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Medieval Sourcebook:
Priscus at the court of Attila
We set out with the barbarians, and arrived at Sardica, which is
thirteen days for a fast traveller from Constantinople. Halting there
we considered it advisable to invite Edecon and the barbarians with
him to dinner. The inhabitants of the place sold us sheep and oxen,
which we slaughtered, and we prepared a meal. In the course of the
feast, as the barbarians lauded Attila and we lauded the Emperor,
Bigilas remarked that it was not fair to compare a man and a god,
meaning Attila by the man and Theodosius by the god. The Huns grew
excited and hot at this remark. But we turned the conversation in
another direction, and soothed their wounded feelings; and after
dinner, when we separated, Maximin presented Edecon and Orestes with
silk garments and Indian gems....
When we arrived at Naissus we found the city deserted, as though it
had been sacked; only a few sick persons lay in the churches. We
halted at a short distance from the river, in an open space, for all
the ground adjacent to the bank was full of the bones of men slain in
war. On the morrow we came to the station of Agintheus, the
commander-in-chief of the Illyrian armies (magister militum per
Illyricum), who was posted not far from Naissus, to announce to him
the Imperial commands, and to receive five of those seventeen
deserters, about whom Attila had written to the Emperor. We had an
interview with him, and having treated the deserters with kindness, he
committed them to us. The next day we proceeded from the district of
Naissus towards the Danube; we entered a covered valley with many
bends and windings and circuitous paths. We thought we were travelling
due west, but when the day dawned the sun rose in front; and some of
us unacquainted with the topography cried out that the sun was going
the wrong way, and portending unusual events. The fact was that that
part of the road faced the east, owing to the irregularity of the
ground. Having passed these rough places we arrived at a plain which
was also well wooded. At the river we were received by barbarian
ferrymen, who rowed us across the river in boats made by themselves
out of single trees hewn and hollowed. These preparations had not been
made for our sake, but to convey across a company of Huns; for Attila
pretended that he wished to hunt in Roman territory, but his intent
was really hostile, because all the deserters had not been given up to
him. Having crossed the Danube, and proceeded with the barbarians
about seventy stadia, we were compelled to wait in a certain plain,
that Edecon and his party might go on in front and inform Attila of
our arrival. As we were dining in the evening we heard the sound of
horses approaching, and two Scythians arrived with directions that we
were to set out to Attila. We asked them first to partake of our meal,
and they dismounted and made good cheer. On the next day, under their
guidance, we arrived at the tents of Attila, which were numerous,
about three o'clock, and when we wished to pitch our tent on a hill
the barbarians who met us prevented us, because the tent of Attila was
on low ground, so we halted where the Scythians desired.... (Then a
message is received from Attila, who was aware of the nature of their
embassy, saying that if they had nothing further to communicate to him
he would not receive them, so they reluctantly prepared to return.)
When the baggage had been packed on the beasts of burden, and we were
perforce preparing to start in the night time, messengers came from
Attila bidding us wait on account of the late hour. Then men arrived
with an ox and river fish, sent to us by Attila, and when we had dined
we retired to sleep. When it was day we expected a gentle and
courteous message from the barbarian, but he again bade us depart if
we had no further mandates beyond what he already knew. We made no
reply, and prepared to set out, though Bigilas insisted that we should
feign to have some other communication to make. When I saw that
Maximin was very dejected, I went to Scottas (one of the Hun nobles,
brother of Onegesius), taking with me Rusticius, who understood the
Hun language. He had come with us to Scythia, not as a member of the
embassy, but on business with Constantius, an Italian whom Aetius had
sent to Attila to be that monarch's private secretary. I informed
Scottas, Rusticius acting as interpreter, that Maximin would give him
many presents if he would procure him an interview with Attila; and,
moreover, that the embassy would not only conduce to the public
interests of the two powers, but to the private interest of Onegesius,
for the Emperor desired that he should be sent as an ambassador to
Byzantium, to arrange the disputes of the Huns and Romans, and that
there he would receive splendid gifts. As Onegesius was not present it
was for Scottas, I said, to help us, or rather help his brother, and
at the same time prove that the report was true which ascribed to him
an influence with Attila equal to that possessed by his brother.
