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Medieval Sourcebook:
William of Tyre:
History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea
William of Tyre was born in the Holy Land, born in the Holy
Land and was, after a French education, appointed Archbishop of
Tyre and Chancellor of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. He wrote towards
the end of the twelfth century.
Selections from the Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis
gestarum [History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea]
- 1. Peter the Hermit
- 2. Godfrey Of Bouillon Becomes "Defender Of The Holy Sepulcher [IX, 1-2, 5]
- 3. The Foundation of the Order of KnightsTemplar [XII, 7]
- 4. Fall of Edessa [XIV: 4-5]
- 5. The Fiasco at Damascus [XVII:3-6]
- 6. The Capture of Ascalon (August
22, 1153) [XVII, 22-25, 27-30]
- 7. Egypt in the Twelfth Century [XIX,
23]
- 8. Revolution in Egypt [XX, 5-10]
- 9. Baldwin IV Becomes King of Jerusalem [XXI, 1-2] (1174)
- 10. The Estrangement Between Raymond of Tripoli and Baldwin IV [XXII, 9](1180)
- 11. Guy Lusignan Becomes Regent [XXII,
25] (1182)
- 12. Raymond II of Tripoli Replaces Guy de Lusignan as Regent [XXIII, 1] (1183/84)
See also:
William of Tyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea,
trans. Emily A. Babcock and A.C. Krey, (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1943)
August C. Krey, "William of Tyre", Speculum 16,
(1941), 149-66
1. Peter the Hermit
Although William is an excellent historian, his account of
Peter the Hermit, written almost a century later, shows how Peter
became a mythic figure. Research by Hegenmeyer in the mid 19th century showed that Peter did not incit Urban to preach, did not
speak at Clermont, and preached for only a few months.
A certain priest named Peter, from the kingdom of the Franks and
the bishopric of Amiens, a hermit both in deed and name, I by
the same ardor, arrived at Jerusalem. He was small in stature
and his external appearance contemptible, but greater valor ruled
in his slight frame. For be was sharp witted, his glance was bright
and captivating, and be spoke with ease and eloquence. Having
paid the tax which was exacted from all Christians who wished
to enter, he went into the city and was entertained by a trusty
man who was also a confessor of Christ. He diligently questioned
his host, as he was a zealous man, and learned more fully from
him not only the existing perils, but also the persecutions which
their ancestors had suffered long before. And if in what he heard
any details were lacking, he completed the account from the witness
of his own eyes. For remaining in the city and visiting the churches
he learned more fully the truth of what had been told to him by
others.
Hearing also that the Patriarch of the city was a devout and God-fearing
man, he wished to confer with him and to learn more fully from
him the truth concerning some matters. Accordingly lie went to
him, and having been presented by a trustworthy man, both be and
the Patriarch mutually enjoyed their conferences.
The name of the Patriarch was Simeon. As he learned from Peter's
conversation that the latter was prudent, able and eloquent, and
a man of great experience, be began to disclose to him more confidentially
all the evils which the people of God bad suffered while dwelling
in Jerusalem.
To whom Peter replied: "You may be assured, holy father,
that if the Roman church and the princes of the West should learn
from a zealous and a reliable witness the calamities which you
suffer, there is not the slightest doubt that they would hasten
to remedy the evil, both by words and deeds. Write them zealously
both to the lord Pope and the Roman church and to the kings and
princes of the West, and confirm your letter by the authority
Of your seal. I, truly, for the sake of the salvation of my soul,
do not hesitate to undertake this task. And I aim prepared under
God's guidance to visit them all, to exhort them all, zealously
to inform them of the greatness of your sufferings and to urge
them to hasten to your relief."
Of a truth, Thou art great, O Lord our God, and to thy mercy there
is no end! Of a truth, blessed Jesus, those who trust in Thee
shall not be brought to confusion! How did this poor pilgrim,
destitute of all resources and far from his native land, have
so great confidence that he dared to undertake an enterprise so
much beyond his strength and to hope to accomplish his vow, unless
it was that he turned all his thoughts to Thee, his protector,
and filled with charity, pitying the misfortunes of his brethren,
loving, his neighbor as himself, he was content to fulfill the
law? Strength', is a vain thing, but charity overcometh. What
his brethren prescribed might appear difficult and even impossible,
but the love of God and of his neighbor rendered it easy for him,
for love is strong as death. Faith which worketh by love availeth
with Thee, and the good deeds near Thee do not remain without
fruit. Accordingly Thou didst not permit Thy servant long to remain
in doubt. Thou didst manifest Thyself to him. Thou didst fortify,
him by Thy revelation that he might not hesitate, and breathing
into him Thy hidden spirit, Thou madest him arise with greater
strength to accomplish the work of charity.
Therefore, after performing the usual prayers, taking leave of
the lord Patriarch and receiving his blessing, he went to the
seacoast. There he found a vessel belonging to some merchants
who were preparing to cross to Apulia. He went on board, and after
a successful journey arrived at Bari. Thence he proceeded to Rome,
and found the lord Pope Urban in the vicinity. He presented the
letters of the Patriarch and of the Christians who dwelt at Jerusalem,
and showed their misery and the abominations which the unclean
races wrought in the holy places. Thus faithfully and prudently
he performed the commission entrusted to him.
Source:
[Belli. Sacri Hist. Book 1, ch ii ff] trans in Dana C.
Munro, "Urban and the Crusaders", Translations and
Reprints from the Original Sources of European History, Vol
1:2, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1895), 20
2. Godfrey Of Bouillon Becomes
"Defender Of The Holy Sepulcher
When the Holy City had, by the superabundant grace of the Lord,
been restored and affairs had returned to a more or less tranquil
state, the army spent seven days rejoicing greatly, With spiritual
gladness and fear of the Lord. On the eighth day [July 22 1099]
the princes gathered in order that, after calling on the grace
of the Holy Spirit, they might deal with the business of electing
one of their group to rule over the area and take charge of the
royal duties in the province. While they were gathered, some of
the clergy assembled. The latter were puffed up with spiritual
pride. They sought their own ends, not those of Jesus Christ.
