1] In the one
thousand one hundred and ninety-fifth year from the delivery of the Virgin, Divine favor
began to smile upon the illustrious king of England, after he had experienced such great
misfortunes. For when, with much labor, he had prepared more than twenty thousand marks
for the duke of Austria, to be transmitted early, the persons whom he had given to the
duke as hostages for the payment of the sum exacted, suddenly presented themselves before
the king, having milk and honey on their tongues; for they announced that their wicked
enemy had been overwhelmed by the weight of Divine judgment, and they exhibited much joy
in proof of their announcement. They also related that before his death the land had been
stricken by the scourge of the same Divine power in many ways; so that from this it might
be perceived that judgment was then approaching him with no tardy foot, unless he should
speedily bring forth fruits meet for repentance; for he had been guilty of those many
evils which came upon the Christian kingdoms from that most unhappy captivity of the king
of England.
[2] For it is said
that some cities of that land were destroyed by fire, for which there was no certain
cause. The Danube, that very great river, overflowed as if in vengeance, and covered some
of the adjacent localities, with great destruction to the people. In the middle of summer
the whole of that region was dried up by an unnatural and unusual drought, and
unseasonably lacked the grace of its verdure; the seeds of the fruits of the earth, when
they ought to have sprung up, degenerated into worms, and a disease spread abroad like a
pestilence and consumed the nobles of that land. These events did not terrify his wicked
and avaricious heart, nor deter him from coveting the wealth of England yet more, though
he had already received many thousand marks from the captive king; and though he was under
an anathema pronounced by the Roman pontiff for those acts which he had committed against
the king of England, yet being urged on more strongly by avarice, he proudly derided that
sentence. Now the axe of divine punishment was put to the root of that evil tree: but
since it is written "Pride goeth before destruction, and a haughty spirit before a
fall" [Prov. 16:18], being enriched by the ransom of his noble captive, he convoked
the nobles of the land and resolved to celebrate the solemnity of the Nativity of the Lord
with much ostentation and glory.
[3] Accordingly, on
the first day he shone forth arrayed in splendor; on the next day, however, he rendered
glory to God; for on the nativity of St. Stephen [20 Dec.], after he had dined, he went
forth to tilt with his knights, and his horse happening to fall, threw his rider, and
crushed his foot so that the bones that were fractured broke through the skin, and
projected outside. The physicians, who were soon summoned, entertained some solicitude
about the cure of so great an injury, and applied those remedies which they thought
expedient. On the next day, however, the foot appeared so blackened, that the physicians
decided that amputation was necessary; and he himself, from the love of life, requested
that the operation should be performed; but there was no one, either physician or officer
of the household, or even his son, who would perform it. At last, his chamberlain was
called and compelled to this -- while the duke himself, with his own hand, applied an axe
to his shin bone -- he, by blows of a mallet,, struck off his foot in about three strokes.
The physicians then applied medicaments; and when they visited him on the following day,
they perceived, by no ambiguous signs, that he was at the gates of death; and by their
looks and words told him, "Set thy house in order, for thou shalt die, and not
live" [Isa. 38:1]. Thus left without hope, he sent for the bishops who had been
invited, and had come to the solemnity, and in the sight of his nobles he entreated to be
released from the bond of the anathema with which he was involved by the Roman pontiff. An
answer was returned by the whole of the clergy that he could by no means be absolved,
unless under the warranty of an oath that be would stand by the judgment of the church
with regard to the injuries which he had inflicted on the king of England; and that his
nobles, in like manner, should swear, that if, perchance, the judgment of the church could
not be carried into effect by him, they would, in every possible way, take care to provide
that nothing which might be decided should become void.
[4] After he had
solemnly confirmed this obligation, he received the gift of absolution; and soon after he
commanded that the hostages of the king of England should be set at liberty. After a short
time, his sufferings becoming more severe, he expired; and his son, who succeeded him,
wished also to become heir to his father's avarice; and lest the last will of his deceased
father should be fulfilled, he joined with several noblemen, and opposed it. Whence it
came to pass, by the laudable and invincible zeal of the clergy, that the body of the
great duke remained unburied for some days, which cast a stain upon his disobedient son.
At last, sorely troubled, he entirely released the hostages above mentioned, and wished to
deliver to them four thousand marks, to be carried back to the king of England; but they,
on account of the perils of the roads, preferred returning unburdened to their own
country; and hastening home with alacrity, they were the first to announce their own
deliverance. The king rejoiced at the news, gave thanks to God, and from that time is
considered to have lived more uprightly.
Chapter 9: What
came to pass, by God's disposal, in the province of Le Mans, for the correction of the
king of England <to index>
[1] Another event
is reported to have happened also at that time, in the province of Le Mans, which aptly
admonished the same king of his salvation. The thing is known to many; and we insert it in
our narration simply as it has been related to us by venerable men worthy of belief, who
protested that they received it from the bishop of Le Mans.
[2] A certain
man, one of the bishop's vassals, impelled by pious devotion, went to Spain to the shrine
of the blessed apostle James and returned home in safety. After a short time, burning
still more with the heat of faith and devotion, he desired to visit the sepulchre of the
Lord, a far more laborious pilgrimage. Bidding, therefore, farewell to his family, he
commenced his journey at a seasonable time. Once, when he was walking alone, a person of
enormous size and terrible countenance suddenly stood before him in the road. The man
being startled, with elevated hand, put on the armor of Christ. But the other, as if he
regarded not the sign of salvation, said, "Thou wilt in no wise be able, by this
means, to protect thyself from becoming mine; but if thou wilt fall down and worship me, I
will make thee rich and very famous." To this, the man, overcoming fear by boldness,
replied with freedom, "It is clear that thou art a being of evil omen; keep thy gifts
to thyself; for the bounty of God Almighty is sufficient for me, and Him alone do I
adore." Then the other said, "It behooves thee to have something of me even
against thy will;" and holding out, as it were, a cloak of slight material, he cast
it over the head of the man, and instantly, by its fiery contact, it burnt up his hair and
blackened also the skin of his head. Then the enemy, leaping forward, caught the trembling
man by the arm. But the man, when urged by such necessity as this, conscious of his recent
pilgrimage, called loudly upon St. James. The blessed apostle, reverend in his appearance,
soon visibly appeared, and with his powerful word rebuked the evil assailant; but when the
man was rescued from the hands of his raging enemy, he listened in safety to those words,
for the sake of which, as it is thought, that event befell him by the will of God.
[3] The apostle
said to the evil one, "Say who thou art, and what is thy business." Compelled by
this command, he replied, "I am an evil spirit, and hostile to the human race, and
skilled in a thousand arts of doing injury. It was I who achieved that great scandal and
downfall of the Christian possessions in the East. I it was who sowed detestable discord
between the Christian kings in the Land of Promise, so that nothing could be done by them,
nor could the work of God prosper in their hands. By the minister of my wickedness, that
is to say, the duke of Austria, I made captive the king of England on his return from
Syria, causing thereby manifold occasions of evil to Christian realms; and having
accompanied that king, as he was returning from captivity, towards his own land, I now
remain in these parts, and am frequently present at the royal couch, like a familiar
minister; and I keep a watchful guard over his treasures, which are laid up at
Chinon." Having spoken these words, the evil spirit disappeared; the apostle, also,
having comforted the man, retired to the secret abode of his own brightness. The man,
however, returned quickly to the city of Le Mans, and there unfolded all those events, in
their order, to the bishop and men of discretion; and in proof of his good faith, he
uncovered his head, which was deprived of hair, and exhibited his arm blistered by the
grasp of that pestiferous hand. After this was done, he resumed his intended journey in a
few days, Nor were these circumstances long hidden from king Richard; and being struck
with compunction, through fear of Him who touches the mountains and they smoke, under the
impulse of wiser counsel, from that time forth, as we have heard, he wished to render his
couch more chaste, and he bestowed larger alms out of his treasures to the needy.
Chapter 10: Of the
death of Hugh, bishop of Durham <to index>
[1] In these
days, Hugh, bishop of Durham, yielded to fate in the forty-second year of his episcopate.
And, indeed, of those chosen bishops, of whom the world was not worthy, we read of few
that held office for so long a period; but the bishops of our time, to whom the world is
not crucified, but dominant, and who know not how to say with the prophet, "Woe is
me, that my stay is prolonged," spend a short time only in works of piety, and grief
afflicts them when they are compelled to leave their wealth and their pleasures, in
proportion as their joy abounds, while they were in affluence. For that bishop, it is said
(I know not how deluded), while he was in prosperity, prophesied that his age would be
full of years, and, in the hearing of many, pronounced that he should pass ten years in
blindness; for his eyes would grow dark through old age; therefore, relying in security
upon the world, he found out, though too late, the falsehood of his opinion, when the
approach of death came suddenly upon him. Yet in this, whether any one deluded him, by
divination, or whether he, depending on his own opinion, from the consideration of his
good health, may have promised himself a very long life, is uncertain.
[2] However,
until his seventieth year, in which he died, and until the disease commenced by which he
was taken away, he is understood to have lived free from bodily pain, sound and healthy.
He was a man most prudent in the disposal of earthly affairs; and most eloquent, though
without much knowledge of literature. He thirsted after money and was full of knowledge of
the means how to acquire it. As a bishop, he was not content with spiritual power or
excellence, but he went about seeking secular influence; and with great loss of money that
belonged to the church, and which ought rather to have been applied to religious uses, he
sought for himself a great name, like that of the lofty ones of the earth. He delighted in
the construction of castles and the erection of noble buildings in many places; but the
more he studied to build upon the earth, the more remiss was he to build in heaven.
Moreover, he had been taken from the allurements of a secular life, and at an age
disallowed by the canons had been raised to the episcopacy, by reason of the nobility of
his family alone; and he studiously fulfilled that saying of Solomon, "And whatsoever
mine eyes desired, I kept not from them; I withheld not my heart from any joy."
Although he did not spare his wealth, but, lest any of the designs of his great mind
should fail, he indiscreetly poured out the wealth that he had accumulated with much
trouble, yet in other respects,he was much more given to heaping up than scattering
abroad.
[3] He was very
indulgent to lepers, and built for them that noble hospital, not far from the city of
Durham, with profuse liberality indeed, but partly by means which were not very honest;
applying, by his power, no small amount of other people's property to this devotional
purpose, lest his own might be too much burdened by the expenditure. Moreover, after the
destruction of the Christian population in the East, when the Christian princes and a
great number of people assumed the cross of the Lord, he also chose to be the companion of
their pious devotion. He afterwards, on Ash Wednesday, solemnly assumed the sign of the
Lord; and as a punishment for his sins, he changed his soft inner clothing for haircloth;
which, however, he did not wear for any length of time. Moreover, he did not neglect the
opportunity of even casting away his sacred character; and when he was warmly entreated by
the king, he by no means refused the solicitudes of public administration, as it was more
fully told in its place; and being after that craftily led on by the king, he purchased of
him the earldom of Northumberland, and paid him all the money he had scraped together
towards the expenses of his distant pilgrimage.
[4] After this
was done, and the king had departed for the East, he at last removed the sacred sign from
his shoulder; and in the new enjoyment of his two-fold honor of an old bishop and a young
earl, he magnificently displayed his power and glory until the return of the king; but
when he came back to his kingdom from captivity in Germany, the bishop observed that the
face of the king did not smile upon him, and he thought he could not pacify him in any
other manner than by resigning the earldom, which he had bought for a heavy sum and had
possessed for a short space of time. He was not, however, able to propitiate him; and he
afterwards found him grievous from his importunate exactions; for the king thought that
the money-bags of so great a bishop could not easily be exhausted, especially when he
offered large sums to redeem the earldom which he had formerly bought in vain. Afterwards,
the king, having resolved to pass beyond the sea, eagerly demanded by his royal power the
money which was offered to him, but without bestowing the earldom; the bishop thereupon
petitioned, by special messengers and by gifts, that the king, for the sake of the money
which had passed between them, would restore the earldom to him, or, if he did not restore
it, that he would desist from his exactions; but the king cleverly cajoling his man (as he
had done before), commanded him, by letters full of reverence, to come to London and pay
the sum he had offered; and, like a father of his country, he should henceforth be placed,
with the archbishop of Canterbury, as ruler of the whole kingdom.
[5] Elated by
this favor, the bishop with great joy commenced his journey to London. He arrived at one
of his own vills, which is called Creik, that Sunday [12 Feb.] when it is the custom of
priests to anticipate Ash Wednesday in Lent by a feast; and there he gorged himself beyond
the strength of his aged body, while his miserable stomach, which could enjoy nothing, was
compelled, by the enticement of savors from the number of dishes, to take them in until it
was overloaded. When he wished to be relieved of the excess of surfeit by an emetic, he
was made much worse by it. So, from that day, he gradually grew weaker; yet with obstinate
spirit he proceeded on his journey for some days, as far as Doncaster. As his disorder
increased, he was not able to struggle on any further, and was conveyed by water to
Hoveden, about the first Sunday in Lent [19 Feb.], and there he was confined to his bed.