Scottas mounted his horse and rode to Attila's tent, while I returned
to Maximin and found him in a state of perplexity and anxiety, lying
on the grass with Bigilas. I described my interview with Scottas, and
bade him make preparations for an audience of Attila. They both jumped
up, approving of what I had done, and recalled the men who had started
with the beasts of burden. As we were considering what to say to
Attila, and how to present the Emperor's gifts, Scottas came to fetch
us, and we entered Attila's tent, which was surrounded by a multitude
of barbarians. We found Attila sitting on a wooden chair. We stood at
a little distance and Maximin advanced and saluted the barbarian, to
whom he gave the Emperor's letter, saying that the Emperor prayed for
the safety of him and his. The king replied, "It shall be unto the
Romans as they wish it to be unto me," and immediately addressed
Bigilas, calling him a shameless beast, and asking him why he ventured
to come when all the deserters had not been given up. . . .
After the departure of Bigilas, who returned to the Empire (nominally
to find the deserters whose restoration Attila demanded, but really to
get the money for his fellow-conspirator Edecon), we remained one day
in that place, and then set out with Attila for the northern parts of
the country. We accompanied the barbarian for a time, but when we
reached a certain point took another route by the command of the
Scythians who conducted us, as Attila was proceeding to a village
where he intended to marry the daughter of Eskam, though he had many
other wives, for the Scythians practise polygamy. We proceeded along a
level road in a plain and met with navigable rivers--of which the
greatest, next to the Danube, are the Drecon, Tigas, and
Tiphesas--which we crossed in the Monoxyles, boats made of one piece,
used by the dwellers on the banks: the smaller rivers we traversed on
rafts which the barbarians carry about with them on carts, for the
purpose of crossing morasses. In the villages we were supplied with
food--millet instead of corn, and mead, as the natives call it,
instead of wine. The attendants who followed us received millet, and a
drink made of barley, which the barbarians call kam. Late in the
evening, having travelled a long distance, we pitched our tents on the
banks of a fresh-water lake, used for water by the inhabitants of the
neighbouring village. But a wind and storm, accompanied by thunder and
lightning and heavy rain, arose, and almost threw down our tents; all
our utensils were rolled into the waters of the lake. Terrified by the
mishap and the atmospherical disturbance, we left the place and lost
one another in the dark and the rain, each following the road that
seemed most easy. But we all reached the village by different ways,
and raised an alarm to obtain what we lacked. The Scythians of the
village sprang out of their huts at the noise, and, lighting the reeds
which they use for kindling fires, asked what we wanted. Our
conductors replied that the storm had alarmed us; so they invited us
to their huts and provided warmth for us by lighting large fires of
reeds. The lady who governed the village- -she had been one of Bleda's
wives--sent us provisions and good-looking girls to console us (this
is a Scythian compliment). We treated the young women to a share in
the eatables. but declined to take any further advantage of their
presence. We remained in the huts till day dawned and then went to
look for our lost utensils, which we found partly in the place where
we had pitched the tent, partly on the bank of the lake, and partly in
the water. We spent that day in the village drying our things; for the
storm had ceased and the sun was bright. Having looked after our
horses and cattle, we directed our steps to the princess, to whom we
paid our respects and presented gifts in return for her courtesy. The
gifts consisted of things which are esteemed by the barbarians as not
produced in the country--three silver phials, red skins, Indian
pepper, palm fruit, and other delicacies.
Having advanced a distance of seven days farther, we halted at a
village; for as the rest of the route was the same for us and Attila,
it behoved us to wait, so that he might go in front. Here we met with
some of the "western Romans," who had also come on an embassy to
Attila--the count Romulus, Promotus governor of Noricum, and Romanus a
military captain. With them was Constantius whom Aetius had sent to
Attila to be his secretary, and Tatulus, the father of Orestes; these
two were not connected with the embassy, but were friends of the
ambassadors. Constantius had known them of old in the Italies, and
Orestes had married the daughter of Romulus.
The object of the embassy, was to soften the soul of Attila, who
demanded the surrender of one Silvanus, a dealer in silver plate in
Rome, because he had received golden vessels from a certain
Constantius. This Constantius, a native of Gaul, had preceded his
namesake in the office of secretary to Attila. When Sirmium in
Pannonia was besieged by the Scythians, the bishop of the place
consigned the vessels to his (Constantius') care, that if the city
were taken and he survived they might be used to ransom him; and in
case he were slain, to ransom the citizens who were led into
captivity. But when the city was enslaved, Constantius violated his
engagement, and, as he happened to be at Rome on business, pawned the
vessels to Silvanus for a sum of money, on condition that if he gave
back the money within a prescribed period the dishes should be
returned, but otherwise should become the property of Silvanus.