They professed to have a secret message which they wished to convey
to the princes who were participating in the conclave. The clergy's
representatives, when admitted, said: "It has been announced
to the clergy that you have assembled in order to elect one of
yourselves as king. Your proposal seems to us a just and useful
one and worthy to be carried out if only the proper order in this
matter be observed, For it is certain that spiritual matters are
of greater dignity than secular affairs and, truly, what is of
greater dignity ought to have precedence. It seems to us, therefore,
that unless a backward order be followed, a religious person,
a man pleasing to God, ought first to be chosen, who will know
how to preside and rule over the Church of God. This, rather than
the election of a secular power, ought to be done first. If you
will follow this procedure, we shall indeed be pleased and we
shall be with you body and soul. If you do not, however, we shall
judge and decree that whatsoever you have ordained out of our
order is invalid and without force among men .... "
The princes, however, considered the aforementioned message frivolous
and without weight.... Some say that in order to proceed to an
election which was pleasing to God and which took account of individual
merits, the princes called in some of the household of each of
the great leaders, made them take a solemn oath, and questioned
them about the conduct and habits of their lords so that they
would tell the truth without any admixture of falsehood. This
was done so that the electors might thus be more fully and more
faithfully informed of the merits of the candidates. Those who
were later very closely questioned under the required oath by
the electors were forced to confess in secret the vices of their
lords and likewise to enumerate their virtues, so that it might
be made plain just what sort of men their lords were. When the
Duke 'S6 household were questioned among the others, they replied
that, among all the Duke's actions, the one which most irritated
his servants was this: that when he entered a church, even after
the celebration of the liturgy had been finished, he could not
be drawn out. Rather, be demanded of the priests and those who
seemed experienced in such matters an account of each picture
and statue. His associates, who were interested in other things,
found this boring, even nauseating. Further, his meals, which
had been prepared for a certain and appropriate hour, grew cold
and most unappetizing because of these long and vexing delays.
The electors who heard these things said: "Blessed is the
man to whom are ascribed as faults those traits which would be
called virtues in another." At length, after consulting with
one another and after many deliberations, they unanimously elected
the lord Duke. They brought him to the Holy Sepulcher of the Lord
most devoutly, chanting hymns and canticles.
It is said, however, that most of the nobles bad agreed upon Lord
Raymond, Count of Toulouse. When they learned, however, that if
the kingdom were not given to Raymond he would immediately return
home, they were led by their desire for their native land to invent
reasons to bold him unfitted, and they even went against the dictates
of their consciences to do so. Count Raymond, nonetheless, spurned
his native land and did not return home, but, instead, most devoutly
followed Christ. He extended further the pilgrimage upon which
be bad embarked and followed it in voluntary poverty to the end....
After the oftmentioned Lord Duke had, by God's grace, been
confirmed as the bead of the Kingdom and after all the quarrels
which had arisen had abated, the Kingdom in his days grew more
secure and well established. He reigned but one year, for, because
men's sins, the Kingdom was deprived of the continued consolation
of such a prince. He refreshed the newly planted Kingdom and gave
it protection against the molestations of attacker He was wrenched
away in midcareer, lest his heart be affected by evil; as
it is written: "The men of mercy are taken away and there
is none that understandeth."',
Duke Godfrey was born in the French kingdom, in the province of
Reims, in the city of Boulogne by the English Sea. He w descended
from illustrious and religious forebears. His father was the elder
Lord Eustace, the famous and splendid Count of that region, whose
many and memorable works are still recalled by the old men of
the neighboring provinces and his memory as a religious and Godfearing
man is like a blessing" in the pious recollection of men.
Duke Godfrey's mother was wellknown among the noble matrons
of the West, as much for her way of life as for her noble generosity.
She was named Ida and was a sister of the exalted Duke Godfrey
of Lorraine who was known as Struma. That Duke Godfrey, since
he had no children, adopted his nephew Godfrey as his own son
and bestowed his entire patrimony upon young Godfrey as his heir.
Thus, when the elder Duke Godfrey died, the young Godfrey succeeded
him as Duke.
The younger Duke Godfrey had three brothers who, by reason of
their worthy lives and their distinguished virtues, were true
brothers to such a prince. They were the Lord Baldwin, Count of
Edessa, who succeeded Godfrey in the kingdom; and the Lord Eustace,
Count of Boulogne, who was his father's namesake, successor to
his father as Count and inheritor of the paternal estate…The
third was Lord William, a famous man, no less virtuous and energetic
than his father and brothers. Of these three, the first two followed
their lord and brother, Duke Godfrey, on the expedition, while
the third remained at home.
Godfrey was the eldest of them by birth and the foremost in his
inner qualities as well.... He was a religious man, mild mannered,
virtuous, and Godfearing. He was just, he avoided evil,
he was trustworthy and dependable in his undertakings. He scorned
the vanities of the world, a quality rare in that age and especially
among men of the military profession. He was assiduous in prayer
and pious works, renowned for his liberality, graciously affable,
civil, and merciful. His whole life was commendable and pleasing
to God. His body was tall and although he was shorter than the
very tall, yet he was taller than men of average height. He was
a man of incomparable strength, with stout limbs, a manly chest,
and a handsome face. His hair and beard were a medium blond. He
was considered by everyone to be most outstanding in the use of
weapons and in military operations.
Source:
William of Tyre, Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum,
IX, 1-2, 5, Patrologia Latina 201, 433-35, 437-38, Translated
by James Brundage, The Crusades: A Documentary History,
(Milwaukee, WI: Marquette University Press, 1962), 70-73
Copyright note: Professor Brundage informed the Medieval
Sourcebook that copyright was not renewed on this work. Moreover
he gave permission for use of his translations.
3. Foundation of the Order of Knights Templar
In this same year,[1118] certain noble men of knightly rank, religious
men, devoted to God and fearing him, bound themselves to Christ's
service in the hands of the Lord Patriarch. They promised to live
in perpetuity as regular canons, without possessions, under vows
of chastity and obedience. Their foremost leaders were the venerable
Hugh of Payens and Geoffrey of St. Omer. Since they had no church
nor any fixed abode, the king, gave them for a time a dwelling
place in the south wing of the palace, near the Lord's Temple.
The canons of the Lord's Temple gave them, under certain conditions,
a square near the palace which the canons possessed. This the
knights used as a drill field. The Lord King and his noblemen
and also the Lord Patriarch and the prelates of the church gave
them benefices from their domains, some for a limited time and
some in perpetuity. These were to provide the knights with food
and clothing. Their primary duty, one which was enjoined upon
them by the Lord Patriarch and the other bishops for the remission
of sins, was that of protecting the roads and routes against the
attacks of robbers and brigands. This they did especially in order
to safeguard pilgrims.