As he was now despaired of, his disorder growing worse, he made his will, by the
persuasion of his friends who were present; and at this time, though late, he displayed
the fruits of repentance. He had but a slight sense of pain, as he said, though his
weakness gradually increased, and at length prevailing over him, he ended his life. When
be was dead, the temporalities of his bishopric being thereupon brought into the treasury
of the king's officers, who thoroughly examined all his secret boards, and applied
whatever was found to the king's service. Not even his servants and officers escaped from
inquiry; for, by the royal command, they were subjected to a strict examination, as though
they had plundered his goods; and each, according to his ability, was compelled to make
satisfaction out of his own substance.
Chapter 11: Of the
three illegitimate children of the same bishop, and of him who succeeded <to index>
[1] Moreover, the bishop in
question, while he was treasurer of the church of York, a short time before he was raised
to the episcopate, begot three illegitimate children by different mothers; but this
neither deterred him from seeking the office of bishop, through any respect for Divine
decrees, nor did it impede his election; for the canons of the church were loose, and the
men acted with indiscretion. St. Gregory, however, says, when writing to the clergy and
nobles of the city of Naples: "We have learned by the report of certain persons that
John, the deacon, who has been elected by the other party, has a little daughter.
Wherefore, if they had wished to act reasonably, they ought not to have elected him, nor
should he have given his consent, for with what presumption does he dare to approach the
office of bishop, when he is convinced that as yet he does not possess continence of his
person for any length of time, as his little daughter testifies?" If, therefore, that
man, by reason of one daughter, ought not to have aspired or been elected to the office of
bishop, much less ought this man to have done so, by reason of three little sons.
[2] Yet, having
obtained the episcopacy, he made it his study to advance to wealth and a great name, that
offspring which he begot before he became a bishop, through the allurements of carnal
affection. However, during his episcopate he had no more children. His first-born, whose
mother was of noble birth, chiefly loved the warfare which is of this world. The next in
order, by the provident care of his father, held possession of many churches, together
with the archdeaconry of Durham, yet more for the promotion of his pleasures than for any
utility to the souls of men. The third son, also, whom his father loved most tenderly, by
great trouble and expense on his part, became chancellor to the king of France, and by his
early death he deeply wounded the affection of his father. The second son (who survived
his father) was left by him in much earthly prosperity; but in the sixth month after his
father's death he proved the vanity and fallacy of that felicity by following his father.
[3] At the end of
a year from the death of that bishop, and after the bishopric had been despoiled in many
ways by the king's officers, Philip, a native of Aquitaine, accepted that see, with the
royal assent; for since he had been, for a long time, employed about the person of the
king, a partaker of his labors, and acquainted with his secrets, the king wished to
remunerate him nobly, as having merited highly from him; but, lest he might appear to
assume the honor to himself rather than to be called by God, as Aaron was, it was subtly
provided, and, by the untried but insatiable influence of the king, extorted from the
electors, lest any one should think of voting against him, that they should elect him who
was previously elected by the king, and that they should shadow forth the reality of the
royal choice by the public appearance of an ecclesiastical election. For many persons, who
aspire to ecclesiastical honors through the influence of the great, are accustomed to
submit to an appearance of an election, as if it were a fair one, though it has been
produced by terror, in order that they may avoid the charge of having manifestly thrust
themselves into office. But this they do in vain, since the apostle says, "Be not
deceived, God is not mocked: for whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also reap"
[Gal. 6:7].
Chapter 12:
How Hubert, archbishop of Canterbury, celebrated a council in the church of York, under
the name of legate; and of the dispute which exists between the archbishops of Canterbury
and York concerning the primacy <to index>
[1] The bishop of
Durham being dead, and the archbishop of York beyond the sea, to appease the anger of the
king, which had been vehemently kindled against him, Hubert, archbishop of Canterbury --
who possessed throughout all England not only regal power in the government of the
kingdom, but also apostolic rule in the management of the church -- went to the metropolis
of York to exhibit the glory of this united authority. By a mandate sent before him, he
commanded the prelates of the whole province solemnly to come and meet him and attend him;
and, suppressing for the time the name of primate, he entered the metropolitan Church in
great pomp and exercised great power in it, celebrating a council with magnificence, under
the name of legate of the holy see; and no one opposed or protested against it, because
all men were either stricken with terror, or were but little devoted to their own
metropolitan. When this was done, and his secular jurisdiction there also completed for
that time, he returned to his own province.
[2] Here, I
think, I should mention the reason or occasion about which the two metropolitans of
England have now contended during a long period of time. The archbishop of York is upheld
by the distinct authority of St. Gregory; who, in writing to Augustine, the bishop of the
Angles, says, "We wish the bishop of York to be subject to thee, my brother; but
after thy death let him preside over the bishops that he may have ordained, so that he
may, in no respect, be subject to the bishop of London." And he added, "Between
the bishops of London and York let there be hereafter this distinction in honor: let him
be esteemed the first who was first ordained." The bishop of Canterbury, however,
(whom St Gregory calls the bishop of London) asserts that this authority was abrogated at
a subsequent period; that is to say, when the Roman pontiff (as the venerable Bede
relates) ordained that most learned man, Theodore, as bishop over the church of
Canterbury, whom he also appointed as primate over all the bishops of England. His
successors for many ages are known to have been distinguished by the same prerogative;
whence it is clear that the prerogative was granted not to the person but to the church.
[3] On the part
of the archbishop of York, it is answered that St. Gregory established a manifest and
solid right, which at no time has been abrogated; although for a certain time, by reason
of the time itself, it was not in use, as if the right were dormant and might be revived
at the proper time. Forasmuch as the Angles had lately been converted to the faith of
Christ, according to the history of the truthful Bede, rude and unlearned bishops of that
nation had begun to preside over them; and in order to instruct such men, the Roman
pontiff, of necessity, with pious foresight, appointed the learned Theodore, not, indeed,
making void the decree of the most blessed father Gregory, but only consulting the times;
but the successors of Theodore either considered that they ought in like manner to yield
to the times, or when the times were better they were guilty of presumption; since the
bishops of the Angles, who presided over the church of York with a kind of rustic
simplicity took but little care of the prerogative of their own see, and, from the days of
Paulinus the bishop, neglected the use of the pall for many years. To this the archbishop
of Canterbury replies, "That, although the use of the pall was restored to the church
of York, many pontiffs of that church were notoriously subject to the jurisdiction of the
church of Canterbury, or to the archbishop, as their own primate." The archbishop of
York rejoins, "Although as the respect of temporal necessity could not generate any
prejudice to the right of the church of York, so neither could the simplicity or the
negligence of the bishops of that church do so, for St. Gregory willed that its right
should not be annulled, but be firm and perpetual."
[4] This vain
contention concerning the primacy thus involved the metropolitans of England in a long and
expensive labor. Each of them, however, most vainly writes himself "Primate of all
England"; yet neither possesses the power signified by this title. Whence it was that
the archbishop of Canterbury above-mentioned thought he would suppress the title of
primate, that he might be received by the church of York as legate of the apostolic see.
This title certainly was not sincerely suppressed, but because it could not be assumed, as
he could not come as primate. Truly, he might not have been favorably received, by reason
of his legation, if the clergy of that church had wished to make use of the privilege
which they had obtained some years before from the holy see, by which they and their
archbishop were exempt from the jurisdiction of any legate appointed in England. Doubtless
they dreaded him, not without cause, as one to be feared, and thought that he was one who
ought to be contended against cautiously by reason of his prerogative; and they preferred
to be subject to him as legate, whom they wished as a friend and patron, rather than
experience the pressure of a power against which they were unable to struggle.
Chapter 13: Of the
army of the Saracens that entered Spain from Africa <to index>
[1] In those
days, that is, in the one thousand one hundred and ninety-fifth year from the delivery of
the Virgin, the Christian kings of England and France were still laboring under the
disease of the bitterest hatred against one another; and, eager to commence hostilities,
could hardly endure to wait for the termination of the truce, by which their malice was to
a slight degree restrained. At this time a tremendous army of Saracens entered Spain, led
(as it is said) by a certain false philosopher of their own superstition, who promised
great things; and being joined by the Saracens in the country, and bringing destruction
with them, they rushed into the Christian provinces. These Africans -- emulating the
advancing fortunes of the oriental Saracens, who, under Saladin their chief, had invaded
the kingdom of Jerusalem, and extirpated the title of the Christian name from Arabia, and
almost from Syria also -- were desirous to equal them in valor and glory; and they
designed to expel or to destroy the neighboring Christian nations, and to subject the
whole of Spain to their degrading heresy. Their confidence was augmented because the times
seemed to favor them since the Christian kings of nearly all Europe were in a state of
dissension with one another, and so intent on fulfilling the nefarious impulses of their
own greediness, that scarcely any one of them could be expected to undertake military
service for the propagation or defense of the Christian faith in Spain. So, crossing the
strait which separates Africa from Spain, and uniting the forces of the Spanish infidels
to their own, they reveled in the Christian provinces with unbridled and sanguinary
audacity; but our people, who at first were astonished at the sudden irruption of this infinite multitude, soon recovered their spirits, and determined to try the fortune of
war.
[2] This land is
so spacious, that beyond the part which is possessed by the Saracens, and which is no
small one, it is ennobled by five Christian kingdoms, which are not undistinguished, and
which fought with various fortune against those unbelievers. Much blood was shed on either
side; but at length God was propitious to our people, and the hostile army, deprived of
the greater part of its strength, returned with dishonor to its own country to presume
less strongly, for the future, on the vain philosophy of their leader. The rumor of this
hostile irruption spreading far and wide, in a short time pervaded the whole of Europe,
and announced things still more atrocious, while the Christian population groaned deeply,
and with just complaint accused their princes, who, uninflamed with Divine zeal, did not
oppose themselves to the false faith which was gaining ground; but, according to the words
of the apostle, they were consumed one of another, biting and eating each other up. Thus
fighting among themselves they exhausted the Christian forces, which ought to be preserved
entire against the enemies of the Christian name. Nor were they admonished by the recent
example of the territory of Jerusalem, which fell most unhappily into the hands of the
Saracens, while our people were disputing among themselves. For it was not confidence in
his own power and strength that animated and assisted Saladin, that enemy of our holy
religion, against us, but the discord of our leaders, who appeared to rule the Holy Land,
and which he had craftily discovered.
[3] Yet this is
but little in comparison with our ancient losses, which in fact flowed from the
dissensions that enervated the strength of the Christians. For when the Roman republic was
flourishing of old, the empire of Christ was as great, yea, and even greater than the
empire of Rome; which, however, besides Europe, contained within its limits the most
celebrated and the most extensive provinces of Asia, with almost all Africa; yet, through
the intestine evils of Christian princes and people, it came to pass that the Arabians,
who are also called Saracens, grew strong, and filled the earth with their nefarious sect,
so that the Christian religion possessed but little space beyond the confines of Europe.
The same most pestilent error also crept into Europe from Africa, which was first
infected, and which, in turn, has stained no small part of Spain, even unto the present
day. For the sake of those who may happen to know nothing about it, I may explain, in a
few words, according to the tradition of our ancestors, the origin of this most debased
sect, and how it grew so strong as to corrupt so many nations and kingdoms.
Chapter 14: Of Mahomet the false prophet,
and of the law which he introduced through the spirit of error, and how the same law
infected many nations <to index>
[1] After the
times of the blessed pope Gregory -- when the Roman empire, which formerly extended from
the British ocean as far as the confines of Persia, was so wasted by the commotions of
tyrants and by civil wars, that it was hardly sufficient for its own defense against
foreign nations -- a pagan army of Persians, enraged against the Christians, occupied with
very little trouble certain of the eastern provinces of the Roman empire and of the
Christian religion which were destitute of troops. There followed in the track of the
Ishmaelites, who are correctly called Saracens, but more truly Hagarenes, a more consuming
pest, which, according to what is written, "That which the palmer-worm hath left,
hath the locust eaten" [Joel 1:4] -- persecuted the surviving Christians in the East
almost to the extremity of slaughter, acting under prince Mahomet the false prophet. He,
in his youth, passing through many regions for the sake of traffic, being of a sharp
apprehension, in frequent conversations with Christians and Jews, learned the ceremonies
and modes of worship peculiar to each religion; and that the familiarity and cooperation
of most evil spirits might not be wanting to aid him in fulfilling those schemes which he
had already conceived in his mind, he took care to become initiated in magical arts.
Instructed in these, and being a man wonderfully crafty and eloquent, he returned to his
own nation, for he was an Ishmaelite, intending to venture upon great deeds: and like that
evil beast in the Apocalypse, which "had two horns like a lamb, and spake as a
dragon" [Rev. 13: 11], in order that he might lead astray many by a lying appearance
of innocence and simplicity, he cast a shadow over the venom of his pestilent words.