Constantius, suspected of treachery, was crucified by Attila and
Bleda; and afterwards, when the affair of the vessels became known to
Attila, he demanded the surrender of Silvanus on the ground that he
had stolen his property. Accordingly Aetius and the Emperor of the
Western Romans sent to explain that Silvanus was the creditor of
Constantius, the vessels having been pawned and not stolen, and that
he had sold them to priests and others for sacred purposes. If,
however, Attila refused to desist from his demand, he, the Emperor,
would send him the value of the vessels, but would not surrender the
innocent Silvanus.
Having waited for some time until Attila advanced in front of us, we
proceeded, and having crossed some rivers we arrived at a large
village, where Attila's house was said to be more splendid than his
residences in other places. It was made of polished boards, and
surrounded with a wooden enclosure, designed, not for protection, but
for appearance. The house of Onegesius was second to the king's in
splendour, and was also encircled with a wooden enclosure, but it was
not adorned with towers like that of the king. Not far from the
enclosure was a large bath which Onegesius--who was the second in
power among the Scythians-- built, having transported the stones from
Pannonia; for the barbarians in this district had no stones or trees,
but used imported material. The builder of the bath was a captive from
Sirmium, who expected to win his freedom as payment for making the
bath. But he was disappointed, and greater trouble befell him than
mere captivity among the Scythians, for Onegesius appointed him
bathman, and he used to minister to him and his family when they
bathed.
When Attila entered the village he was met by girls advancing in rows,
under thin white canopies of linen, which were held up by the outside
women who stood under them, and were so large that seven or more girls
walked beneath each. There were many lines of damsels thus canopied,
and they sang Scythian songs. When he came near the house of
Onegesius, which lay on his way, the wife of Onegesius issued from the
door, with a number of servants, bearing meat and wine, and saluted
him and begged him to partake of her hospitality. This is the highest
honour that can be shown among the Scythians. To gratify the wife of
his friend, he ate, just as he sat on his horse, his attendants
raising the tray to his saddlebow; and having tasted the wine, he went
on to the palace, which was higher than the other houses and built on
an elevated site. But we remained in the house of Onegesius, at his
invitation, for he had returned from his expedition with Attila's son.
His wife and kinsfolk entertained us to dinner, for he had no leisure
himself, as he had to relate to Attila the result of his expedition,
and explain the accident which had happened to the young prince, who
had slipped and broken his right arm. After dinner we left the house
of Onegesius, and took up our quarters nearer the palace, so that
Maximin might be at a convenient distance for visiting Attila or
holding intercourse with his court. The next morning, at dawn of day,
Maximin sent me to Onegesius, with presents offered by himself as well
as those which the Emperor had sent, and I was to find out whether he
would have an interview with Maximin and at what time. When I arrived
at the house, along with the attendants who carried the gifts, I found
the doors closed, and had to wait until some one should come out and
announce our arrival. As I waited and walked up and down in front of
the enclosure which surrounded the house, a man, whom from his
Scythian dress I took for a barbarian, came up and addressed me in
Greek, with the word Xaire, "Hail!" I was surprised at a Scythian
speaking Greek. For the subjects of the Huns, swept together from
various lands, speak, besides their own barbarous tongues, either
Hunnic or Gothic, or--as many as have commercial dealings with the
western Romans--Latin; but none of them easily speak Greek, except
captives from the Thracian or Illyrian sea-coast; and these last are
easily known to any stranger by their torn garments and the squalor of
their heads, as men who have met with a reverse. This man, on the
contrary, resembled a well-to-do Scythian, being well dressed, and
having his hair cut in a circle after Scythian fashion. Having
returned his salutation, I asked him who he was and whence he had come
into a foreign land and adopted Scythian life. When he asked me why I
wanted to know, I told him that his Hellenic speech had prompted my
curiosity. Then he smiled and said that he was born a Greek and had
gone as a merchant to Viminacium, on the Danube, where he had stayed a
long time, and married a very rich wife. But the city fell a prey to
the barbarians, and he was stript of his prosperity, and on account of
his riches was allotted to Onegesius in the division of the spoil, as
it was the custom among the Scythians for the chiefs to reserve for
themselves the rich prisoners. Having fought bravely against the
Romans and the Acatiri, he had paid the spoils he won to his master,
and so obtained freedom. He then married a barbarian wife and had
children, and had the privilege of eating at the table of Onegesius.