For nine years after their founding, the knights wore secular
clothing. They used such garments as the people, for their soul's
salvation, gave them. In their ninth year there was held in France,
at Troyes, a council at which the Lord Archbishops of Reims and
Sens and their suffragans were present, as well as the Bishop
of Albano, who was the legate of the apostolic see, and the Abbots
of Citeaux, Clairvaux, Pontigny, with many others. This council,
by command of the Lord Pope Honorius and the Lord Stephen, Patriarch
of Jerusalem, established a rule for the knights and assigned
them a white habit.
Although the knights now had been established for nine years,
there were still only nine of them. From this time onward their
numbers began to grow and their possessions began to multiply.
Later, in Pope Eugene's time, it is said that both the knights
and their humbler servants, called sergeants, began to affix crosses
made of red cloth to their mantles, so as to distinguish themselves
from others. They have now grown so great that there are in this
Order today [William was writing c. 1170-74] about 300 knights
who wear white mantles, in addition to the brothers, who are almost
countless. They are said to have immense possessions both here
and overseas, so that there is now not a province in the Christian
world which has not bestowed upon the aforesaid brothers a portion
of its goods. It is said today that their wealth is equal to the
treasures of kings. Because they have a headquarters in the royal
palace next to the Temple of the Lord, as we have said before,
they are called the Brothers of the Militia of the Temple. Although
they maintained their establishment honorably for a long time
and fulfilled their vocation with sufficient prudence, later,
because of the neglect of humility (which is known as the guardian
of all virtues and which, since it sits in the lowest place, cannot
fall), they with drew from the Patriarch of Jerusalem, by whom
their Order was founded and from whom they received their first
benefices and to whom they denied the obedience which their predecessors
rendered. They have also taken away tithes and first fruits from
God's churches, have disturbed their possessions, and have made
themselves exceedingly troublesome.
Source:
William of Tyre, Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum,
XII, 7, Patrologia Latina 201, 526-27, Translated by James
Brundage, The Crusades: A Documentary History, (Milwaukee,
WI: Marquette University Press, 1962), 70-73
Copyright note: Professor Brundage informed the Medieval
Sourcebook that copyright was not renewed on this work. Moreover
he gave permission for use of his translations.
4. The Fall of Edessa
[Introduction from Brundage] So long as the wars of the Latin
states were confined to minor conflicts with one or two petty
Moslem princes, no grave danger was entailed. But when major combinations
of Moslem powers appeared, then the situation could become perilous
indeed. On such occasions, the safety of the Kingdom of Jerusalem
and the other principalities absolutely demanded that they cooperate
for mutual defense. As has often happened in more modern times,
however, the necessity for common action against a common foe
was uncommonly difficult for kings and princes to appreciate.
And even when the necessity for common action was perceived by
the leaders of the Latin East, petty domestic quarrels between
them frequently made their combinations with one another tenuous
and halfhearted affairs. Thus it was that when the first concerted
Moslem attack upon one of the Latin states occurred, the other
states were diffident and disinclined to lend assistance to the
one attacked.
The occasion arose in 1144, when the easternmost of the Latin
states, Edessa, fell prey to Zengi. Zengi, whose rise to power
had begun at Mosul in 1127, bad gradually acquired authority through
war, intimidation, and treaty over a whole host of Moslem principalities
in Syria. When his large and powerful army turned its unwelcome
attention upon Edessa in 1144, Zengi found the Latins divided.
The count of Edessa, Joscelyn II, was at odds with the prince
of Antioch. The count of Tripoli was only vaguely interested in
events so far to the east, and in Jerusalem, King Fulk bad just
died, leaving the government in the hands of Queen Melisende as
regent for their thirteen year old son, Baldwin III.
Consequently, Zengi found his attack opposed only by the negligible
forces of Edessa itself.
In that same year, [1144] during the time which elapsed between
the death of King Baldwin's father and Baldwin's elevation to
the throne, one Zengi, a vicious man, was the most powerful of
the Eastern Turks. His city, formerly called Nineveh, but now
known as Mosul, is the metropolis of the region which was earlier
called Assur. Zengi, its lord and governor, at this time laid
siege to the city of Edessa, more commonly called Rohas, the greatest
and most splendid city of the Medes. Zengi did this, relying on
the numbers and strength of his men and also on the very dangerous
strife which had arisen between Prince Raymond of Antioch and
Count Joscelyn. of Edessa. The city of Edessa lies beyond the
Euphrates, one day's journey from the river. The aforesaid Count
of Edessa, contrary to the custom of his predecessors, had ceased
to live in the city and made his constant and perpetual abode
in a place called Turbessel. He did this both because of the richness
of the spot and because of his own laziness. Here, far from the
tumult A the enemy and free to pursue his pleasures, the count
failed to take proper care of his noble city. The population of
Edessa was made up of Chaldeans and Armenians, unwarlike men,
scarcely familiar with the use of arms and accustomed only to
the acts of trade. The city was only rarely visited by Latins
and very few of them lived there. The safekeeping of the city
was entrusted solely to mercenaries and these were not paid according
to he type of service they performed or the length of time for
which they were engaged indeed, they often had to wait
a year or more for the payment of their stated wages. Both Baldwin
and the elder Joscelyn, when they held the county, made their
home permanently and customarily in Edessa and took care to have
the city supplied with food, arms, and other necessary items from
nearby places. They had thus been able both to maintain themselves
in safety and also to overawe the neighboring towns with their
strength.
There was, as we have said before, bad feeling between Count Joscelyn
and the Prince of Antioch a feeling that was not hidden,
but rather had become an open hatred. For this reason, each of
them took little or no care if the other were attacked or suffered
misfortune. Rather they rejoiced at the other's catastrophes and
were made glad by the other's mishaps.
The aforesaid great prince, Zengi, took the opportunity offered
by this situation. He gathered innumerable cavalry forces throughout
all of the East; be even called up the people of the cities neighboring
Edessa and brought them with him to lay siege to the day. He blockaded
all of the entrances to the city, so that the besieged citizens
could not get out and so that those who wished to help them could
not get in. The resulting shortage of food aid provisions caused
great suffering for the besieged. The city, however, was surrounded
by a formidable wall. In the upper town there were high towers
and down below there was the lower town where the citizens could
take refuge, even if the city itself were taken. All these defenses
could be of use against the enemy only if there were men willing
to fight for their freedom, men who would resist the foe valiantly.