[2] At length, by
words composed for seduction, and by the aid of magical arts, he so demented the queen of
his nation (for it was the custom of that people to be ruled by women) that she revered
him as the highest prophet of God, and wished to marry him. By this marriage with her he
obtained the supreme authority over that nation, and led away the people much more than
before, since they were not only influenced by reverence towards their prince, but also
believed that they would incur God's displeasure if they showed any remissness in obeying
his highest prophet in any respect. In all things which he enjoined the people, who had
been led away, or who might be led away by him, he assumed the person of the Deity as if
He spoke by him; and, by a deceitful imitation of the true prophets, he commenced with
"Thus saith the Lord;" and because, in the delivery of the holy law, he knew
that it was written, "The Lord spake to Moses, saying" -- that it might be
understood to be Divine, and not human, which was delivered by man, he also thought fit to
insert in his books, "The Lord spake to Mahomet his prophet, saying" -- in order
that what was feigned by him seductively might be thought to have the weight of Divine
authority.
[3] And when not
only his subjects, but many others also inclined towards him of their own free will, and
depended on his decision in all things, he was inflamed with the desire of extending his
dominion more widely under the pretext of propagating his religion; and, as if by the
precept of God, he assailed the neighboring nations. First, he invaded the Christian
provinces in the East; he next turned his arms towards the lands which are under the
government of Persia -- effecting by art and skill what he was unable to do by arms.
Although he appeared to be religious in all things, yet he studied, in every way, to lead
the conquered people to his own superstition, and to resign the ceremonies of their
country, inhibiting even the idolatry of the pagans whom he subdued; but he trampled down
the Christians, even to the extermination of the holy name. In this manner, in Egypt and
Libya Mesopotamia and Syria, realms of high renown, and in other provinces of the East, in
which the observance of the Christian religion formerly prevailed, it declined before the
predominance of the Arabians, even until it was nearly extinct.
[4] When this
plague-bearer, sent by God, had gone on prosperously in his inventions according to the
desires of his heart, and the form of the new Antichrist, deceit being measured out by his
hand, he considered, by the suggestion of the delusive spirit, the mode by which he might
spread the venom of delusion more widely, and draw men into his net more strongly: he
incorporated by oaths into one body the people whom he had led astray. Therefore, in this
crafty vanity he composed new laws for living, and new ceremonies for sacred worship; and,
in the most artful manner, he contrived that what appeared to be a Divine sanction should
be obtained for his ministry, as if it were prophetic.
[5] A camel of
elegant form had been privately fed from its earliest years, and was accustomed to receive
its food from his hands alone; he suspended from its neck his sacrilegious volume, and
sent it away before daylight. The animal, delighted at its liberty, to which it had never
been accustomed, and fleeing from the touch of all who came near it, roamed over the
plains. A report soon spread that a most beautiful camel had appeared, carrying mysteries
on its neck. The people ran together to behold this unusual sight ; and the affair was
reported to him also, who was the inventor of this nefarious contrivance. He went forth,
as if to see the miracle. The animal, observing its feeder at a distance, ran up, and
kneeling down licked the well-known hands. The people exclaimed that the merit of the
prophet was clear; they requested that the volume might be received into his sacred hands,
and that whatever mystery it might contain should be laid open. When it was open, he said,
"Behold, this is the law, written not with the ink of man, but by an angelic hand;
which God Almighty sends from heaven by this animal to our nation to be observed
perpetually. This book will teach you how to serve God, and what great things you may hope
from Him by observing his law." In this manner, under the name of religion, he
promulgated the sacrilegious inventions of his own heart, and appointed that the day on
which this had occurred should be solemnly observed every year; and, as we have heard, the
day is called by the Saracens the "Feast of the Camel," and is preceded by a
fast of one month.
[6] Since he had
learned equally the traditions of the Christians and the Hebrews, he inserted some of each
into his own inventions, lest it might be difficult to place confidence in him, if he
preached or sanctioned practices which were altogether unusual. For example, that he might
please the Jews, he prohibited men from eating the flesh of swine; and because Ishmael,
the patriarch of his race, was circumcised, he admitted the rite of circumcision. Also, in
a kind of sacrilegious imitation of our baptism, he instituted frequent washings of the
whole body in water, as if for expiation. He embraced and taught the first part of the
apostolic sentence, "Not in rioting and drunkenness, not in chambering and
wantonness" [Romans 13:13]; but the rest of it he relaxed, through indulgence that
was agreeable to the lascivious: for, as he was a man whose libidinous habits were
flagrant, lest he should seem to do one thing and to teach another, he allowed his
followers every indecency of carnal lust, impudently and mendaciously pretending that a
good God would not be angry at such things; and by this foul and shameful license he
conciliated that obscene nation. He held in abomination gluttons and drunkards, who are
grievous to the whole earth, and he taught sobriety; he scoffed at the delights of the
table, and interdicted the use of wine, except on a few fixed and solemn days. Whence it
is, that while the Saracens are most filthy in the torrent of their lusts, through the
indulgence of their deceiver, as it has been said, they are admitted to be superior to our
people (oh sorrow!) in frugality; and they reproach us (oh shame!) for our filthiness in
feasting and drunkenness. That mallet of the Christian name, Saladin, some years ago, when
he inquired into the mariners of our people, and heard that they usually had many kinds of
meat at dinner, said, that such men were unworthy of the Holy Land. Whence it is certain,
that when the luxury of our people was discovered, it incited arid animated the Saracens
against us, for they gloried in their frugality, and seemed to say, "God has departed
from those surfeited men; let us pursue and take them, for there is none that can deliver
them."
[7] Of the same
Saladin I will also relate a memorable anecdote, in few words, which I heard from a man of
veracity, and by which it will appear how subtle was this scoffer at our religion in the
commendation of his own sect. Two monks of the Cistercian order, who had been taken
captive by Turkish robbers, were once presented to him. Understanding from their unusual
habits that they were a class of Christians that professed philosophy, he inquired,
through an interpreter, who they were, and of what condition or profession? They replied
that they were monks who professed the rule of the blessed father Benedict. He made many
inquiries about the institutes of that rule; and when, among other things, he heard of
their celibacy, he inquired if they drank wine, and ate meat. They replied that at all
times they had a certain small allowance of wine for their use, but they were not
permitted to eat meat, unless by reason of necessity or infirmity. Then he commanded them
to be committed into custody of a more indulgent kind, and that animal food only should be
supplied to them, with water to drink, for their maintenance, by two women, of comely
appearance, who were deputed to wait upon them. They ate the meat and drank the water; and
following the example of the blessed Job, they made a covenant with their eyes, that. they
would by no means think of sin, but with sobriety for their companion they abstained from
discourse, being careful guardians of their own chastity.
[8] When Saladin
was informed of this, he commanded the meat and water to be changed for fish and wine;
and, indeed, if he did this with the intention that is spoken of by Solomon [Prov. 31:6],
"Give wine to him that is of heavy heart; let him drink and forget his poverty",
then it was done of a good purpose; but he was craftily laying a snare for them, that by
his art he might delude their simplicity, and from this cast a calumny on their religion.
So they drank the wine; and while the women encouraged them to assuage their sorrow by a
rather more indulgent draught, they by no means kept that apostolic rule, "Use a
little wine for thy stomach's sake" [1 Tim. v. 23], for what is sufficient for the
stomach is too little for hilarity; but when with hilarity forgetfulness of virtue crept
in, the truth of that sentence of Solomon concerning wine became clear, for its beginning
is pleasant, "but at the last it biteth like a serpent " [Prov. 23:32]. At
length, they fell into the arms of the designing women. In the morning, when the effect of
the wine was gone off, and their sinful state discovered, they wept bitterly, and, moist
with tears, were brought forward at the command of the contriver of this scheme, who said
to them, "Why are you more sad than usual?" "Because," said they,
"we have sinned grievously, being overcome with wine." Then said be, "When
you fed on flesh, and drank water, you cautiously kept your purpose; but without eating
flesh, when you were intoxicated with wine, you were found to be betrayers of your rule
and of your purpose. From this it appears, that the author
of your philosophy, Benedict, was not very wise, since he forbade you to eat meat, by
which the stability of the mind is not in the least disturbed, and gave you the use of
wine, by which the vigor, even of the strongest reason, is enervated, as you have proved
by your recent example. Therefore, was not our philosopher and legislator more prudent,
who prohibited to us the use of wine, and indulged us in eating meat, which is never
harmful? But what expiation is there among your people, when you have broken your
vows?" Then they said, "Penance and satisfaction, according to the judgment of
our senior." "Therefore," said he, "you cannot make expiation among,
us return to your own people for expiation according to your rites," and he dismissed
them freely to return to their homes.
[9] He was a man imbued inveterately with
that pestilential doctrine, and quick in scoffing at what he did not understand; and so he
seemed to sport with those men, and attempted to jest at wholesome doctrine, of which he
was ignorant, carping with blind vanity at a man who was full of the Spirit of God; of
whom the blessed Gregory said that he had written a rule for monks excellent in
discretion, and clear in its expression. For, in truth, it was a proof of excellent
discretion, that for those who were engaged upon a sacred warfare, he took care to
restrain the delights of the table, which soften and relax the mind; and, according to the
apostolic form of words, he wished to permit the moderate use of wine, by which the feeble
flesh is revived, and the mind is not burdened.
[10] That pestiferous sect, which took its
beginning through the spirit of error, and of that son of perdition, as I have said, after
it had infected many provinces through the art and arms of its author, after his death, by
the operations of Satan, grew yet stronger, and occupied the greater part of the world:
for that pestilential man left disciples at his death, who were the inheritors of his
skill and power. By these the Persians (at that time the most powerful of all nations)
were afterwards subdued, and yielded to the rule of the Arabs, with the whole extent of
their empire; and when they were subdued, they were led astray to receive their
superstition, which was disguised under the name of religion, and under the semblance of
piety. In process of time, the Arabians, who were also called Saracens, after going in a
hostile manner to other parts of the world, for the sake of propagating their
superstition, or of extending their rule, laid siege to Constantinople. This city, with
the provinces of Greece and Thrace, was successfully defended, but with difficulty; so
they passed over into Africa, and, without much opposition, invaded rather than attacked
those extensive provinces in that continent, which had been under the Roman government,
but which were exhausted by civil wars; and they possess them even unto this day, after
exterminating our holy religion. For from the time of Constantine the Great the liberty of
Christian worship prevailed far and wide in Africa; and those most valiant champions of
our faith, the glorious doctor and martyr, Cyprian, and Augustine, that most brilliant
vessel of Christian wisdom, flourished there.
[11] Nor was that faithless race content
with such success; for with perverse fury invading Spain, which is divided from Africa by
a strait of no great width, they occupied a considerable part of it, which they possess at
the present day, as an appendage for the occupation of their degrading heresy. They also
passed over the Pyrenean mountains, by which France and Spain are divided, and advanced
against the fierce valor of the French; hoping and designing, while fortune favored them,
to bring the whole of Europe into their error, and under their rule, like as they had done
to other countries. But Almighty God -- whose judgments are a deep abyss, and who, when he
pleased, has set bars and doors to so boisterous a sea, and has said, "Hitherto shalt
thou come, but no further; and here shall thy proud waves be stayed" [Job 38:11] --
He opposed an impenetrable obstacle to their rage, as they were spreading over the realm
of France; for the Roman empire was sinking, and the French had made preparations, a short
time before, to receive this attack. The Arabians, unable to proceed any further, were
driven back into Spain.
[12] Having thus explained how the wicked
pest of the Hagarenes came first from the regions of the East into Africa and Spain, whose
obscene progeny in our days, following the example of the faithless Orientals, has blazed
forth with a new impulse against the Christians who reside in Spain, we now return to the
order of our history.
Chapter 15: Of the war that was renewed
between our kings, after the termination of the truce <to index>
[1] The time of the truce being fulfilled, the illustrious
kings of France and of England, as they had made a treaty of peace without any judgment,
began in the month of July to renew the war with all their forces, although the nobility
of both realms studied much to much to sow the seeds of concord. The cause of this unhappy
perverseness was because the king of France could not be influenced by counsel, or respect
of honor, to resign to the king of England those possessions which he had usurped from his
jurisdiction, contrary to the law of nations, while he was detained in Germany; and the
king of England thought it unseemly for him to make peace while his territories were thus
mutilated. Thus peace was rendered hopeless, even for the future; and they met with their
forces in a valley which is called Rulli. This valley is not far from Rouen, and it was
under the jurisdiction of the king of England; but when his misfortune in Germany befell
him, like many other places, it fell into the hands of the king of France, along with its
castle.