He considered his new life among the Scythians better than his old
life among the Romans, and the reasons he gave were as follows: "After
war the Scythians live in inactivity, enjoying what they have got, and
not at all, or very little, harassed. The Romans, on the other hand,
are in the first place very liable to perish in war, as they have to
rest their hopes of safety on others, and are not allowed, on account
of their tyrants to use arms. And those who use them are injured by
the cowardice of their generals, who cannot support the conduct of
war. But the condition of the subjects in time of peace is far more
grievous than the evils of war, for the exaction of the taxes is very
severe, and unprincipled men inflict injuries on others, because the
laws are practically not valid against all classes. A transgressor who
belongs to the wealthy classes is not punished for his injustice,
while a poor man, who does not understand business, undergoes the
legal penalty, that is if he does not depart this life before the
trial, so long is the course of lawsuits protracted, and so much money
is expended on them. The climax of the misery is to have to pay in
order to obtain justice. For no one will give a court to the injured
man unless he pay a sum of money to the judge and the judge's clerks."
In reply to this attack on the Empire, I asked him to be good enough
to listen with patience to the other side of the question. "The
creators of the Roman republic," I said, "who were wise and good men,
in order to prevent things from being done at haphazard made one class
of men guardians of the laws, and appointed another class to the
profession of arms, who were to have no other object than to be always
ready for battle, and to go forth to war without dread, as though to
their ordinary exercise having by practice exhausted all their fear
beforehand. Others again were assigned to attend to the cultivation of
the ground, to support both themselves and those who fight in their
defence, by contributing the military corn-supply.... To those who
protect the interests of the litigants a sum of money is paid by the
latter, just as a payment is made by the farmers to the soldiers. Is
it not fair to support him who assists and requite him for his
kindness? The support of the horse benefits the horseman.... Those who
spend money on a suit and lose it in the end cannot fairly put it down
to anything but the injustice of their case. And as to the long time
spent on lawsuits, that is due to concern for justice, that judges may
not fail in passing correct judgments, by having to give sentence
offhand; it is better that they should reflect, and conclude the case
more tardily, than that by judging in a hurry they should both injure
man and transgress against the Deity, the institutor of justice....
The Romans treat their servants better than the king of the Scythians
treats his subjects. They deal with them as fathers or teachers,
admonishing them to abstain from evil and follow the lines of conduct
whey they have esteemed honourable; they reprove them for their errors
like their own children. They are not allowed, like the Scythians, to
inflict death on them. They have numerous ways of conferring freedom;
they can manumit not only during life, but also by their wills, and
the testamentary wishes of a Roman in regard to his property are law."
My interlocutor shed tears, and confessed that the laws and
constitution of the Romans were fair, but deplored that the governors,
not possessing the spirit of former generations, were ruining the
State.
As we were engaged in this discussion a servant came out and opened
the door of the enclosure. I hurried up, and inquired how Onegesius
was engaged, for I desired to give him a message from the Roman
ambassador. He replied that I should meet him if I waited a little, as
he was about to go forth. And after a short time I saw him coming out,
and addressed him, saying, "The Roman ambassador salutes you, and I
have come with gifts from him, and with the gold which the Emperor
sent you. The ambassador is anxious to meet you, and begs you to
appoint a time and place." Onegesius bade his servants receive the
gold and the gifts, and told me to announce to Maximin that he would
go to him immediately. I delivered the message, and Onegesius appeared
in the tent without delay. He expressed his thanks to Maximin and the
Emperor for the presents, and asked why he sent for him. Maximin said
that the time had come for Onegesius to have greater renown among men,
if he would go to the Emperor, and by his wisdom arrange the objects
of dispute between the Romans and Huns, and establish concord between
them; thereby he will procure many advantages for his own family, as
he all his children will always be friends of the Emperor and the
Imperial family. Onegesius inquired what measures would gratify the
Emperor and how he could arrange the disputes. Maximin replied: "If
you cross into the lands of the Roman Empire you will lay the Emperor
under an obligation, and you will arrange the matters at issue by
investigating their causes and deciding them on the basis of the
peace." Onegesius said he would inform the Emperor and his ministers
of Attila's wishes, but the Romans need not think they could ever
prevail with him to betray his master or neglect his Scythian training
and his wives and children, or to prefer wealth among the Romans to
bondage with Attila. He added that he would be of more service to the
Romans by remaining in his own land and softening the anger of his
master, if he were indignant for aught with the Romans, than by
visiting them and subjecting himself to blame if he made arrangements
that Attila did not approve of. He then retired, having consented that
I should act as an intermediary in conveying messages from Maximin to
himself, for it would not have been consistent with Maximin's dignity
as ambassador to visit him constantly.