The defenses would be useless, however, if there were none among
the besieged who were willing :o serve as defenders. Towers, walls,
and earthworks are of little value to a city unless there are
defenders to man them. Zengi found the town bereft of defenders
and was much encouraged. He encircled the town with his forces,
assigned the officers of his legions to appropriate stations,
and dug in. The catapults and siege engines weakened the fortifications;
the continual shooting of arrows tormented the citizens incessantly;
and the besieged were given no respite. It was announced, meanwhile,
and the news was also spread by rumor, that the city of Edessa,
a city faithful to God, was suffering the agonies of a siege at
the hands of the enemy of the faith and the foe of the Christian
name. At this news the hearts of the faithful, far and wide, were
touched and zealous men began to take up arms to harass the wicked.
The Count, when he beard of it, was stricken with anguish. Energetically
he assembled his forces. . . . He went around admonishing his
faithful friends. Humbly he besought his lord, the Prince of Antioch
and, through messengers, he forcefully urged the prince to assist
him in his labors to free Edessa from the yoke of future servitude
. Messengers bearing news of this sinister event came even to
the kingdom of Jerusalem, bearing witness to the siege of Edessa
and to the misfortunes suffered by its citizens. The queen, who
had charge of the kingdom's government, on the advice of the council
of the nobles which she consulted, sent her kinsman, Manasses,
the royal constable, Philip of Nablus, and Elinander of Tiberius,
together with a great multitude of soldiers with all speed to
Edessa that they might give the Lord Count and the suffering citizens
the comfort which they desired.
The Prince of Antioch, however, rejoiced in Edessa's adversity
and paid small attention to his duties for the common welfare.
He was little concerned that personal hatred ought not cause public
harm and made excuses, while he put off giving the aid which bad
been requested.
Zengi, meanwhile, pressed continual assaults on the city. He ran
the gamut of attacks and left nothing untried which could harass
the citizens and aid him in gaining control of the city. He sent
sappers through trenches and underground tunnels to undermine
the walls. As they dug passages beneath the walls, they buttressed
these with posts, which were afterward set on fire. A great part
of the wall was thus broken down. This breach in the wall, more
than 100 cubits wide, gave the enemy an entrance into the city.
The enemy now had the approach they had desired. Their forces
rushed together into the city. They slew with their swords the
citizens whom they encountered, sparing neither age, condition,
nor sex. of them it might be said: "They murder the widow
and the stranger, they slay the orphan, the youth, and the virgin,
together with the old Man." The city, therefore, was captured
and delivered to the swords of the enemy.
The more prudent or more experienced citizens rushed to the citadel
which, as we have said, was in the city. This they did so that
they might at least preserve their lives, their children, and
their wives, if only for a short time. At the gate there was such
a crush of people trying to enter that, because of the press of
the crowd, many were suffocated and died miserably. Among these
was the most reverend Hugh, the Archbishop of the city. He is
said to have expired in this fashion together with several of
his clerics. Some of those who were present would blame his miserable
end on the Archbishop himself, for he is said to have collected
a vast sum of money, Had he used this for soldiers, it would have
been helpful to the city, but he preferred to heap up his treasure
like a miser rather than to consider his dying people. Thus it
happened that he received the reward of his greed by perishing
with his people....
Thus while the Prince of Antioch, overcome by foolish hatred,
delayed rendering the help he owed to his brothers and while the
count awaited help from abroad, the ancient city of Edessa, devoted
to Christianity since the time of the Apostles and delivered from
the superstitions of the infidels through the words and preaching
of the Apostle Thaddeus, passed into an undeserved servitude.
Source:
William of Tyre, Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum,
XIV, 4-5, Patrologia Latina 201, 642-45, Translated by
James Brundage, The Crusades: A Documentary History, (Milwaukee,
WI: Marquette University Press, 1962), 79-82
Copyright note: Professor Brundage informed the Medieval
Sourcebook that copyright was not renewed on this work. Moreover
he gave permission for use of his translations.
5. The Fiasco at Damascus
[Adapted from Brundage] King Louis and his entourage arrived
in the harbor of St. Simeon, near Antioch, on March 19, 1148.
Welcomed by Prince Raymond of Antioch, the King and his retainers
settled down to enjoy the friendly reception accorded them by
their friends, who saw in King Louis' army the potential saviors
of the Principality of Antioch and of all the Latin states. And,
indeed, the presence of Louis' cavalry forces greatly strengthened
the position of the Latins in the East. Although Louis had lost
or been separated from the great majority of the troops and pilgrims
who had set out with him originally, the Crusading forces which
finally landed.at Antioch were far from negligible.
Almost at once, Louis was besieged with urgent requests from
various Latin princes and noblemen to lend his army to the favorite
military schemes of the individual leaders. To all the plans presented
to him, Louis demurred. As a Crusader he had sworn when he took
the cross to visit the shrines of Jerusalem, and he quickly made
it clear that the fulfillment of this vow was to be his first
consideration in the East. King Louis' decision was also influenced,
no doubt, by the dubious relationship which had sprung up between
his wife, Eleanor of Aquitaine, and Prince Raymond of Antioch,
Eleanor's cousin. Accordingly, King Louis and his army were soon
on the march again. They stopped for a short time at Tripoli and
then continued on their way to Jerusalem. On their arrival there,
they found Conrad of Germany, together with a small contingent
of the survivors from his army, awaiting them.
After King Louis had fulfilled his vows by worshipping at the
holy shrines of Jerusalem, he was ready to consider proposals
to put his military forces to use in the defense of the Latin
states. On June 24, 1148, a general council of the princes and
military leaders then in the Holy Land was held at Acre, After
vigorous discussion of various plans of action, the assembly finally
decided to concentrate all the available forces on a supreme effort
to conquer the ancient, venerable, and wealthy city of Damascus,
a vital center of commerce and communications. Accordingly, the
forces of the various sovereigns were mustered.' The King of Jerusalem,
Baldwin III, the Templars and Hospitallers, the various lords
of the other Latin states, and the French and German kings joined
together to justify by military conquest the enormous effort which
had brought the Second Crusade to the East.
Damascus is the largest city of lesser Syria and is its metropolis,
for as it is said, "Damascus is the head of Syria."
[Is. 7:8] The city is also known as the Phoenicia of Lebanon and
is named after a certain servant of Abraham who is believed to
have founded it. The name means "bloody" or "dripping
with gore." The city is located on a plain in a land which
is barren and arid, save where it is irrigated by waters brought
down for its benefit through ancient canals. A stream descends
from a nearby mountain ridge in the highlands of that area and
is channeled through the various lower sections of the region
so as to fertilize the barren fields.
Since there is an abundance of water, the surplus is used to nourish
the orchards of fruit trees which are located on either side of
the stream. The stream flows along the eastern wall of the city.
