Medieval Sourcebook:
Niccolò Machiavelli (1469-1527):
Republics and Monarchies, Excerpt from Discourses I, 55
Public affairs are easily managed in a city where the body of the
people is not corrupt; and where equality exists, there no principality can be
established; nor can a republic be established where there is no equality
Having sufficiently discussed the subject as to what is to be hoped and feared for
states that are corrupt, it seems to me not amiss now to examine a resolution of the
Senate of Rome in relation to the vow which Camillus had made, to give the tenth part of
the booty taken from the Veienti to Apollo. These spoils having fallen into the hands of
the Roman people, and there being no other way of having a correct account of it, the
Roman Senate issued an edict that every one should bring to the public treasury one tenth
part of the booty he had received. And although this decree was not carried into effect,
the Senate having devised other ways and means for satisfying Apollo and the people,
nevertheless we can see from that resolution how entirely the Senate trusted in the
honesty of the people; and how confident they were that no one would fail to return
exactly what had been ordered by that edict. And on the other hand we see how the people
never for a moment thought of evading it in any way by giving less than what they ought to
give, and how they preferred rather to relieve themselves of this imposition by open
demonstrations of indignation. This example, together with the many others heretofore
cited, proves how much probity and religion these people had, and how much good there was
to be hoped for from them. And truly, where this probity does not exist, no good is to be
expected, as in fact it is vain to look for anything good from those countries which we
see nowadays so corrupt, as is the case above all others with Italy. France and Spain also
have their share of corruption, and if we do not see so many disorders and troubles in
those countries as is the case daily in Italy, it is not so much owing to the goodness of
their people, in which they are greatly deficient, as to the fact that they have each a
king who keeps them united not only by his virtue, but also by the institutions of those
kingdoms, which are as yet preserved pure.
In Germany alone do we see that probity and religion still exist largely amongst the
people, in consequence of which many republics exist there in the full enjoyment of
liberty, observing their laws in such manner that no one from within or without could
venture upon an attempt to master them. And in proof that the ancient virtue still
prevails there in great part, I will cite an example similar to that given above of the
Senate and people of Rome. When these republics have occasion to spend any considerable
amount of money for public account, their magistrates or councils, who have authority in
these matters, impose upon all the inhabitants a tax of one or two per cent of their
possessions. When such a resolution has been passed according to the laws of the country,
every citizen presents himself before the collectors of this impost, and after having
taken an oath to pay the just amount, deposits in a strong-box provided for the purpose
the sum which according to his conscience he ought to pay, without any one's witnessing
what he pays. From this we may judge of the extent of the probity and religion that still
exist amongst those people. And we must presume that every one pays the true amount, for
if this were not the case the impost would not yield the amount intended according to the
estimates based upon former impositions; the fraud would thus be discovered, and other
means would be employed to collect the amount required. This honesty is the more to be
admired as it is so very rare that it is found only in that country; and this results from
two causes. The one is, that the Germans have no great commerce with their neighbours, few
strangers coming amongst them, and they rarely visiting foreign countries, but being
content to remain at home and to live on what their country produces, and to clothe
themselves with the wool from their own flocks, which takes away all occasion for intimate
intercourse with strangers and all opportunity of corruption. Thus they have been
prevented from adopting either French, Spanish or Italian customs, and these nations are
the great corrupters of the world. The other cause is, that those republics which have
thus preserved their political existence uncorrupted do not permit any of their citizens
to be or to live in the manner of gentlemen, but rather maintain amongst them a perfect
equality, and are the most decided enemies of the lords and gentlemen that exist in the
country; so that if by chance any of them fall into their hands, they kill them, as being
the chief promoters of all corruption and troubles.