The next day I entered the enclosure of Attila's palace, bearing gifts
to his wife, whose name was Kreka. She had three sons, of whom the
eldest governed the Acatiri and the other nations who dwell in Pontic
Scythia. Within the enclosure were numerous buildings, some of carved
boards beautifully fitted together, others of straight, fastened on
round wooden blocks which rose to a moderate height from the ground.
Attila's wife lived here, and, having been admitted by the barbarians
at the door, I found her reclining on a soft couch. The floor of the
room was covered with woollen mats for walking on. A number of
servants stood round her, and maids sitting on the floor in front of
her embroidered with colours linen cloths intended to be placed over
the Scythian dress for ornament. Having approached, saluted, and
presented the gifts, I went out, and walked to another house, where
Attila was, and waited for Onegesius, who, as I knew, was with Attila.
I stood in the middle of a great crowd--the guards of Attila and his
attendants knew me, and so no one hindered me. I saw a number of
people advancing, and a great commotion and noise, Attila's egress
being expected. And he came forth from the house with a dignified
gait, looking round on this side and on that. He was accompanied by
Onegesius, and stood in front of the house; and many persons who had
lawsuits with one another came up and received his judgment. Then he
returned into the house, and received ambassadors of barbarous
peoples.
As I was waiting for Onegesius, I was accosted by Romulus and Promotus
and Romanus, the ambassadors who had come from Italy about the golden
vessels; they were accompanied by Rusticius and by Constantiolus, a
man from the Pannonian territory, which was subject to Attila. They
asked me whether we had been dismissed or are constrained to remain,
and I replied that it was just to learn this from Onegesius that I was
waiting outside the palace. When I inquired in my turn whether Attila
had vouchsafed them a kind reply, they told me that his decision could
not be moved, and that he threatened war unless either Silvanus or the
drinking-vessels were given up....
As we were talking about the state of the world, Onegesius came out;
we went up to him and asked him about our concerns. Having first
spoken with some barbarians, he bade me inquire of Maximin what
consular the Romans are sending as an ambassador to Attila. When I
came to our tent I delivered the message to Maximin, and deliberated
with him what answer we should make to the question of the barbarian.
Returning to Onegesius, I said that the Romans desired him to come to
them and adjust the matters of dispute, otherwise the Emperor will
send whatever ambassador he chooses. He then bade me fetch Maximin,
whom he conducted to the presence of Attila. Soon after Maximin came
out, and told me that the barbarian wished Nomus or Anatolius or
Senator to be the ambassador, and that he would not receive any other
than one of these three; when he (Maximin) replied that it was not
meet to mention men by name and so render them suspected in the eyes
of the Emperor, Attila said that if they do not choose to comply with
his wishes the differences will be adjusted by arms.
When we returned to our tent the father of Orestes came with an
invitation from Attila for both of us to a banquet at three o'clock.
When the hour arrived we went to the palace, along with the embassy
from the western Romans, and stood on the threshold of the hall in the
presence of Attila. The cup-bearers gave us a cup, according to the
national custom, that we might pray before we sat down. Having tasted
the cup, we proceeded to take our seats; all the chairs were ranged
along the walls of the room on either side. Attila sat in the middle
on a couch; a second couch was set behind him, and from it steps led
up to his bed, which was covered with linen sheets and wrought
coverlets for ornament, such as Greeks and Romans use to deck bridal
beds. The places on the right of Attila were held chief in honour,
those on the left, where we sat, were only second. Berichus, a noble
among the Scythians, sat on our side, but had the precedence of us.