When the kings came to the place which had been agreed upon, namely
Daria, which was close to Damascus, they organized their lines
for battle and settled the order of battle for their legions lest,
if they went ahead in disorderly fashion, quarrels should break
out among them and hinder their common task.
By the common decision of the princes it was agreed that the King
of Jerusalem and his men were to go first, principally because
they were supposed to be familiar with the lay of the land. They
were supposed to open the way for the rest who were following
them. The French King and the men of his expedition were ordered
to take the second, or center, place, so that, if necessary, they
could assist those ahead of them. The Emperor, by the same token,
was ordered to keep in the third and last place, so that he would
be ready to resist the enemy if perchance they should attack from
the rear. He was thus to make the forces ahead secure from behind.
When the three armies had been placed in proper order, they moved
the camp forward and attempted to approach the city.
On the western side of Damascus from which our troops approached,
and on the northern side, too, the city enclosed far and wide
by orchards which are like a dense woods or a shady forest, extending
five miles or more toward Lebanon. These orchards are enclosed
by mud walls-rock is not plentiful in that region-so that their
ownership will not be in doubt and also to keep out trespassers.
The orchards are, therefore, enclosed by defensive walls in such
a way that each man's possessions are identified. Paths and public
roads, though they are narrow, are left open so that the gardeners
and those who have charge of the orchards can make their way to
the city with the animals which carry the fruit. These orchards
are the city's greatest protection. Because of their density,
because of the number of the trees, and because of the narrowness
of the roads, it seemed difficult-indeed, almost impossible-for
those who wished to approach Damascus to do so from that side.
From the beginning, however, our princes had decided to bring
the army in through this area to gain access to the city. There
was a double reason for this: on the one band, it was done so
that after the most securely guarded areas in which the Damascenes
had the greatest faith had been occupied, what remained would
seem easy and would be more readily accomplished. On the other
hand, the approach was made in this way so that the army would
not be deprived of the benefits of food and water. The King of
Jerusalem, therefore, sent his fighting formations in first through
those narrow orchard paths. The army could scarcely make headway
and did so with great difficulty, both because it was hemmed in
by the narrow roads and also because it was hindered by the ambushes
of the men who were hidden in the thickets. Also, the army had
sometimes to engage the enemies who appeared and seized the circuitous
paths.
All the people of Damascus came out together and descended upon
the aforesaid orchards in order to block the army's passage both
by stealth and by open attack. There were, furthermore, walls
and large, tall houses among the orchards. These were defended
by soldiers whose possessions lay nearby. They defended the orchard
walls by shooting arrows and other missiles and allowed no one
to approach them, while the arrows shot from on high made the
public roads exceedingly dangerous for those who wished to pass
through them. Nor were our men beset with formidable obstacles
only on one side. Rather, on every side there was equal peril
for the unwary and danger of sudden and unforeseen death. There
were, moreover, men with lances hiding inside of the walls. When
these men saw our men passing by, they would stab them as they
passed, through little peepholes in the walls which were cleverly
designed for this purpose, so that those hiding inside could scarcely
be seen. Many are said to have perished miserably that day in
this way. Countless other kinds of danger, too, faced those who
wished to pass through those narrow paths.
As our men became aware of this, they pushed on more fiercely.
When they had broken down the barricades in the orchards, they
occupied them eagerly. Those whom they discovered within the walls
or in the houses, they pierced with their swords or threw into
chains as captives. When the townsmen who had come out to defend
the orchards heard this, they feared that they would perish as
the others had. They left the orchards and returned to the city
in droves. Thus, when the defenders either had been slaughtered
or bad been turned to flight, a free path forward lay open to
our men.
The cavalry forces of the townsmen and of those who had come to
their assistance realized that our army was coming through the
orchards in order to besiege the city and they accordingly approached
the stream which flowed by the town. This they did with their
bows and ballistas so that they could fight off the Latin army,
which was fatigued by its journey and also so that they could
prevent the thirsty men from reaching the river and the water
which was so necessary for them. Our men hurried to the river,
which they had heard was nearby, in order to relieve their thirst,
which bad grown intense from the difficulties of their labors
and the dense clouds of dust which were raised by the feet of
horses and men. There they saw such a multitude of the enemy that
they halted for a time. After a while they collected their men.
They were given strength and hardiness by necessity. Once and
then again they strove to get to the water, but in vain. While
the king of Jerusalem and his men struggled vainly, the Emperor,
who commanded the formations in the rear, demanded to know why
the army was not moving forward. He was told that the enemy had
seized the river and that they were blocking the progress of our
men. When be learned of this, the Emperor was angered and, together
with his lieutenants, he speedily made his way through the French
King's ranks to the place where the fight for the river was going
on. They dismounted from their horses and became infantrymen-as
the Germans are accustomed to do in the crisis of battle. With
shields in hand they fought the enemy hand-to-hand with swords.
The enemy, who had earlier resisted valiantly, were unable to
withstand the attack. They relinquished the river bank and fled
at full speed to the city.
In this combat the Lord Emperor is said to have performed a feat
which will be remembered through the ages. It is related that
one of the enemy was resisting manfully and vigorously and that
the Emperor with one blow cut off this enemy soldier's head and
neck with the left shoulder and arm attached, together with part
of his side-despite the fact that the foe was wearing a cuirass.
At this deed the citizens, both those who witnessed it and those
who learned of it from others, were thrown into such a fright
that they despaired of resisting and even of life itself.
When the river had been won and its banks had been freely yielded,
the Crusaders camped far and wide around the city, with the advantage
of using freely the orchards, for which they had so strenuously
fought, as well as the river. The townsmen were astonished both
at the amazing number of our troops and at their courage. They
began to be troubled about their own men and whether they could
withstand us. They feared a sudden attack by us and counted nothing
safe when they considered what kind of men they had discovered
us to be in the previous day's battles. They conferred, therefore,
and with the ingenuity which is characteristic of those suffering
misery and adversity, they had recourse to desperate devices.
In all the sections of the city which faced our camps they heaped
up huge, tall beams, for they could only hope that while our men
were working to tear down these barriers they might be able to
flee in the opposite direction with their wives and children.
It seemed evident to our men that if the divine favor was with
us the city would soon be taken by the Christians. But it seemed
otherwise to Him Who is "terrible in his judgments of the
sons of men." [Ps 9:4] The city, as we have said, was in
despair and its citizens held no hope of resisting or of being
saved, but rather they were packing their bags and preparing to
leave. At this point, for our sins, they began to work on the
greed of our men. Using money, they attempted to conquer the hearts
of those whose bodies they could not overcome. With consummate
skill they proposed a variety of arguments to some of our princes
and they promised and delivered a stupendous sum of money to them
so that the princes would strive and labor to lift the siege.