[2] After both armies had remained there for some
days in their camps with the expectation of a battle, separated only by a moderately broad
trench and by a river that flowed between them; as the castle was difficult to defend, it
seemed advisable to the king of France to destroy it, and then to retreat and preserve his
forces entire, until the arrival of a more opportune time for battle. So he labored day
and night in undermining the center tower and the walls, while he craftily suspended the
attack of his adversaries, by treating deceitfully for peace; but the king of England,
perceiving the deceit from the sudden fall of the center tower, which had been undermined,
with great spirit ordered the troops to prepare for battle. Upon this the French army,
without awaiting the risk of battle, marched off, but with their ranks in good order, that
they might appear to retire with prudence, and not to flee away with disgrace. The king of
England crossed the river with his troops, but did not choose to pursue those who were
retreating; but content for the time with his bloodless success, he gave his attention to
the repairs of the castle. In this war the king of France, as we have heard, did nothing
memorable, but the favor of propitious fortune smiled upon the king of England; for, by
the aid of the stipendiary soldiers (whom they call "Rutae"), he stormed and
took Issoudun, with some other fortresses, and notably extended his confines into the
province of Berri, thus compensating for his losses in Normandy. By the same mercenaries
he also took prisoner the count of Auvergne, who had formerly deserted, and he made
himself master of his fortresses. Then, through the endeavors of good men, a truce for two
months was agreed upon, in order that the vintage might be attended to; and many men who
had previously shone in arms were less fiercely employed, to the end that, in the space of
time, deliberations might be held concerning a truce, which, by the favor of God, might be
either converted into a firm peace, or be at least continued for some years.
Chapter 16: How the king of England was exculpated by
the letters of the Old Man of the Mountain from the murder of the marquis <to index>
[1] In these days came letters to the
princes of Europe from the Old Man of the Mountain; for so were the princes of a certain
Eastern nation, called Hansesisi, named in succession, not on account of age, but rather
for wisdom and gravity. Of this prince and people we have made more full mention above,
when we described the death of Conrad, marquis of Montferrat, who it was believed had been
slain by them. These letters were composed in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin characters, and
were written, not with ink, but in a manner most unwonted -- with the blood of the mussel,
as they themselves stated. A trustworthy man has assured me that he had both seen and read
these letters when they were solemnly presented to the king of France, when resident at
Paris; the contents of which were as follows:
[2] "The Old Man of the Mountain to
the Princes, and all the People of the Christian Faith, greeting:
"Whereas we have heard that the murder of the marquis of Montferrat has been
attributed by many to the illustrious King Richard of England, as if he had been put to
death by his contrivance, on account of some private grudge which had sprung up between
them during the time when each was holding an appointment in the East -- it concerns our
honor, in order to clear the said king's fame, blackened by the suspicion of a false
crime, to declare the truth of this affair, which has hitherto remained concealed with
ourselves. We are unwilling that the innocence of any one should suffer through our acts;
but while we inflict no undeserved injury on the innocent, we, by God's help, will not
suffer those who have offended against us to triumph long in the wrongs wrought against
our sincerity. We signify, therefore, to the whole of you, calling Him to witness by whom
we hope to be saved, that the marquis came by his death through no plot of the king; but
indeed, in that he had offended us, and being admonished had failed to amend, he perished
justly by the hands of our agents, pursuant to our will and command. For it is our custom
first to admonish those who have in any wise acted injuriously to ourselves or our
friends, to make reparation unto us; and then, if they treat our admonition with contempt,
to exact the full measure of revenge at the hands of our servants, who serve us with so
much devotion, as to feel no doubt of being gloriously rewarded by God if they should fall
in the execution of our commands. We have also heard it publicly reported of the king,
that he had induced us (as though we were anything but honest and trustworthy) to send out
certain of our people, to lie in ambush for the king of France -- which is beyond all
doubt false, and all invention of the most causeless suspicion, seeing that he has, God
knows, never attempted anything of the kind against ourselves; and that we, out of regard
for our own honor, would suffer no evil to be plotted against a man who was undeserving of
such treatment at our hands. Farewell."
[3] As soon as the king of France had
heard these letters solemnly recited before him, he is reported to have said that the king
of England stood most honorably acquitted of so infamous a charge, and that he could,
without difficulty, enter into league with him for the future, as he had been prejudiced
against him for no other reason stronger than a suspicion concerning the murder of the
marquis, his dearest friend. In saying these things he made no mention of a matter by
which he was, beyond a doubt, the more readily induced to enter into alliance with the
king of England; forasmuch as he, as it is said, aspired to the hand of his sister, who
had been the consort of the king of Sicily, but of which he, however, failed to gain
possession. For many noble ladies, fearing the recent example of the Danish maiden (to
whom, after one night of wedlock, he had given a writing of divorce, foully and with much
scandal putting her away), spurned his alliance.
[4] And besides; in addition to the
daughter of the count palatine, of whom mention has been made above, he was cozened out of
a marriage which he had earnestly desired and looked forward to, with another most noble
damsel of the German empire, in this wise. She, albeit another powerful person bad greatly
desired her hand, was conducted by her parents, who gave the preference to the petitions
of royalty, with much pomp into France, and upon crossing the frontiers of her former
suitor's domains, she threw herself, of her own accord, into his hands; by whom being,
according to her wish, retained, and solemnly married, she disappointed the king's
desires. Moreover, the king of Denmark, taking to heart the dishonor done to his divorced
sister, made allegation to the apostolic see, by fitting agents, that the divorce had not
been properly conducted, but managed by means of lies in favor of the French king; and
having, by the production of genealogical evidence, established the fact that the kings of
France and Denmark were not allied by any kindred or affinity, he earnestly demanded that
judgment should be given to the effect that the divorce had been devised so as to let the
king of France escape from the holy ordinance of matrimony. But it was in vain; for the
fear or the favor of the French king prevailed. Finally, after this, the same king,
meeting with no hindrance either front the fear of God or the vigor of the church, took to
wife the daughter of a certain German duke, if, indeed, she may be called his wife, who
appears more properly to have been his concubine, and to have been an intruder rather than
a married woman.
Chapter 17: Of the warlike commotion that followed the
truce between the kings, and how they entered into a treaty at Issoudun <to index>
[1] The truce being thus concluded, on
which occasion it might be imagined that the hearts of the kings could have been easily
softened to conciliation, their fury rekindled by certain weighty matters; and at the
instigation of the devil it burst into flame, and all hope of peace faded away. Winter was
come; and the solemn harbinger of Christmas, which is called the Lord's Advent, was even
at the gate. But neither the severity of the winter, nor the religious attributes of the
season, availed aught against their greedy desire to do evil; the Christian people were
wasted by rapine, murder, and fire; and might most justly have lamented and cried of their
rulers unto the Lord of lords -- "They persecute him whom thou hast smitten, and they
have added unto the pain of my wounds." For at this time they were laboring under the
discipline of the Lord, and the anger of God was not as yet turned away; but his hand was
outstretched still. And besides this, the third year of a mighty famine, which had
oppressed nearly the whole of Europe, now became heavier than in the two preceding years.
Whereupon the cruelties of warfare began to rage on every side.
[2] The king of France, well assured that
the king of England was elsewhere engaged, laid siege to the town of Issoudun, hoping to
be able to carry it by storm, before his adversary (who was at a distance) could come up
with him; but he was disappointed in his expectation, for he found the town well provided
with arms and provision. As soon as he approached the walls, in order to strike terror
into the defenders, he swore with petulant vanity that he would not depart thence until
the town was taken, while the valorous men, who were standing, upon the walls, did not
hesitate, it is said, to swear with gallant confidence to the contrary. During some days
the siege was carried on with vehemence, but with the greater loss on the part of the
besiegers.
[3] In the meantime the king of England,
having received the news, hastened thither with alacrity; preceding with his lighter
troops the bulk of his forces, which had received orders to follow him. He entered the
city in safety; for the besiegers offered no opposition to him; but rather, as it were,
preparing a passage for him. And now, he led out his troops in battle-array with high
courage to the field; and the hearts of the French, on seeing their own inferiority in
strength, sank within them. That day, forsooth, might have declared who should be the
victor of this long-protracted contest, had not the prudence of the French cautiously
considered the consequences which would result to themselves. For they were too weak to
fight, and they honorably refused to flee, while they could scarcely hope to elude their
fierce enemy, who pressed upon their rear from their own territories, even if they should
attempt to escape either by valor or a dishonorable flight. Therefore, they persuaded
their lord -- placed as he was in such a strait -- to decline the dubious hazard of a
battle, and to deign to accept an honorable peace. The French king (it must be confessed)
was in the extreme rear of his army, which had changed its front, as if about to retreat,
and which was valiantly and skillfully opposed to the van of their pursuers; whereas the
king of England marched at the head of his men.
[4] When the king of France had, by the
agency of his nobles, demanded a parley, they met each other on horseback, at a little
distance between the two armies, which halted to await the issue of the conference. Having
thus conversed for a short space alone and without witnesses, they, unhelming their heads,
cast themselves into each other's arms, in full view of their respective hosts. A mighty
rejoicing of the forces, unstained with mutual blood, followed this agreement between,
their chieftains, and the sweet name of peace was repeated in loud acclamations. These
occurrences took place by God's favor on the nones of December [5 Dec. 1195], and the
people returned joyfully to their own homes, converting their warlike designs into the
study of peace and the celebration of the approaching solemnity of Christmas. The princes,
however, kept to themselves the terms of peace, which they had secretly determined on
between themselves, and which was to be proclaimed at the time which they had agreed upon.
For, surely, they could not, with befitting honor, again solemnly meet together for the
confirmation of so great a business before the festivities of Christmas had been duly
accomplished.
Chapter 18: How the
kings proclaimed the treaty which had been agreed upon, which did not last long; and of
the commotion in Brittany <to index>
[1] In the one thousand one hundred and
ninety-sixth year from the delivery of the Virgin, the month of January being now begun,
the princes, attended by a vast concourse of nobles, met together on the confines of their
dominions in solemn conclave, when that which they had privately arranged between
themselves was publicly declared and confirmed. The king of France resigned to the king of
England, Arques, Eu, Aumale, Neufchatel, and those other places which he had usurped from
his jurisdiction during the period of his imprisonment in Germany, except Gisors and some
other castles; for the retention of which, by the assent of the king of England, the king
of France remitted unto him all those towns in his jurisdictions which had fallen into his
hands by the fortune of war -- to wit, Tours, famous for the body of St. Martin, the city
of Issoundun, and many other fortresses, both in Berri and Auvergne. Any future
misunderstanding between the two princes was likewise cautiously provided against by a
penal statute affecting the infringer of these agreements. But every precaution proved
futile in strengthening the proposed peace, as was soon plainly manifested.
[2] At last, the king of France repenting
of what he had done, and indignant with those of his subjects who had proffered peaceful
counsels, became more inclined to break than preserve the treaty; while the king of
England, content with no compensation for the mutilation (however trifling) of his
frontiers, found, it is said, in the very formula of the prescribed peace, the means and
opportunity of irritating the French king to infringe it. So once more did the rage for
war break out between the princes, to whose impulse neither the sacred seasons of Lent and
Easter, nor the inclemency of the weather, which was more severe and lasting than usual,
nor the famine which was raging beyond measure throughout the provinces, could oppose any
obstacle, sufficient to induce them to suspend for awhile their anger which had been for a
time mollified by the persuasions of their friends, and, in the interval of a truce, await
the fitting season when kings should go forth to battle.
[3] An insurrection at this time also,
against the king of England by the Bretons, who were bringing up among themselves the boy
Arthur, under the mighty omen of his name, furnished an additional inducement to the king
of France to try once more the fortunes of war. For when king Richard demanded the
tutelage of his nephew, then ten years old, until he became of legal age, in order that he
might the more straitly bind Brittany in his interest against external events, the Breton
nobles, resenting this more out of suspicion than precaution, and exerting themselves
strongly in favor of the boy, departed with him from the face of his advancing uncle into
the innermost parts of Brittany. But the progress and issue of this Breton revolt shall be
more fully set forth in its own place.
Chapter 19: Of the
sudden death in England of the abbot of Caen <to index>
[1] At this time king Richard sent the
abbot of Caen into England from the parts beyond the sea, armed with authority to inquire
narrowly and searchingly into those matters which concerned the revenue. Now this abbot
was in literature but little skilled, but in temporal concerns eminently wise and
eloquent; wise (I say) according to that text, "The children of this world are wiser
in their generation than the children of light" [Luke 16: 8]; for, whereas, having
been raised from the discipline of the cloister to the rule of the monastery, he,
according to the apostolic words, "No man that warreth [for God] entangleth himself
with the affairs of this life" [2 Tim. 2:4], by avoiding all secular business, should
have shown himself a child of light, yet, by undertaking and busying himself with such
affairs, he manifested himself to be a child of this world, either little heeding, or
refusing to understand -- as he might well have done -- how inconsistent with the
profession of a monk and the duty of an abbot was this sinful action.
[2] At last, having by constant
obsequiousness obtained the prince's favor under the color, it is said, of fidelity and
devotedness, he thought fit to suggest to him that much loss was inflicted on his treasury
through the dishonesty of the royal officials, by the discovery and punishment of which
the revenue might be doubled without any additional pressure upon the provinces. The
prince lent a willing ear to these words and besought him to undertake the management of
this scheme, and furnished him with authority to sail over into England. Whereupon,
acceding with devotion to the royal petition or command, he came to London to the
archbishop of Canterbury, who was in charge of the kingdom, and signified to him the
king's wishes, and the power which he himself had to carry out the royal desires. Albeit
the archbishop of Canterbury did but little approve of the design, yet he did not think it
his duty to gainsay the fulfillment of his appointed office. Thereupon the royal mandate
went forth throughout England, that the sheriffs of the provinces should meet on a certain
day in London to render up an account of their administrations before the abbot.