And to explain more clearly what is meant by the term gentlemen, I say that those are
called gentlemen who live idly upon the proceeds of their extensive possessions, without
devoting themselves to agriculture or any other useful pursuit to gain a living. Such men
are pernicious to any country or republic, but more pernicious even than these are such as
have, besides their other possessions, castles which they command, and subjects who obey
them. This class of men abound in the kingdom of Naples, in the Roman territory, in the
Romagna, in Lombardy; whence it is that no republic has ever been able to exist in those
countries, nor have they been able to preserve any regular political existence, for that
class of men are everywhere enemies of all civil government. And to attempt the
establishment of a republic in a country so constituted would be impossible. The only way
to establish any kind of order there is to found a monarchical government; for where the
body of the people is so thoroughly corrupt that the laws are powerless for restraint, it
becomes necessary to establish some superior power which with a royal hand, and with full
and absolute powers, may put a curb upon the excessive ambition and corruption of the
powerful. This is verified by the example of Tuscany, where in a comparatively small
extent of territory there have for a long time existed three republics, Florence, Siena
and Lucca; and although the other cities of this territory are in a measure subject to
these, yet we see that in spirit and by their institutions they maintain, or attempt to
maintain, their liberty; all of which is due to the fact that there are in that country no
lords possessing castles, and exceedingly few or no gentlemen. On the contrary, there is
such a general equality that it would be easy for any man of sagacity, well versed in the
ancient forms of civil government, to introduce a republic there; but the misfortunes of
that country have been so great that up to the present time no man has arisen who has had
the power and ability to do so.
We may then draw the following conclusion from what has been said: that if any one
should wish to establish a republic in a country where there are many gentlemen, he will
not succeed until he has destroyed them all; and whoever desires to establish a kingdom or
principality where liberty and equality prevail, will equally fail, unless he withdraws
from that general equality a number of the boldest and most ambitious spirits, and makes
gentlemen of them, not merely in name but in fact, by giving to them castles and
possessions, as well as money and subjects; so that surrounded by these he may be able to
maintain his power, and that by his support they may satisfy their ambition, and the
others may be constrained to submit to that yoke to which force alone has been able to
subject them. And as in this way definite relations will be established between the ruler
and his subjects, they will be maintained in their respective ranks. But to establish a
republic in a country better adapted to a monarchy, or a monarchy where a republic would
be more suitable, requires a man of rare genius and power, and therefore out of the many
that have attempted it but few have succeeded; for the greatness of the enterprise
frightens men so that they fail even in the very beginning. Perhaps the opinion which I
have expressed, that a republic cannot be established where there are gentlemen, may seem
to be contradicted by the experience of the Venetian republic, in which none but gentlemen
could attain to any rank or public employment. And yet this example is in no way opposed
to my theory, for the gentlemen of Venice are so more in name than in fact; for they have
no great revenues from estates, their riches being founded upon commerce and a movable
property, and moreover none of them have castles or jurisdiction over subjects, but the
name of gentleman is only a title of dignity and respect, and is in no way based upon the
things that gentlemen enjoy in other countries. And as all other republics have different
classes under different names, so Venice is divided into gentlemen and commonalty, and the
former have all the offices and honours, from which the latter are entirely excluded; and
this distribution causes no disorders in that republic, for the reasons elsewhere given.
Let republics, then, be established where equality exists, and, on the contrary,
principalities where great inequality prevails; otherwise the governments will lack proper
proportions and have but little durability.
Source.
The Historical, Political and Diplomatic Writings of Niccolò Machiavelli,
trans. C. E. Detmold, 4 vols, Boston 1882. Extract from `Discourses' (I, 55).
This text is part of the Internet
Medieval Source Book. The Sourcebook is a collection of public domain and
copy-permitted texts related to medieval and Byzantine history.
Unless otherwise indicated the specific electronic form of the document is copyright.
Permission is granted for electronic copying, distribution in print form for educational
purposes and personal use. If you do reduplicate the document, indicate the source. No
permission is granted for commercial use.
© Paul Halsall, October 1998
halsall@fordham.edu
The Internet History Sourcebooks Project is located at the History Department of Fordham University, New York. The Internet
Medieval Sourcebook, and other medieval components of the project, are located at
the Fordham University Center
for Medieval Studies.The IHSP recognizes the contribution of Fordham University, the
Fordham University History Department, and the Fordham Center for Medieval Studies in
providing web space and server support for the project. The IHSP is a project independent of Fordham University. Although the IHSP seeks to follow all applicable copyright law, Fordham University is not
the institutional owner, and is not liable as the result of any legal action.
© Site Concept and Design: Paul Halsall created 26 Jan 1996: latest revision 15 November 2024 [CV]
|