They persuaded these princes to assume the role of the traitor
Judas. Corrupted by gifts and promises, led on by greed, the root
of all evil, these princes fell in with the crime. By impious
suggestions they persuaded the kings and the leaders of the pilgrims,
who trusted their good faith and industry, to leave the orchards
and to lead the army to the opposite side of the city. To camouflage
their plot they alleged that on the opposite side of Damascus,
which faced south and west, there were neither orchards to strengthen
the city nor any moat or river to hinder their approach to the
walls. The wall, they said, was low and was made of sunbaked bricks
and it would scarcely withstand the first attack. There, they
asserted, neither engines nor any great force would be needed.
In the first attack the wall could immediately be torn down by
band and it would not be difficult to break into the city....
The kings and all the leaders of the army believed them and they
deserted the places which they bad earlier won with so much sweat
and at the cost of the lives of so many of their men. They transferred
all of their formations and, under the leadership of the traitors,
they camped on the opposite side of the city.
There they found themselves located far from access to water,
deprived of the abundance of fruit, and lacking almost all supplies.
They were saddened and they discovered, all too late, that they
bad maliciously been led to move from a region of abundance.
The food supply in the camp began to run out. Before the men had
set out on the expedition, they had been persuaded to believe
that the city would be quickly taken and they had brought along
provisions for only a few days. This was especially true for the
pilgrims, nor could they be blamed for it, since they were unfamiliar
with the country. They had been persuaded, too, that the city
would be taken at once in the initial attacks and they were assured
that in the meantime a large army could be fed on the fruit supply
which they could get for nothing, even if all other food were
lacking.
The doubtful men deliberated publicly and privately as to what
they were to do. To return to the places they had left seemed
hard, even impossible, for, when our men had left, the enemy saw
that what they desired had been accomplished. They had entered
those places more strongly than before and bad barricaded the
roads by which our men had earlier entered. they had blocked them
by piling up beams and large rocks and had sent in an immense
company of archers who made access impossible. To attack the city
from the area where the camps were now located would, on the other
hand, involve delay; but the lack of food supplies would not allow
a long respite. The pilgrim princes consulted one another. Seeing
the manifest discomfort of the men whose spiritual care and whose
Crusade had been confided to them and knowing that they could
make no headway, they decided to return, despising the false pretenses
of the men who had betrayed them.
Thus a company of kings and princes such as we have not read of
through all the ages had gathered and, for our sins, had been
forced to return, covered with shame and disgrace, with their
mission unfulfilled. They returned to the kingdom by the same
route over which they had come. Henceforth, so long as they remained
in the East, they regarded the ways of our princes with suspicion.
With good reason they turned down all their wicked plans and henceforth
the leaders of the Crusade were lukewarm in the service of the
Kingdom. Even after they had returned to their own lands they
constantly remembered the injuries they had suffered and detested
our princes as wicked men. Nor were they alone affected. For they
also caused others who had not been there to neglect the care
of the kingdom, so that henceforth those who undertook the pilgrimages
were fewer and less fervent. Even today those who come are careful
lest they fall into a trap and they strive to return home as soon
as possible.
Source:
William of Tyre, Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum,
XVII, 3-6, Patrologia Latina 201, 675-79, Translated by
James Brundage, The Crusades: A Documentary History, (Milwaukee,
WI: Marquette University Press, 1962), 115-121Copyright note:
Professor Brundage informed the Medieval Sourcebook that
copyright was not renewed on this work. Moreover he gave permission
for use of his translations.
6. The Capture of Ascalon [August 22, 1153]
[adapted from Brundage] The Second Crusade had done nothing
to halt the advance of Islam against the Latin states, and in
the years immediately following the fiasco at Damascus the Moslem
advance continued apace. The County of Edessa was no longer tenable
by the Latins. The Countess Beatrice in 1158 finally recognized
the futility of trying to maintain a hold upon the county and
accepted the offer of the Byzantine Emperor, Manuel Conmenus,
to buy up her rights there. The Principality of Antioch was also
in trouble, for its prince, Raymond, had been killed in an ambush
in 1149 and King Baldwin III of Jerusalem had taken charge of
the Principality as regent for Raymond's widow, Constance . The
boundaries of the Principality were, moreover, now painfully constricted,
due to the military successes of Nur ad-Din in the upper and middle
Orontes Valley. A further blow to the Latin states came in 1152,
with the murder by a group of assassins of Count Raymond II of
Tripoli. Baldwin of Jerusalem, accordingly, became regent of Raymond's
state, too. After defeating an attempt by his mother, the dowager
Queen Melisende, to partition the Latin Kingdom itself,4 Baldwin
took the offensive against his Moslem enemies by launching a large-scale
attack upon Ascalon.
William of Tyre provided perhaps the best account of the period.
Ascalon is one of the five cities of the Philistines. It is situated
on the seashore and is shaped like a semicircle whose chord or
diameter lies along the shore, while its circumference or arc
lies on the land facing east.
The whole city lies in a kind of basin which is tilted down toward
the sea. It is girded round with artificial mounds on which are
walls, studded with towers. It is solidly fashioned and its stones
are held together by cement which is as hard as stone. The walls
are of a proper thickness and as high as is proportionally fitting.
Even the outer fortifications which circle around the city are
constructed with the same solidity and are diligently fortified.
There are no springs within the circuit of the walls nor are there
any nearby, but wells both outside and within the city supply
an abundance of delicious drinking water. As a further precaution
the citizens have built within the city several cisterns to collect
rain water.
There are four gates in the circuit of the walls. These are most
carefully fortified with high, solid towers. The first gate, which
opens to the east, is called the Great Gate and is commonly known
as the Jerusalem Gate, since it faces toward the Holy City. It
is flanked by two very high towers which dominate the city and
are its strength and protection. In front of this gate there are
three or four lesser gates in the barbican by which one may come
to the Great Gate through some winding passages.
The second gate faces westward and is called the Sea Gate because
the citizens can pass through it to the sea. The third faces the
south, toward the city of Gaza ... from which it takes its name.
The fourth faces north and is called the Jaffa Gate, after the
neighboring city which is located on the same coast.