Meanwhile, boastful and ostentatious of his power, he tarried during Lent in London, fated
never to behold the festivities of Easter, nor to reckon accounts with those whom he had
summoned after Easter, but destined to render up before Easter an account of his own
stewardship to the Judge on high; and the more prepared he was to reckon accounts with
others, the less so was he to furnish his own: for but a few days after his arrival in
England he departed out of the world; and those persons who had dreaded his coming
sorrowed not at his departure.
Chapter 20: Of a
conspiracy made in London by one William, and how he paid the penalty of his audacity <to index>
[1] Between the death of the above-mentioned abbot at
London, and the violent end of a certain person who had lately risen into notice,
designing great events, but very few days intervened. By the decrees of fate neither of
them beheld the Easter rejoicings, while death separated but by a brief interval those who
resembled each other by the similarity of their cause and designs. For the abbot, in his
search after the king's profit and the tranquillity of the provinces, deemed it requisite
to chastise the dishonesty and unbridled avarice of the royal officials, whereas this man,
being a citizen of London, as if under color of fealty to the king, took upon himself to
plead the cause of the poor citizens against the insolence of the rich, alleging in
powerful terms -- for he was most eloquent -- that at every royal edict the rich spared
their own fortunes, and imposed by their power the entire burden on the poor, and so
defrauded the king's treasury of a large amount. He was born in London, and was named
William, having a surname derived from his Long Beard, which he had thus cherished in
order that he might by this token, as by a distinguishing symbol, appear conspicuous in
meetings and public assemblies. He was of ready wit, moderately skilled in literature, and
eloquent beyond measure; and wishing, from a certain innate insolence of disposition and
manner to make himself a great name, he began to scheme new enterprises, and to venture
upon the achievement of mighty plans.
[2] At last, a cruel and impudent act of
his against his own brother served as a signal for his fury and wickedness against others;
for he had an elder brother in London from whom, during the period, when he was at school,
he had been accustomed to solicit and receive assistance in his necessary expenses: but
when he grew bigger and more lavish in his outlay, he complained that this relief was too
tardily supplied to him, and endeavored by the terror of his threats to extort that which
he was unable to procure by his entreaties. Having employed this means in vain, his
brother being but little able to satisfy him (owing to his being busied with the care of
his own household) -- and raging, as it were, for revenge, he burst out into crime; and
thirsting for his brother's blood after the many benefits which he had received from him,
he accused him of the crime of high treason. Having come to the king, to whom he had
previously recommended himself by his skill and obsequiousness, he informed him that his
brother had conspired against his life -- thus attempting to evince his devotion for his
sovereign, as one who, in his service, would not spare even his own brother; but this
conduct met with derision from the king, who probably looked with horror on the malice of
this most inhuman man, and would not suffer the laws to be polluted by so great an outrage
against nature.
[3] Afterwards, by favor of certain
persons, he obtained a place in the city among the magistrates, and began by degrees to
conceive sorrow and to bring forth iniquity. Urged onward by two great vices, pride and
envy, (whereof the former is a desire for selfish advancement, and the latter a
hatred of another's happiness) and unable to endure the prosperity and glory of certain
citizens, whose inferior he perceived himself to be, in his aspiration after greatness he
plotted impious undertakings in the name of justice and piety. At length, by his secret
labors and poisoned whispers, he revealed, in its blackest colors to the common people,
the insolence of the rich men and nobles by whom they were unworthily treated; for he
inflamed the needy and moderately wealthy with a desire for unbounded liberty and
happiness, and allured the many, and held them fascinated, as it were, by certain
delusions, so closely bound to his cause, that they depended in all things upon his will,
and were prepared unhesitatingly to obey him as their director in all things whatsoever he
should command.
[4] A powerful conspiracy was therefore organized in London, by the
envy of the poor against the insolence of the powerful, The number of citizens engaged in
this plot is reported to have been fifty-two thousand -- the names of each being, as it
afterwards appeared, written down and in the possession of the originator of this
nefarious scheme. A large number of iron tools, for the purpose of breaking the more
strongly defended houses, lay stored up in his possession, which being afterwards
discovered, furnished proofs of a most malignant conspiracy. Relying on the large number
who were implicated by zeal for the poorer classes of the people, while he still kept up
the plea of studying the king's profit, he began to beard the nobles in every public
assembly, alleging with powerful eloquence that much loss was occasioned to the revenue
through their dishonest practices; and when they rose up in indignation against him in
consequence, he adopted the plan of sailing across the sea, for the purpose of lamenting
to the king that he should have incurred their enmity and calumny in the execution of his
service.
[5] On his return to his own home again he
began afresh, with his accustomed craftiness, to act with confidence, as if under the
countenance of the royal favor and to animate strongly the minds of his accomplices. As
soon, however, as the suspicion and rumor of the existence of this plot grew more and more
confirmed, the lord archbishop of Canterbury, to whom the chief custody of the realm had
been committed, thinking disguise no longer expedient, addressed a congregation of the
people in mild accents, refuted the rumors which had arisen, and, with a view to remove
all sinister doubts on the subject, advised the appointment of hostages for the
preservation of the king's peace and fealty. The people, soothed by his bland address,
agreed to his proposal, and hostages were given. Nevertheless, this man, bent upon his
object, and surrounded by his rabble, pompously held on his way, convoking public meetings
by his own authority, in which he arrogantly proclaimed himself the king or savior of the
poor, and in lofty phrase thundered out his intention of speedily curbing the perfidy of
the traitors.
[6] The pride of his discourses is
plainly shown by what I have learned of a trustworthy man, who asserted that he himself
had some days before been present at a meeting convened by him, and had heard him address
the people. Having taken his text or theme from the Holy Scriptures, he thus began:
"With joy shall ye draw water out of the wells of salvation" [Isaiah 12:3] --
and applying this to himself, he continued, "I am the savior of the poor. Do ye, oh,
poor! who have experienced the heaviness of rich men's hands, drink from my wells the
waters of the doctrine of salvation, and ye may do this joyfully; for the time of your
visitation is at hand. For I will divide the waters from the waters. The people are the
waters. I will divide the humble from the haughty and treacherous. I will separate the
elect from the reprobate, as light from darkness."
[7] As he possessed a mouth speaking great
things, and had horns like a lamb, he spoke like a dragon; and the aforesaid ruler of the
realm, by advice of the nobles, summoned him to answer the charges preferred against him.
When the time was come, he presented himself so surrounded by the populace, that his
summoner being terrified, could only act with gentleness, and cautiously defer judgment
for the purpose of averting danger. The period, therefore, at which it was possible to
find him unattended by his mob being discovered by two noble citizens, especially now that
the people, out of fear for the hostages, had become more quiet, he sent out an armed
force with the said citizens for his apprehension. As one of them was pressing him hard,
he slew him with his own axe which he had wrested from his hand, and the other was killed
by some one among those who had come to his assistance. Immediately upon this, he
retreated with a few of his adherents and his concubine, who clave to him with inseparable
constancy, into the neighborhood of St. Mary, which is called Le-Bow, with the intention
of employing it, not as a sanctuary, but as a fortress, vainly hoping that the people
would speedily come to his aid; but they, although grieving at his dangerous position,
yet, out of regard for the hostages or dread of the men-at-arms, did not hasten to his
rescue. Hearing that he had seized upon the church, the administrator of the kingdom
despatched thither the troops recently summoned from the neighboring provinces. Being
commanded to come forth and abide justice -- lest the house of prayer should be made a den
of thieves -- he chose rather to tarry in the vain expectation of the arrival of the
conspirators, until the church being attacked with fire and smoke, he was compelled to
sally out with his followers: but a son of the citizen whom he had slain in the first
onset, in revenge for his father's death, cut open his belly with his knife.
Being, therefore, captured and delivered
into the hands of the law, he was, by judgment of the king's court, first drawn asunder by
horses, and then hanged on a gibbet with nine of his accomplices who refused to desert
him. Thus, according to the Scriptures, "He that diggeth a pit shall fall into it;
and whoso breaketh down an hedge, a serpent shall bite him" [Eccl. 10:8], the
contriver and fomenter of so much evil perished at the command of justice, and the madness
of this wicked conspiracy expired with its author: and those persons, indeed, who were of
a more healthful and cautious dispositions rejoiced when they beheld or heard of his
punishment, washing their hands in the blood of the sinner. The conspirators, however, and
seekers after novelty, vehemently deplored his death, taking exception at the rigor of
public discipline in his case, and reviling the guardian of the realm as a murderer, in
consequence of the punishment which he had inflicted on the mischief-maker and assassin.
Chapter 21: How
the common people desired to honor this man as a martyr, and how this error of theirs was
extinguished <to index>
[1] The extent to which this man had by
his daring and mighty projects attached the minds of the wicked to himself, and how
straitly he had bound the people to his interests as the pious and watchful champion of
their cause, appeared even after his demise. For whereas they should have wiped out the
disgrace of the conspiracy by the legal punishment of the conspirator, whom they
stigmatized as impious and approved of his condemners, they sought by art to obtain for
him the name and glory of a martyr. It is reported that a certain priest, his relative,
had laid the chain by which be had been bound upon the person of one sick of a fever, and
feigned with impudent vanity that a cure was the immediate result. This being spread
abroad, the witless multitude believed that the man who had deservedly suffered had in
reality died for the cause of justice and piety, and began to reverence him as a martyr:
the gibbet upon which he had been hung was furtively removed by night from the place of
punishment, in order that it might be honored in secret while the earth beneath it, as if
consecrated by the blood of the executed man, was scraped away in handfuls by these
infatuated creatures, as something consecrated to healing purposes, to the extent of a
tolerably large ditch. And now the fame of this being circulated far and wide, large bands
of fools, "whose number," says Solomon, " is infinite," [see Eccles
1:15, Vulgate] and curious persons flocked to the place, to whom, doubtless, were added
those who had come up out of the various provinces of England on their own proper business
to London.
[2] The idiot rabble, therefore, kept
constant watch and ward over the spot; and the more honor they paid to the dead man, so
much the greater crime did they impute to him by whom he had been put to death. To such an
extent did this most foolish error prevail as even to have ensnared, by the fascination of
its rumors, the more prudent, had they not used great caution in giving a place in their
memory to the stories they heard concerning him. For, in addition to the fact of his
having (as we have before narrated) committed murder shortly before his execution, which
alone should have sufficed to every judicious understanding as a reason against the
punishment being considered a martyrdom, his own confession before death must redden with
a blush the countenances of those who would fain make unto themselves a martyr out of such
a man, if any blood exist in their bodies. Since, as we have heard from trustworthy lips,
he confessed, while awaiting that punishment by which he was removed -- in answer to the
admonitions of certain persons that he should glorify God by a humble though tardy
confession of his sins -- that he had polluted with carnal intercourse with his concubine
that church in which had sought refuge from the fury of his pursuers, during the stay he
had made there in the vain expectation of rescue; and what is far more horrible even to
mention, that when his enemies had broken in upon him, and no help was at hand, he abjured
the Son of Mary, because he would render him no assistance, and invoked the devil that he
at least would save him. His justifiers deny these tales, and assert that they were
maliciously forged in prejudice to the martyr. The speedy fall of this fabric of vanity,
however, put an end to the dispute: for truth is solid and waxes strong by time; but the
device of falsehood has nothing solid, and in a short time fades away.
[3] The administrator of the kingdom,
therefore, carrying out the condign punishment of ecclesiastical discipline, sent out a
troop of armed men against the priest who had been the head of this superstition, who put
the rustic multitude to flight, and capturing those who endeavored to maintain their
ground there by force, consigned them to the royal prison. He also commanded an armed
guard to be constantly kept upon that place, who were not only to keep off the senseless
people, who came to pray, but also to forbid the approach of the curious, whose only
object was amusement. After this had lasted for a few days, the entire fabric of this
figment of superstition was utterly prostrated, and popular feeling subsided.
Chapter 22: Of the
prodigy of the dead man, who wandered about after burial <to index>
[1] In these days a wonderful event befell in
the county of Buckingham, which I, in the first instance, partially heard from certain
friends, and was afterwards more fully informed of by Stephen, the venerable archdeacon of
that province. A certain man died, and, according to custom, by the honorable exertion of
his wife arid kindred, was laid in the tomb on the eve of the Lord's Ascension. On the
following night, however, having entered the bed where his wife was reposing, he not only
terrified her on awaking, but nearly crushed her by the insupportable weight of his body.
