Johann Gustav Droysen: Speech to the Frankfurt
Assembly, 1848
We cannot conceal the fact that the whole German question is a simple alternative
between Prussia and Austria. In these states German life has its positive and negative
poles--in the former, all the interests which are national and reformative, in the latter,
all that are dynastic and destructive. The German question is not a constitutional
question, but a question of power; and the Prussian monarchy is now wholly German, while
that of Austria cannot be. . . .We need a powerful ruling house. Austria's power meant
lack of power for us, whereas Prussia desired German unity in order to supply the
deficiencies of her own power. Already Prussia is Germany in embryo. She will
"merge" with Germany. . .
Friedrich Wilhelm IV, King of Prussia: Proclamation of
1849
I am not able to return a favorable reply to the offer of a crown on the part of the
German National Assembly [meeting in Frankfurt], because the Assembly has not the right,
without the consent of the German governments, to bestow the crown which they tendered me,
and moreover because they offered the crown upon condition that I would accept a
constitution which could not be reconciled with the rights of the German states.
Otto von Bismarck: Letter to Minister von Manteuffel,
1856
Because of the policy of Vienna [the Congress of Vienna, 1815], Germany is clearly too
small for us both [Prussia and Austria]; as long as an honorable arrangement concerning
the influence of each in Germany cannot be concluded and carried out, we will both plough
the same disputed acre, and Austria will remain the only state to whom we can permanently
lose or from whom we can permanently gain. . . .I wish only to express my conviction that,
in the not too distant future, we shall have to fight for our existence against Austria
and that it is not within our power to avoid that, since the course of events in Germany
has no other solution.
Field Marshal Helmuth von Moltke: 1866
The war of 1866 [between Prussia and Austria] was entered on not because the existence
of Prussia was threatened, nor was it caused by public opinion and the voice of the
people; it was a struggle, long foreseen and calmly prepared for, recognized as a
necessity by the Cabinet, not for territorial aggrandizement, for an extension of our
domain, or for material advantage, but for an ideal end--the establishment of power. Not a
foot of land was exacted from Austria, but she had to renounce all part in the hegemony of
Germany. . . Austria had exhausted her strength in conquests south of the Alps, and left
the western German provinces unprotected, instead of following the road pointed out by the
Danube. Its center of gravity lay out of Germany; Prussia's lay within it. Prussia felt
itself called upon and strong enough to assume the leadership of the German races.
Otto von Bismarck: 1866
We had to avoid wounding Austria too severely; we had to avoid leaving behind in her
any unnecessary bitterness of feeling or desire for revenge; we ought rather to reserve
the possibility of becoming friends again with our adversary of the moment, and in any
case to regard the Austrian state as a piece on the European chessboard. If Austria were
severely injured, she would become the ally of France and of every other opponent of ours;
she would even sacrifice her anti-Russian interests for the sake of revenge on Prussia. .
. .The acquisition of provinces like Austria Silesia and portions of Bohemia could not
strengthen the Prussian state; it would not lead to an amalgamation of German Austria with
Prussia, and Vienna could not be governed from Berlin as a mere dependency. . . .Austria's
conflict and rivalry with us was no more culpable than ours with her; our task was the
establishment or foundation of German national unity under the leadership of the King of
Prussia.
The Imperial Proclamation,
January 18, 1871
Whereas the German princes and the free cities have unanimously called upon us to renew
and to assume, with the restoration of the German Empire, the German imperial office,
which has been empty for more than sixty years; and Whereas adequate arrangements have
been provided for this in the constitution of the German Confederation;
We, Wilhelm, by the grace of God King of Prussia, do herewith declare that we have
considered it a duty to our common fatherland to answer the summons of the united German
princes and cities and to accept the German imperial title. In consequence, we and our
successors on the throne of Prussia will henceforth bear the imperial title in all our
relations and in all the business of the German Empire, and we hope to God that the German
nation will be granted the ability to fashion a propitious future for the fatherland under
the symbol of its ancient glory. We assume the imperial title, conscious of the duty of
protecting, with German loyalty, the rights of the Empire and of its members, of keeping
the peace, and of protecting the independence of Germany, which depends in its turn upon
the united strength of the people. We assume the title in the hope that the German people
will be granted the ability to enjoy the reward of its ardent and self-sacrificing wars in
lasting peace, within boundaries which afford the fatherland a security against renewed
French aggression which has been lost for centuries. And may God grant that We and our
successors on the imperial throne may at all times increase the wealth of the German
Empire, not by military conquests, but by the blessings and the gifts of peace, in the
realm of national prosperity, liberty, and morality. Wilhelm I, Kaiser und König.
Source:
From: James Harvey Robinson, ed., Readings in European History, 2 Vols.,
(Boston: Ginn and Co., 1904-1905), II:571-575; Otto von Bismarck, The Man and Statesman,
(New York, 1899), II:48-51
Scanned by: J. S. Arkenberg, Dept. of History, Cal. State Fullerton.
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© Paul Halsall, July 1998