Ascalon derives no advantage from being situated on the seacoast,
for it offers no port or safe harbor for ships. It has a mere
sandy beach and the violent winds make the sea around the city
exceedingly choppy so that, unless the sea be calm, those who
come there are very suspicious of it. The soil around the city
is covered with sand and is unfit for cultivation, although it
is suited for vines and fruit-bearing trees. There are, however,
a few little valleys to the north of the city which, when fertilized
and irrigated with well water, furnish some vegetables and fruits
to the citizens.
The city has a large population and it is commonly said that even
the smallest of its inhabitants, including the children, receive
salaries from the Egyptian Caliph's treasury. The aforesaid lord
and his princes take the very greatest care of Ascalon, for it
is their opinion that if it were lost and were to come under our
control there would be nothing to prevent our princes from invading
Egypt freely and without difficulty and from occupying the Kingdom....
For fifty years and more after the Lord had delivered the other
areas of the promised land to the Christian people Ascalon still
resisted all of our attempts until at last they attempted the
difficult and virtually impossible task of besieging it. For,
in addition to its walls and barbicans, its towers and ramparts,
the city was supplied with arms and provisions beyond all expectation
and it had an experienced population accustomed to the use of
arms. There were so many of them that from the beginning of the
siege to its end the numbers of the besieged were double those
of the besiegers.
The lord King and also the lord Patriarch, our predecessor the
lord Peter, Archbishop of Tyre, and the other magnates of the
realm, both princes and ecclesiastical prelates, together with
citizens from each of the towns pitched their tents separately
and besieged Ascalon by land. The lord Gerard of Sidon, one of
the leading barons of the kingdom, commanded the fleet of fifteen
beaked ships which were ready to sail, so that they could blockade
the city by sea and both prevent those who wished to enter from
getting in and also stop those who wished to leave from getting
out.
Our men-first the knights, and then the infantry-made attacks
on the town almost every day. The townsmen met them boldly and
resisted them vigorously, fighting for their wives and children
and, what was most important, for their freedom. Sometimes they
came out ahead in these engagements, sometimes we did, as usually
happens in this kind of affair, but our men more often got the
better of the fight.
It is said that there was such security in the camps and such
an abundance of all kinds of supplies that the people lived in
their tents and pavilions just as they were accustomed to live
in their houses in the walled cities.
The townsmen took particular care of the city at night and took
the watches in turn. Even their magnates took turns keeping watch
and marched around the walls through many sleepless nights. Along
the circuit of the walls and towers there were glass lamps in
the battlements. The lamps were made with glass windows to protect
the flame which was fed with oil. Those who made the circuit of
the walls used these lamps to provide themselves with a light
as bright as day.
Our men in the camps were also given the watches at various times.
In addition, the task of keeping guard never ceased, for we feared
that the townsmen might make nocturnal attacks upon the camps
or that the Egyptians who were hurrying to aid Ascalon might harm
the army in a sudden and unforeseen attack. This fear was lessened,
however, by the presence of scouts in many areas around Gaza who
could warn our men swiftly of the enemy's arrival.
Thus the siege continued in the same fashion for two months. About
Easter time the usual passage arrived, which brought in a crowd
of pilgrims. A council was held and men were sent from the army
to forbid the sailors and pilgrims, on royal authority, to return.
They promised them pay and invited them all to participate in
the siege and in the work which was so acceptable to God. They
also brought ships, both large and small. Thus it happened that
quickly, within a few days, because of a good wind, all the ships
which had come over on the passage appeared before the city and
a tremendous host of pilgrims, both knights and sergeants, joined
our expedition. The army increased in size daily. In the camps,
therefore, there was joy and the hope of winning a victory. Among
the enemy, however, sorrow and worry grew greater and although
they were frequently harassed, they lost confidence in their men
and rarely emerged to fight. They sent couriers frequently to
the Egyptian Caliph and begged him to send them reinforcements
in time, for they intimated that otherwise they would soon give
up. Through those of his princes who were charged with this work,
the Caliph speedly had a fleet prepared and an army mustered.
Large ships were loaded with weapons, provisions, and machines.
The Caliph appointed commanders and supplied money, called for
speed and censured delay.
Our men, meanwhile, had bought ships at a great price. When the
masts had been removed, workmen were summoned to construct with
all haste a very tall wooden tower. The tower was carefully protected
against fire inside and out with wickerwork and hides, so that
the men who were to attack the city in it might be kept safe.
From the remaining wood from the ships, they built portable sheds,
which they set in place for breaking down the walls. From this
material, too, they constructed swine" to level the fortifications.
When all these matters had been properly arranged and when it
had been decided which sector of the wall could most easily be
attacked by our wooden tower, the ramparts of the chosen area
were leveled by the aforementioned machines and the tower was
brought up to the wall with much shouting. From the top of the
tower the whole city could be seen and a hand to-hand fight was
carried on with the men in the nearby towers, The citizens struggled
and pressed us fiercely, shooting with their bows and balistas
both from the walls and from the ramparts, but their labor was
in vain, for they could not harm the men who were hidden in the
tower and who were moving the machine. A group of the townsmen
gathered on the section of the wall just opposite the tower. The
bolder men of this group were ordered to try our strength by waging
a continuous and long drawn out battle with the men in the tower.
In addition, there were skirmishes and serious struggles at various
other places along the wall, so that scarcely a day passed without
some mortalities, not to mention the wounded, of whom there were
great crowds on both sides…
After our men had persisted in the siege for five months on end,
it became apparent that the enemy's strength was failing slightly
and that our chances of taking the city had improved. Suddenly,
however, an Egyptian fleet, sped on by favoring winds, appeared
on the scene. When the people of Ascalon saw this they raised
their hands skyward and lifted up their voices in a great shout,
saying that we would now have to retreat or else we would shortly
be overwhelmed….
The enemy fleet approached the city boldly, bringing the townsmen
the consolation they had hoped for. There were said to be seventy
galleys in the fleet, as well as other ships loaded to the gunwales
with men, weapons, and provisions. The fleet was huge and it bad
all been sent by the aforesaid Egyptian prince for the
relief of the city. The townsmen revived and with help in sight
they began anew to do battle with our forces, and they sought
combat more frequently and more boldly with our men. Although
the townspeople were rather cautious, as a result of their earlier
experience with us, the new arrivals were fresh and greedy for
glory and so desired to display their strength and boldness. Since
they labored without caution, they suffered casualties frequently
until they also had had a taste of our firmness and learned to
attack more sparingly and to resist the force of our attacks more
modestly....