The next night, also, he afflicted the astonished woman in the same manner, who,
frightened at the danger, as the struggle of the third night drew near, took care to
remain awake herself, and surround herself with watchful companions. Still he came; but
being repulsed by the shouts of the watchers, and seeing that he was prevented from doing
mischief, he departed. Thus driven off from his wife, he harassed in a similar manner his
own brothers, who were dwelling in the same street; but they, following the cautious
example of the woman, passed the nights in wakefulness with their companions, ready to
meet and repel the expected danger. He appeared, notwithstanding, as if with the hope of
surprising them should they be overcome with drowsiness; but being repelled by the
carefulness and valor of the watchers, he rioted among the animals, both indoors and
outdoors, as their wildness and unwonted movements testified.
[2] Having thus become a like serious
nuisance to his friends and neighbors, he imposed upon all the same necessity for
nocturnal watchfulness; and in that very street a general watch was kept in every house,
each being fearful of his approach unawares. After having for some time rioted in this
manner during the night-time alone, he began to wander abroad in daylight, formidable
indeed to all, but visible only to a few; for oftentimes, on his encountering a number of
persons, he would appear to one or two only though at the same time his presence was not
concealed from the rest. At length the inhabitants, alarmed beyond measure, thought it
advisable to seek counsel of the church; and they detailed the whole affair, with tearful
lamentation, to the above-mentioned archdeacon, at a meeting of the clergy over which he
was solemnly presiding. Whereupon he immediately intimated in writing the whole
circumstances of the case to the venerable bishop of Lincoln, who was then resident in
London, whose opinion and judgment on so unwonted a matter he was very properly of opinion
should be waited for: but the bishop, being amazed at his account, held a searching
investigation with his companions; and there were some who said that such things had often
befallen in England, and cited frequent examples to show that tranquillity could not be
restored to the people until the body of this most wretched man were dug up and burnt.
This proceeding, however, appeared indecent and improper in the last degree to the
reverend bishop, who shortly after addressed a letter of absolution, written with his own
hand, to the archdeacon, in order that it might be demonstrated by inspection in what
state the body of that man really was; and he commanded his tomb to be opened, and the
letter having been laid upon his breast, to be again closed: so the sepulcher having been
opened, the corpse was found as it had been placed there, and the charter of absolution
having been deposited upon its breast, and the tomb once more closed, he was thenceforth
never more seen to wander, nor permitted to inflict annoyance or terror upon any one.
Chapter 23: Of a
similar occurrence at Berwick <to index.
In the northern parts of England, also, we know that
another event, not unlike this and equally wonderful, happened about the same time. At the
mouth of the river Tweed, and in the jurisdiction of the king of Scotland, there stands a
noble city which is called Berwick. In this town a certain man, very wealthy, but as it
afterwards appeared a great rogue, having been buried, after his death sallied forth (by
the contrivance, as it is believed, of Satan) out of his grave by night, and was borne
hither and thither, pursued by a pack of dogs with loud barkings; thus striking great
terror into the neighbors, and returning to his tomb before daylight. After this had
continued for several days, and no one dared to be found out of doors after dusk -- for
each dreaded an encounter with this deadly monster -- the higher and middle classes of the
people held a necessary investigation into what was requisite to he done; the more simple
among them fearing, in the event of negligence, to be soundly beaten by this prodigy of
the grave; but the wiser shrewdly concluding that were a remedy further delayed, the
atmosphere, infected and corrupted by the constant whirlings through it of the pestiferous
corpse, would engender disease and death to a great extent; the necessity of providing
against which was shown by frequent examples in similar cases. They, therefore, procured
ten young men renowned for boldness, who were to dig up the horrible carcass, and, having
cut it limb from limb, reduce it into food and fuel for the flames. When this was done,
the commotion ceased. Moreover, it is stated that the monster, while it was being borne
about (as it is said) by Satan, had told certain persons whom it had by chance
encountered, that as long as it remained unburned the people should have no peace. Being
burnt, tranquility appeared to be restored to them; but a pestilence, which arose in
consequence, carried off the greater portion of them: for never did it so furiously rage
elsewhere, though it was at that time general throughout all the borders of England, as
shall be more fully explained in its proper place.
Chapter 24: Of
certain prodigies <to index>
[1] It would not be easy to believe that the
corpses of the dead should sally (I know not by what agency) from their graves, and should
wander about to the terror or destruction of the living, and again return to the tomb,
which of its own accord spontaneously opened to receive them, did not frequent examples,
occurring in our own times, suffice to establish this fact, to the truth of which there is
abundant testimony. It would be strange if such things should have happened formerly,
since we can find no evidence of them in the works of ancient authors, whose vast labor it
was to commit to writing every occurrence worthy of memory; for if they never neglected to
register even events of moderate interest, how could they have suppressed a fact at once
so amazing and horrible, supposing it to have happened in their day? Moreover, were I to
write down all the instances of this kind which I have ascertained to have befallen in our
times, the undertaking would be beyond measure laborious and troublesome; so I will fain
add two more only (and these of recent occurrence) to those I have already narrated, and
insert them in our history, as occasion offers, as a warning to posterity.
[2] A few years ago the chaplain of a certain
illustrious lady, casting off mortality, was consigned to the tomb in that noble monastery
which is called Melrose. This man, having little respect for the sacred order to which he
belonged, was excessively secular in his pursuits, and -- what especially blackens his
reputation as a minister of the holy sacrament -- so addicted to the vanity of the chase
as to be designated by many by the infamous title of "Hundeprest," or the
dog-priest; and this occupation, during his lifetime, was either laughed at by men, or
considered in a worldly view; but after his death -- as the event showed -- the guiltiness
of it was brought to light: for, issuing from the grave at night-time, he was prevented by
the meritorious resistance of its holy inmates from injuring or terrifying any one with in
the monastery itself; whereupon he wandered beyond the walls, and hovered chiefly, with
loud groans and horrible murmurs, round the bedchamber of his former mistress. She, after
this had frequently occurred, becoming exceedingly terrified, revealed her fears or danger
to one of the friars who visited her about the business of the monastery; demanding with
tears that prayers more earnest than usual should be poured out to the Lord in her behalf
as for one in agony. With whose anxiety the friar -- for she appeared deserving of the
best endeavors, on the part of the holy convent of that place, by her frequent donations
to it -- piously and justly sympathized, and promised a speedy remedy through the mercy of
the Most High Provider for all.
[3] Thereupon, returning to the monastery, he
obtained the companionship of another friar, of equally determined spirit, and two
powerful young men, with whom he intended with constant vigilance to keep guard over the
cemetery where that miserable priest lay buried. These four, therefore, furnished with
arms and animated with courage, passed the night in that place, safe in the assistance
which each afforded to the other. Midnight had now passed by, and no monster appeared;
upon which it came to pass that three of the party, leaving him only who had sought their
company on the spot, departed into the nearest house, for the purpose, as they averred, of
warming themselves, for the night was cold. As soon as this man was left alone in this
place, the devil, imagining that he had found the right moment for breaking his courage,
incontinently roused up his own chosen vessel, who appeared to have reposed longer than
usual. Having beheld this from afar, he grew stiff with terror by reason of his being
alone; but soon recovering his courage, and no place of refuge being at hand, he valiantly
withstood the onset of the fiend, who came rushing upon him with a terrible noise, and he
struck the axe which he wielded in his hand deep into his body. On receiving this wound,
the monster groaned aloud, and turning his back, fled with a rapidity not at all interior
to that with which he had advanced, while the admirable man urged his flying foe from
behind, and compelled him to seek his own tomb again; which opening of its own accord, and
receiving its guest from the advance of the pursuer, immediately appeared to close again
with the same facility. In the meantime, they who, impatient of the coldness of the night,
had retreated to the fire ran up, though somewhat too late, and, having heard what had
happened, rendered needful assistance in digging up and removing from the midst of the
tomb the accursed corpse at the earliest dawn. When they had divested it of the clay cast
forth with it, they found the huge wound it had received, and a great quantity of gore
which had flowed from it in the sepulchre; and so having carried it away beyond the walls
of the monastery and burnt it, they scattered the ashes to the winds. These things I have
explained in a simple narration, as I myself heard them recounted by religious men.
[4] Another event, also, not unlike this, but
more pernicious in its effects, happened at the castle which is called Anantis, as I have
heard from an aged monk who lived in honor and authority in those parts, and who related
this event as having occurred in his own presence. A certain man of evil conduct flying,
through fear of his enemies or the law, out of the province of York, to the lord of the
before-named castle, took up his abode there, and having cast upon a service befitting his
humor, labored hard to increase rather than correct his own evil propensities. He married
a wife, to his own ruin indeed, as it afterwards appeared; for, hearing certain rumors
respecting her, he was vexed with the spirit of Jealousy. Anxious to ascertain the truth
of these reports, he pretended to be going on a journey from which he would not return for
some days; but coming back in the evening, he was privily introduced into his bedroom by a
maid-servant, who was in the secret, and lay hidden on a beam overhanging, his wife's
chamber, that he might prove with his own eyes if anything were done to the dishonor of
his marriage-bed. Thereupon beholding his wife in the act of fornication with a young man
of the neighborhood, and in his indignation forgetful of his purpose, he fell, and was
dashed heavily to the ground, near where they were lying.
[5] The adulterer himself leaped up and
escaped; but the wife, cunningly dissembling the fact, busied herself in gently raising
her fallen husband from the earth. As soon as he had partially recovered, he upbraided her
with her adultery, and threatened punishment; but she answering, "Explain yourself,
my lord," said she; "you are speaking unbecomingly which must be imputed not to
you, but to the sickness with which you are troubled." Being much shaken by the fall,
and his whole body stupefied, he was attacked with a disease, insomuch that the man whom I
have mentioned as having related these facts to me visiting him in the pious discharge of
his duties, admonished him to make confession of his sins, and receive the Christian
Eucharist in proper form: but as he was occupied in thinking about what had happened to
him, and what his wife had said, put off the wholesome advice until the morrow -- that
morrow which in this world he was fated never to behold! -- for the next night, destitute
of Christian grace, and a prey to his well-earned misfortunes, he shared the deep slumber
of death. A Christian burial, indeed, he received, though unworthy of it; but it did not
much benefit him: for issuing, by the handiwork of Satan, from his grave at night-time,
and pursued by a pack of dogs with horrible barkings, he wandered through the courts and
around the houses while all men made fast their doors, and did not dare to go abroad on
any errand whatever from the beginning of the night until the sunrise, for fear of meeting
and being beaten black and blue by this vagrant monster. But those precautions were of no
avail ; for the atmosphere, poisoned by the vagaries of this foul carcass, filled every
house with disease and death by its pestiferous breath.
[6] Already did the town, which but a short
time ago was populous, appear almost deserted; while those of its inhabitants who had
escaped destruction migrated to other parts of the country, lest they too should die. The
man from whose mouth I heard these things, sorrowing over this desolation of his parish,
applied himself to summon a meeting of wise and religious men on that sacred day which is
called Palm Sunday, in order that they might impart healthful counsel in so great a
dilemma, and refresh the spirits of the miserable remnant of the people with consolation,
however imperfect. Having delivered a discourse to the inhabitants, after the solemn
ceremonies of the holy day had been properly performed, he invited his clerical guests,
together with the other persons of honor who were present, to his table. While they were
thus banqueting, two young men (brothers), who had lost their father by this plague,
mutually encouraging one another, said, "This monster has already destroyed our
father, and will speedily destroy us also, unless we take steps to prevent it. Let us,
therefore, do some bold action which will at once ensure our own safety and revenge our
father's death. There is no one to hinder us; for in the priest's house a feast is in
progress, and the whole town is as silent as if deserted. Let us dig up this baneful pest,
and burn it with fire."
[7] Thereupon snatching up a spade of but
indifferent sharpness of edge, and hastening to the cemetery, they began to dig; and
whilst they were thinking that they would have to dig to a greater depth, they suddenly,
before much of the earth had been removed, laid bare the corpse, swollen to an enormous
corpulence, with its countenance beyond measure turgid and suffused with blood; while the
napkin in which it had been wrapped appeared nearly torn to pieces. The young men,
however, spurred on by wrath, feared not, and inflicted a wound upon the senseless
carcass, out of which incontinently flowed such a stream of blood, that it might have been
taken for a leech filled with the blood of many persons. Then, dragging it beyond the
village, they speedily constructed a funeral pile; and upon one of them saying that the
pestilential body would not burn unless its heart were torn out, the other laid open its
side by repeated blows of the blunted spade, and, thrusting in his hand, dragged out the
accursed heart. This being torn piecemeal, and the body now consigned to the flames, it
was announced to the guests what was going on, who, running thither, enabled themselves to
testify henceforth to the circumstances. When that infernal hell-hound had thus been
destroyed, the pestilence which was rife among the people ceased, as if the air, which had
been corrupted by the contagious motions of the dreadful corpse, were already purified by
the fire which had consumed it. These facts having been thus expounded, let us return to
the regular thread of history.