Onegesius sat on a chair on the right of Attila's couch, and over
against Onegesius on a chair sat two of Attila's sons; his eldest son
sat on his couch, not near him, but at the extreme end, with his eyes
fixed on the ground, in shy respect for his father. When all were
arranged, a cup-bearer came and handed Attila a wooden cup of wine. He
took it, and saluted the first in precedence, who, honoured by the
salutation, stood up, and might not sit down until the king, having
tasted or drained the wine, returned the cup to the attendant. All the
guests then honoured Attila in the same way, saluting him, and then
tasting the cups; but he did not stand up. Each of us had a special
cupbearer, who would come forward in order to present the wine, when
the cup-bearer of Attila retired. When the second in precedence and
those next to him had been honoured in like manner, Attila toasted us
in the same way according to the order of the seats. When this
ceremony was over the cup-bearers retired, and tables, large enough
for three or four, or even more, to sit at, were placed next the table
of Attila, so that each could take of the food on the dishes without
leaving his seat. The attendant of Attila first entered with a dish
full of meat, and behind him came the other attendants with bread and
viands, which they laid on the tables. A luxurious meal, served on
silver plate, had been made ready for us and the barbarian guests, but
Attila ate nothing but meat on a wooden trencher. In everything else,
too, he showed himself temperate; his cup was of wood, while to the
guests were given goblets of gold and silver. His dress, too, was
quite simple, affecting only to be clean. The sword he carried at his
side, the latchets of his Scythian shoes, the bridle of his horse were
not adorned, like those of the other Scythians, with gold or gems or
anything costly. When the viands of the first course had been consumed
we all stood up, and did not resume our seats until each one, in the
order before observed, drank to the health of Attila in the goblet of
wine presented to him. We then sat down, and a second dish was placed
on each table with eatables of another kind. After this course the
same ceremony was observed as after the first. When evening fell
torches were lit, and two barbarians coming forward in front of Attila
sang songs they had composed, celebrating his victories and deeds of
valour in war. And of the guests, as they looked at the singers, some
were pleased with the verses, others reminded of wars were excited in
their souls, while yet others, whose bodies were feeble with age and
their spirits compelled to rest, shed tears. After the songs a
Scythian, whose mind was deranged, appeared, and by uttering
outlandish and senseless words forced the company to laugh. After him
Zerkon, the Moorish dwarf, entered. He had been sent by Attila as a
gift to Aetius, and Edecon had persuaded him to come to Attila in
order to recover his wife, whom he had left behind him in Scythia; the
lady was a Scythian whom he had obtained in marriage through the
influence of his patron Bleda. He did not succeed in recovering her,
for Attila was angry with him for returning. On the occasion of the
banquet he made his appearance, and threw all except Attila into fits
of unquenchable laughter by his appearance, his dress, his voice, and
his words, which were a confused jumble of Latin, Hunnic, and Gothic.
Attila, however, remained immovable and of unchanging countenance nor
by word or act did he betray anything approaching to a smile of
merriment except at the entry of Ernas, his youngest son, whom he
pulled by the cheek, and gazed on with a calm look of satisfaction. I
was surprised that he made so much of this son, and neglected his
other children but a barbarian who sat beside me and knew Latin,
bidding me not revea what he told, gave me to understand that prophets
had forewarned Attila that his race would fall, but would be restored
by this boy. When the night had advanced we retired from the banquet,
not wishing to assist further at the potations.
Translation by J.B. Bury (Priscus, fr. 8 in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum)
I am not sure of the origin of this etext. [is it James O'Donell's from Upenn?]. If you have information, please let me know.
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(c)Paul Halsall Mar 1996
halsall@murray.fordham.edu
The Internet History Sourcebooks Project is located at the History Department of Fordham University, New York. The Internet
Medieval Sourcebook, and other medieval components of the project, are located at
the Fordham University Center
for Medieval Studies.The IHSP recognizes the contribution of Fordham University, the
Fordham University History Department, and the Fordham Center for Medieval Studies in
providing web space and server support for the project. The IHSP is a project independent of Fordham University. Although the IHSP seeks to follow all applicable copyright law, Fordham University is not
the institutional owner, and is not liable as the result of any legal action.
© Site Concept and Design: Paul Halsall created 26 Jan 1996: latest revision 15 November 2024 [CV]
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