Chapter 25: Of a
sign which was seen in the heavens, and of the storming of certain castles
<to index>
[1] In the octaves of Pentecost [16 June
1196], and in the first hour of the day, two suns appeared in the heavens; namely, the
true sun and a second, its equal in size and brilliancy. Nor was it easy to discern which
of them was the true one, unless by its regular course; for the other appeared to follow
it at a little higher elevation -- a presage, perchance, of the evils, which ensued: and
this sign I beheld with my own eyes, with some others who were with me. After we had for
some time stood gazing at so unusual a spectacle in suspense and amazement, of a sudden,
like men overcome with fatigue we were casting down our eyes, the counterfeit of the true
sun vanished away. Nor was it long after this that, the period of the truce which had
slightly cheered the harassed people being completed, the bloodthirsty rage of the princes
once more broke out. To arms rushed every one at full speed; and the provinces lately so
flourishing were devastated by fire and sword.
[2] The king of France with his forces
besieged Aumale, and the king of England that castle which is called Nonancourt, which was
formerly in his possession, but which some time since had been seized by the French
monarch. Having quickly gained possession of it, he was besought by his people to
undertake the task of repelling the enemy and raising the siege; but he paid no heed to
their requests, either dreading a battle, which must have been bloody to the last degree,
or trusting with confidence in the valor of his men who were gallantly defending the
beleaguered fortress. Turning about, with the intention of laying waste the hostile
frontiers, he studiously endeavored to draw off the besiegers without mutual bloodshed;
but persisting with stubborn determination in effecting his purpose, at last, after much
labor and loss to his army, he obtained possession of the castle by surrender, and razed
it to the ground. This loss but little afflicted the king of England, who was compensated
for it by the possession of a more renowned castle; which, however, fell not long after
once more into the hands of the French king, having been surprised at a moment when it was
inadequately defended. The enmity between the princes waxing fiercer and fiercer, the task
of restoring peace was undertaken in vain by the well-disposed and prudent, for they
closed their ears to all peaceful counsel. For, as it is written, "They are like the
deaf adder that stoppeth her ear; which will not hearken to the voice of the
charmers" [Psalm 8: 4, 5.]
[3] In this matter the cause of the king
of England, who was only seeking his own right, was the more powerful, and his wrath
beyond a doubt the juster, as has been shown above. Peace being thus despaired of -- since
neither the one could by any reasoning be induced to give up that which he held
unlawfully, nor the other to rest until his right was re-established, -- the more these
proud princes chafed at one another, so much the more did the unhappy people lament; for
whenever kings rage, the innocent people suffer for it.
Chapter 26: Of a famine and pestilence which overran
England <to index>
[1] At this time the hand of the Lord lay
heavy upon the Christian people; for, in addition to the madness of the kings which was
ravaging the province, it inflicted upon them both pestilence and famine, insomuch that
that prophecy seems almost fulfilled against us which says, "I have wounded thee with
the wound of an enemy, with the chastisement of a cruel one" [Jer. 30:14]. A famine,
produced by unseasonable rains, had for some years vehemently afflicted the people of
France and England; but by the disputes of the kings among themselves, it now increased
more than ever: and when the lower orders of the people had perished everywhere from want,
a most fell and cruel pestilence -- while it in nowise spared those with whom food was
abundant, so also did it shorten the long agony of hunger to the starving -- followed on
its track, as though the air had been poisoned by the dead bodies of the poor.
[2] In other regions, how the affairs of
that period went on is but little known to us; but, concerning England, we speak that we
do know, and testify that we have seen, during that time. On glided the flood of disease,
sweeping away each day, and by that form of sickness which is called acute fever, so many
persons, that scarcely could any be found either to tend the sick or to bury the dead. The
customary ceremonies of the grave were dispensed with; and each hour of the day, whoever
died was speedily returned to the bosom of his mother earth, unless where some more noble
or wealthy individual had breathed his last. In very many places large ditches were dug
for the reception of the corpses, when, by reason of their multitude, it was impossible to
inter each separately in the usual manner; however, when so many died daily, even the
healthy began to despond, and went about with pallid and cadaverous countenances, as if on
the point of death. In the monasteries alone the disease took but little hold. At last,
after raging everywhere for five or nearly six months, it yielded to the cold of winter,
and was stayed. But the minds of the brawling princes were still harder even than this
scourge, fierce as it was; for they joined winter to summer and autumn in their desire for
war.
Chapter 27: How the Germans a second time took the sign
of the cross <to index>
[1] The king of England had a short time
before he received back his hostages who had been left with the German emperor, in
acquittance of the sum which he had paid him for his ransom; at whose arrival he is
reported to have exclaimed that he then for the first time felt freed from his captivity
in Germany. Being thus released from so grievous an extortioner, he bent the whole power
of his mind to warlike preparations; for an expedition into Syria, to which he had devoted
himself on his return thence in a thoughtless moment, must not be imputed to him: for an
excuse is found for him with sober judges by the necessity he was reduced to, first by the
German emperor, and afterwards by the French king. As if to atone for what he had been
guilty of, through the guidance of a base avarice against a Christian prince returning
from the East, and to apply the monies of which he had despoiled England to pious uses,
the emperor gave orders to succor the miserable remnant of the Eastern church. He
considered, likewise, that it had been by his agency that those two great kings had
abandoned Christ's cause and had thought of their own interests only, and by their deadly
hatred against one another had broken the strength of the Christians in a tyrannical
manner.
[2] Anxious, therefore, to make amends for
this injury by a work of religion, in the year one thousand one hundred and ninety-five
from the delivery of the blessed Virgin, and about the solemnization of St. Andrew the
apostle [30 Nov.], having convoked all the chief ecclesiastics and laymen of the empire at
Worms, and declared his own devotion to them all, he incited very many of them to follow
his illustrious example for Christ's sake. Afterwards, sitting in solemn state in the
cathedral church for eight days successively, the legate of the apostolic see, who was
come to him on this very business, being enthroned at his side, and surrounded by a great
company of famous men; while those who were eminent for wisdom, dignity, and eloquence,
addressed each day the Christian host with powerful oratory, so great a fervor of faith
and devotion lighted up within the minds of the audience, that verily it might be said,
"This is the finger of God." Every day the great prelates and most famous
generals, together with a multitude of powerful persons, vied with each other in assuming
the Lord's symbol of the cross; and the emperor himself was prepared to be signed with the
same ensign, like the rest: but he was dissuaded from his lofty purpose by the general
opinion that he would better advance the welfare of the Christian expedition by remaining
in the empire, superintending the timely transport of provisions to the advancing army,
and, when occasion should demand, of despatching reinforcements to the troops in service.
Thus was the second expedition of the German and Italian nations into Syria made ready
with all despatch; while our kings, without any healthful or sober purpose, indulged their
own fury alone to the peril of many.
Chapter 28: Of the dissension between King Richard and
the archbishop of Rouen <to index>
[1] In these days a dispute arose between
king Richard and Walter, archbishop of Rouen, which was the more disgraceful as they had
formerly been united by the closest friendship: for this same prelate had, both before he
came to the throne and afterwards, always served the prince with devotedness and fidelity,
and had bound himself to him by many and distinguished services. At last, upon the king's
expedition to the East, not being permitted to remain at home for the discharge of his
office, lest his presence should be required, though only for a time, the archbishop set
out with him to Sicily. The king, however, hearing of the tyrannical conduct of the bishop
of Ely, to whom he had entrusted the guardianship and rule of the kingdom, sent him back
into England, with orders to the said bishop to associate with him as a colleague in all
affairs touching the administration of the realm. But not being admitted into partnership
by this man, who was jealous of his own glory, he forbore, and was silent for a time.
[2] The bishop, however, being not long
after rudely assailed and ignominiously expelled by the nobles of the kingdom, who were
impatient of his haughtiness, he carried on by general wish and decree the management of
the realm with praiseworthy rule. When the king, after a long imprisonment in Germany, had
completed his agreement with the emperor, and looked for a speedy release, he summoned to
his presence this devoted bishop, and left him as a willing hostage for a large sum of
money in the hands of the emperor. The king having thus returned into his kingdom, and
being intent on warlike affairs, this prelate, for his sake, satisfied out of his own
resources (it is said) the emperor's claims, and returned with glory to his own country.
But the prince, who oftentimes spared not even his friends, being straitened by his
warlike necessities, requited the favor less bountifully than the other had hoped for,
chiefly on account of the bishop of Ely, who had the royal ear by virtue of his office,
for he was his chancellor, and who said many things which were derogatory to him to the
king; for he had a prejudice against him for the reason above mentioned. Exasperated on
account of the appropriation of certain rights of his church by the king -- for, alleging
the necessity for war as an excuse, he would by no means repay him at present, but
promised to do so on the termination of hostilities -- the archbishop appealed to the
judgment of the apostolic see, and, suspending the exercise of divine service in his
diocese, he hastened to Rome. The royal messengers also followed in his track; and in the
presence of the pope they withstood him to his face -- never indeed denying those things
which were put forward by him against the king, but excusing the royal poverty in
deprecatory phrase. Thereupon the supreme pontiff is reported to have said to the accuser,
"The unjust captivity of the king of England, on his return from the East, where he
has been warring for Christ, whose emblem he bore, and the plundering he has undergone,
while suffering a heavy and lengthened captivity in a German dungeon, are known to all the
world. It would be more discreet, therefore, for you to dissimulate for awhile, even if he
should have attempted greater things than these of which you speak." Thus saying, he
strove to humor the prince, who was worn out, as it were, by injuries and engaged in a
just war; while he sent home the bishop, whom he had cajoled and pacified by some other
means.
Chapter 29: Of the death of the bishop of Ely, who
deserves rather to be called the chancellor <to index>
[1] Among those, forsooth, whom the king
thought fit to send to Rome in his cause, the most famous appear to have been the bishop
of Ely, who was also the king's chancellor and the bishop-elect of Durham, who, on his
arrival in Rome, gained his ordination at the hands of the supreme pontiff. The
chancellor, however, on his departure from the king, fell sick, and getting worse, died in
a few days -- no longer to appear before the Roman pontiff for the purpose of pleading the
cause of the king of the English, but at the tribunal of the King of the angels to give
all account for himself.
[2] Concerning this bishop -- who by few
is styled bishop, but by all chancellor, because that from the time of his ordination he
had served the palace much more than the church -- concerning, I say, the manners and
actions of this bishop, and what befell him on account of his insufferable pride, when the
king on undertaking the Eastern pilgrimage had thought fit to entrust the administration
of all things in England to him, has been in its own place set out above. Being expelled
from England, and living for a time in exile in France, as soon as he had heard that the
king on his return from the East was detained in a German dungeon, he made it his first
care to visit him, by which means he intended to prove the fervor of his devotion to him,
and purchase by obsequiousness his more favorable consideration for the future. By his
services to the distinguished captive during the whole time of his shameful captivity, he
rendered himself necessary to him in many ways; and if by chance any feeling against him
had taken possession of the king's mind on account of the troubles in England, he
dissipated the impression by services evincing fresh assiduity. When the king's fortune
once more changed, he returned with him into England, whence, tranquillity being restored,
he followed him in his warlike expedition beyond the sea, and strenuously performed his
duties as chancellor: those of the priest, however, only so far as that -- devoid of
pastoral care and burdens -- he might appear a bishop merely in honor and advantage. Thus
the name of bishop being eclipsed by that of chancellor, he was seldom called by it.
[3] After having labored with the king for
some years in his fierce and bloody war with the French, with an earnestness rather
secular than episcopal, he at last (as has been said) fell a victim to disease. England
rejoiced at his death, for the fear of him had lain like an incubus upon her; for when he
might have done much with the king, and being a man of vast spirit, could not have been
forgetful of his former expulsion from England, it was evident that he would frequently
plot evil against the land which had vomited him forth as some pestilential humor. The
English nobles with reason dreaded him when alive, and they lamented but little when dead.
Chapter 30: Of the short war with the Bretons; and how
the forty years' differences with Toulouse were ended <to index>
In these days the Bretons, who had already revolted from
the king of England, were compelled, by the vast ravages committed on their frontiers by
the royal troops, to return with their beloved Arthur into the king's favor and alliance.
The war also of Toulouse, which had been an undertaking of the greatest importance with
the illustrious king Henry of England and his son Richard, and had tired out the strength
of many for forty years, expired by the mercy of God at the same period. For the count of
St. Giles, having concluded his agreement with the king of England, married, with great
honor, his sister -- formerly the consort of the king of Sicily, after whose premature
death she had returned to her brother -- and by this means lulled the inveterate hatred
that existed between them. Thus did the king of England, who had been engrossed with three
separate wars, and was by so much the less powerful in each, two being now at an end
(namely that in Brittany and that in Toulouse) returned untrammeled to the third, which he
was waging with the king of France, and began to make himself more powerful and terrible
to his enemies. War raged with the utmost intensity on every side; and so great was the
fury of the combatants, that they neither respected the holy period of Lent, during which
they devastated by fire and pillage places previously in a flourishing condition; nor
showed the priests of the Lord -- whenever they by chance encountered them -- any more
mercy than they granted to the people. So long and deadly a contest between the
irreconcilable princes might, forsooth, have been shortened by the victory of one of them,
if they could only have met and engaged; but so it was, that whenever one, relying on his
own forces, wished to bring matters to an issue by a battle, the other, fearful of the
doubtful event, cautiously declined it. In short, by mutual injury each sought to tire and
wear out the other, and preferred the protraction of the war, in the hope of better
fortune, to its speedy termination by the glory of an uncertain victory.
Chapter 31: Of the capture of the bishop of Beauvais <to index>
[1] The one thousand one hundred and
ninety-seventh year from the delivery of the Virgin had now rolled on, and the fury of the
princes had by no means abated; as if in aid of the Lord's hand, and the heaping of his
anger upon the Christian people: for already was the fifth year of the mighty famine,
which had vehemently distressed the countries of England and France, running its course.
The king of France, who in the preceding year had acted with increased vigor, began now to
slacken his efforts, and defend his own borders with less spirit; while the king of
England gradually increased in strength and prosperity. At length, suddenly throwing
himself upon a distinguished town called St. Valery, he carried it with great courage;
obtaining thereby possession of a port abounding in provision; and having pillaged the
place and razed the defenses, he departed laden with spoil. Not long after, he stormed the
castle called Milly, in the district of Beauvais, and shortly discovered a treasure; that
is to say, met with a success his expectation. For the bishop of Beauvais, a man of fierce
disposition, and illustrious by his kindred to the king, hearing that Milly was besieged,
hastily took up arms -- not those, indeed, of his own calling, but belonging to a secular,
and not a spiritual warfare; and, marching with an armed host against the enemy, boldly
attacked and engaged them, like a leader of war rather than in religion.
[2] But he blamed not fortune aright: for
being by God's judgment vanquished, he was brought a most welcome present, a captive and
in chains, to the English king, against whom, both during his Eastern expedition and
captivity in Germany and his return to his own land, he had always borne himself with a
hostility beyond measure malignant. During his confinement in Rouen, it is said that two
of the priests of his household came as suppliants to the king, entreating his favor, that
they might minister to their lord in his captivity. "Judge ye," answered the
king unto them, "between me and your lord. Let all the evils which he has either
actually inflicted upon me, or plotted against me, be consigned to oblivion but one.
Truly, on my return from the East, and detention by the Roman emperor, out of respect for
my royal person I was treated with gentleness, and served with befitting honor: but one
evening your lord came; and for what purpose he was come, and what manner of business he
had with the emperor at night, in the morning I became aware of; for the emperor's hand
was laid heavily upon me, and soon after I was loaded with so much iron that scarce could
a horse or an ass have stood under the weight of it. Pronounce justly, therefore, what
sort of imprisonment your lord should look for at my hand, who procured such for me at the
hands of my jailer?" So the priests, having nothing to answer to these words,
departed disappointed.
[3] Thus was the warlike bishop kept in
chains, treated perchance by his enemies with greater lenity than he deserved, but without
doubt, more rudely than beseemed his office. He appealed, however, through his people, to
the pope, that he should be freed from the hands of his detainer by ecclesiastical
authority; but the pope, prudently taking into consideration that the king of England had
captured the bishop, not in the pulpit, but in the field of battle, and kept him in
durance more as an unbending foe than a pacific prelate, was unwilling to annoy him with
demands for the release of the prisoner, but answered the appealer sagely and discreetly,
reproaching him with having preferred secular warfare to that of the church, and with
having taken up the lance instead of the pastoral staff -- the helmet for the mitre, the
hauberk for the alb, the shield for the stole -- and the sword of steel for that of the
Spirit (which is the word of God); and refusing to command that he should be set at
liberty by the king of England, though he promised, at a fitting opportunity, to petition
for it. So the imprisoned bishop despaired of freedom by any means short of the
reconciliation of the princes; and he who, formerly a firebrand of war, had hated peace,
sighed for it in the weariness of his dungeon with continual longing.
Chapter 32: Of the desertion of some from the king of
France, and on what account a truce was made between him and the king of England <to index>
[1] At the same time there deserted from
the king of France certain of the nobles of his kingdom, who were indignant at injuries
endured at his hands, and complained that he was a hard master; and joining themselves to
the king of England, increased his strength, while they in their turn derived it afresh
from him. Among whom the count of Flanders, in grief at having been defrauded by the
French king of nearly half his hereditary rights, and strengthened with the king of
England's gold, received surrender of the noble town of Douay, which had been invested,
and also gained possession of other fortresses. Encouraged by these successes, he laid
siege to the city of Arras with increased confidence. Then did the king, as if
industriously avoiding mutual encounter, carry on their business of warfare in various
places. The king of England stormed certain fortresses in the district of Bourges; whilst
the king of France blockaded the fortification called Angers, which had shortly before
revolted from him. This was quickly surrendered and overthrown; and then he hastened to
raise the siege of the city which we have already mentioned. The besiegers, however,
having been apprised of his approach, desisted from their operations, and by giving
ground, incited the proud enemy to pursuit: whilst by breaking down the bridges over the
rivers in their rear, as he incautiously advanced, they endeavored to cut off this retreat
of his army. Thus more was effected by stratagem than by force.
[2] When by the intervention of friends
between the parties peace was treated of, the count neither rejected the offer nor
absolutely accepted it; pretending that he had given sufficient security by the exchange
of hostages with the king of England, and in return received such from him, that neither
of them without the other could accept peace. Whereupon an agreement having been made
between the parties, which should be ratified in due time by the king of England, the king
of France returned to his own country; while the count hastened to invite the English king
to give an honorable consent to the peace. The kings, therefore, not so greedy of peace as
tired of war, in the one thousand one hundred and ninety-seventh year from the delivery of
the Virgin, in the month of September, met together in solemn conference on the borders,
with their nobles and a large attendance of their subjects. On this occasion little was
done in favor of a lasting peace, insomuch that the princes' minds were hard to be cured
of their long and inveterate hatred; but they preferred establishing between themselves a
truce of one year and four months, as an earnest of future peace. The treaties provided
that the countries should be open to traders, the provinces enjoy mutual privileges, and
also that prisoners on both sides should obtain their release for a sufficient and
reasonable ransom. The conference being concluded, leave was granted the combatants of
returning to their own homes; and the provinces, worn out with misery, accepted this
moderate repose with thanksgiving.
Chapter 33: Of a wonderful event that befell at Malton <to index>
[1] In these days, in the month of August,
within our province of York, upon the river Derwent, a wonderful circumstance occurred,
which must not be passed over in silence, but inserted in our history for the information
and warning of posterity. At the monastery of Canons Regular, which is called Malton, a
furnace for burning lime was prepared. As soon as, according to custom, fire should be
applied from the side underneath, after sunset, the provost of the place, with certain
brothers, approached and took much pains lest so great a preparation should prove in vain.
About the other side was a pit of moderate size, prepared for use, in depth not more than
six or seven feet; and into this fell one of the friars, as he was going round to hurry on
the work, and incautiously hastening in the dark. As soon as the provost perceived that he
did not immediately come out again, he inquired if he were hurt. "I am killed,"
answered he; which having spoken, he was hushed in the silence of death, to the great
astonishment of all who were present, who indeed could have no suspicion of his fate; for
the spreading darkness of night concealed the interior of the pit. One of the bystanders,
however, being asked to descend to discover and announce what was the matter, went down;
and sinking immediately to the ground, he also silently fell asleep in death, neither
making any announcement nor coming out again; another being nevertheless ordered to
descend, was speedily swallowed up in the same fate.
[2] Fear then fell upon all who were round
about; yet, thinking that it was improper to remain inactive, for the sake of more
cautiously exploring into the circumstance, they commanded a third to go down. He, it is
said, fortifying himself with the sign of salvation, descended, and immediately exclaimed,
"I die, I die; pull me out!" Then they who were standing near, seizing the top
of the small ladder by which he had gone down, and to which he was clinging, drew both out
together. The dress, however, in which he was clad, was torn as if rent by the violent
hands of some evil assailant. The man thus rescued from destruction lay long half-dead,
without sense or voice, and foaming at the month, till returning by degrees to himself he
languished for several days. His tunic, however, he regarded with horror as pestilential;
nor would he suffer it to be put on even after it had been mended. After the death of the
said friar, and of the two young men who perished with him, upon a certain man descending
on the following day to recover their bodies, he neither experienced any horrible
sensations or suffered any hurt, but harmlessly, and with all confidence, raised the
corpses from the deadly spot. No wound appeared on them, except in the left eyes, which
looked bloody and bruised, displaying a livid mark about them, as if from a recent blow.
[3] These things I have taken care to
commit to writing, exactly as I heard them, either from the narration of those present, or
of men who had heard those present. The cause of the event, truly, which I am compelled to
marvel at for its novelty, I am unable to fathom. It happened, indeed, some years ago, in
a certain town among the East Angles, that three workmen while engaged, at the desire of
the inhabitants, in cleaning out an old well, and digging deeper, in the desire of
producing a larger supply of water from the bowels of the earth, were suddenly deprived of
life; upon which the inhabitants filled up that well with rubbish, and resolved that the
place of their death should serve as an eternal sepulchre to the dead; but this is not so
wonderful, for a reason for it may possibly be given. Perchance the bottom of this well
contained a hidden vein of quicksilver, or some other noxious matter, which, as it is
believed, upon being laid open by the diggers, emitted a fell and pestilential vapor,
which, surprising all would in a moment put all end to their existence.
Chapter 34: Of the reconciliation of King Richard and
the archbishop of Rouen; and of a certain prodigy <to index>
[1] At this time the illustrious king
Richard and Walter, archbishop of Rouen, after a long enmity, re-established in more sober
regard the ancient friendship which had existed between them -- the prelate yielding up
his right in favor of the prince, and the prince making satisfaction to the prelate in
those matters touching the right of the church of Rouen, which he had usurped by the
necessity of war -- a just exchange. For when the king had marked out a most convenient
spot in the town which is called Andeli, and which was the patrimony of the church of
Rouen, for building a castle upon the river Seine for the defense of Normandy, fearful
lest the same should be occupied in opposition to him by the French king, he thought it
advisable to seize upon it at once. The work of man being wonderfully assisted by the
nature of the ground, he began to build, at a lavish expense, a very strong castle in the
teeth of the French king. But the said pontiff viewed this abstraction of the patrimony of
his church with dissatisfaction; and the French beheld with indignation, and vainly chafed
against the invidious undertaking which they were unable to prevent. The prince, however,
afterwards appeased the archbishop by a fitting compensation; to wit, by giving in
exchange to the church of Rouen, for the disputed district, the famous seaport which is
called Dieppe. This being done, he henceforth lent himself to the work he had begun with a
confidence more cheerful, and a care more diligent in proportion as his conscience was the
lighter; and the greater the defense he had secured for his own frontiers, the more did he
chafe by this very fact the ferocity of the enemy.
[2] In that place, while this great
undertaking was in progress, a wonderful event is related to have happened. For, as some
not ignoble persons -- who assert that they were present themselves aver -- in the month
of May, a little before the solemnities of the Lord's Ascension, as the king drew near,
and urged on the work (for he came frequently to point out and hurry its completion, and
took great pleasure in beholding its advancement), suddenly a shower of rain mixed with
blood fell, to the astonishment of all the bystanders who were present with the king, as
they observed drops of real blood upon their garments, and feared that so unusual an
occurrence might portend evil: but the king was not dismayed at this, nor did he relax in
promoting the work in which he took so great delight, that (unless I am mistaken) if even
an angel from heaven had persuaded him to desist, he would have pronounced anathema
against him.
HERE ENDS THE HISTORY OF WILLIAM
OF NEWBURGH
Return to Index | Book One | Book Two | Book Three | Book Four | Book
Five | Introduction
Source:
The Church Historians of England, volume IV, part II;
translated by Joseph Stevenson (London: Seeley's, 1861). For ease of
readability and reference, I have altered the original paragraph divisions and added the
paragraph numbers; spellings have been modernized. I have not retained Stevenson's
footnotes. I believe this translation is now in the public domain. The electronic form of
this presentation is ©1999 by Scott McLetchie and may not be reproduced for any
commercial purposes whatsoever. It may be reproduced for non-profit educational purposes.
Select Bibliography
The latest complete edition of William's history is still that
found in Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I.
Edited by Richard Howlett. Rolls Series no. 82. London, 1884-9. Books
1-4 of William's history appear in volume 1, book 5 in volume 2.
A new edition began to appear in 1988: William of Newburgh. The
History of English Affairs. Edited and with a new translation by P. G. Walsh
& M. J. Kennedy. Warminster, Wiltshire: Aris, 1988-. To the best of
my knowledge, only volume one, containing book one of the history, has so far appeared.
A good starting point for information on William of Newburgh (as well as
other medieval English historians) is Gransden, Antonia. Historical Writing in
England, volume 1. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1974.
Nancy Partner examines William of Newburgh's work, along with that of
Henry of Huntingdon and Richard of Devizes in: Partner, Nancy F. Serious
Entertainments: The Writing of History in Twelfth-Century England.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977.
Scanned by Scott Mcletchie
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