Meanwhile the men in our expedition pursued the campaign they
had begun and continued their constant attacks on the besieged
city and on what is called the Great Gate. They renewed their
assaults, which constituted a grave menace to the townsmen. Volleys
of projectiles sapped the towers and walls and, within the city,
the huge rocks weakened the foundations of the houses and also
caused much bloodshed. The men who were in the tower and who were
in charge of it harassed with their bows and arrows not only the
citizens who were putting up resistance in the towers and on the
walls, but also those who tried to move about through the city
on urgent business. The citizens easily concluded that whatever
they had to suffer from other quarters, even though it be difficult,
was tolerable when compared to what they suffered from these attacks.
The townsmen, therefore, took counsel together and their most
experienced men advised that, whatever the danger might be and
whatever the risk, they must place some dry wood and other suitable
kindling which would increase the heat between the tower and the
wall so that, when they stealthily set it afire, the tower would
be incinerated. Otherwise there seemed to be no hope that they
would be saved nor any faith that they could continue their resistance,
so oppressed and mightily afflicted were they. Certain strong
men, outstanding for their strength and spirit, were aroused by
their admonitions. These men prepared to save the citizenry rather
than themselves and they exposed themselves to the danger. They
gathered wood at that part of the wall which was closest to the
tower and pitched it out into the space between the tower and
the wall. When they had piled up a very large stack of wood, one
which seemed to be large enough to burn up the tower, they poured
over it pitcb, oil, and other liquids which would feed flames
and increase the beat of a fire. Then they set it ablaze. It was
obvious that the Divine Mercy was with us, for, as the fire blazed
up, strong winds immediately arose in the east and, with violent
gusts, blew the whole force of the fire against the walls. The
force of the wind directed the flames and the fire against the
wall throughout the night and reduced it to ashes. In the morning,
just about daybreak, the whole foundation of the wall between
two of the towers gave way so that the sound of the crash aroused
the whole army. All of the men in the army, excited by the sound
of the wall's destruction, picked up their weapons and rushed
to the place where God's will had been made manifest. They were
ready to enter the city, but Bernard de Tremelay, the Master of
the Knights Templars, and his brethren got there before many of
the others and took over the breach in the walls. They allowed
no one save their own men to enter. It was said that he barred
others from entering so that his men, as the first to enter, would
get the greater part of the spoils and the choicer booty, for
up to the present time[i.e. the last quarter of the twelfth century]
the custom among us-a custom which has the force of law-was that
when cities were taken by storm, whatever a man seized for himself
was possessed by him and his heirs in perpetuity. Everyone could
have entered without distinction and taken the city, and there
would have been sufficient loot for the victors, but when an evil
stems from an evil root and wicked intentions it rarely produces
a good result, for "Property gained in devious ways produces
no good result. " Overcome by greed, then, they would not
have any partners in the spoils and it was only just that they
alone were exposed to mortal danger. About forty of them entered
the city, but the others who were following them were not able
to get in. The townspeople were seeking to preserve their own
lives and were prepared without qualms, to go to any lengths to
do so. Thus, when they saw the Templars they drew their swords
and butchered them.
The townsmen reformed their lines and, like men reborn, they again
picked up their weapons which they bad previously dropped like
vanquished men. Now they all rushed together to the place where
the wall had been breached. They filled in the gap in the wall
by piling up beams of great size and huge quantities of timber,
of which they had a large supply from their ships. They closed
up the entrance to the city and speedily made that area impenetrable.
After buttressing the towers which stood on either side of the
area which bad been burned out and which they had deserted when
it became impossible to withstand the force of the flames, the
townsmen again took up the battle. Once more they assembled their
men and, just as if they had met with no reverses, they challenged
our men to battle. Our men in the tower, however, were aware that
its substructure had been weakened and that the lower parts of
its solid framework bad been damaged and they therefore fought
with less vigor, since they could not depend upon the tower's
strength. The enemy shamed us by dangling the bodies of our dead
from ropes thrown over the battlements of the walls. They expressed
the joy which bad arisen in their minds by jeering at our men
with words and gestures.... Our men, on the other hand, were confused
in mind and spirit. They were thrown into sadness and bitterness
of heart, they despaired of victory and became halfhearted.
The lord King, meanwhile, assembled the princes . . . [but discovered
that] there were differences of opinion among them and they gave
varying estimates of the situation. . . . [Finally, after much
bickering, agreement was reached and] all of our men took up their
weapons. The horns sounded. The sound of the trumpets and the
voices of the heralds roused the whole force to battle. They yearned
to redress the injuries visited upon our dead; they gathered before
the city with unusual eagerness and most heatedly challenged the
enemy to battle. Our formations looked as if they had never suffered
harm or lost men. They rushed upon the enemy as if they were determined
to be wiped out and they attacked with such great vigor that the
enemy companies were astounded. The increased force of our men
was unbeatable. Their perseverance could not be overcome. The
enemy attempted to resist and to overcome the onslaught, but they
could not withstand the force of our attack or beat down our swords.
That day's battle was fought by most unequal forces, but both
our cavalry and infantry forces triumphed everywhere over the
enemy and won the victor's palm on every front. There was a very
great slaughter of the foe and our reverses three days earlier
were more than paid back. There was not a family in the city which
did not suffer some domestic sorrow and which was not troubled
by worry over its members. The city was covered with distress
and earlier perils seemed light when compared with the present
dangers. . . .
It happened that, by public demand, certain of the leading citizens
were sent as intermediaries to the king to ask for a truce for
a time so that when we had exchanged the bodies of their dead
in return for the corpses of our own dead, each side might hold
suitable funeral rites and pay its highest honors to the dead
according to their respective customs. The conditions which were
proposed pleased our men and, when they had received the bodies
of our dead, they buried them with solemn funeral rites.
After the people of Ascalon had witnessed the slaughter of their
men and had felt the heavy hand which the Lord had laid upon them,
their sorrow and anxiety of spirit was renewed and their spirits
were flooded with a vast grief. So that there would be nothing
lacking to complete their sadness, it happened on that same day
that, as forty of their strong men were carrying a beam of immense
size to the place where it was needed, a huge rock was catapulted
from our throwing machine and landed by chance on the beam. The
men who were bearing the weight of the beam sank to the ground
beneath it and were crushed.
The city fathers who were still alive, bowed down by the weight
of their misfortunes, assembled the people, who gathered amid
weeping and lamentation. All were there, including mothers who
held their nursing babes at the breast and old men breathing their
last gasp. With the common consent of all, some prudent and eloquent
men addressed the whole population in this fashion: "Men
of Ascalon, you who live within these gates! You know - none better
- what perils and difficulties we have experienced with these
cruel and determined Christians during the past four years. .
. . The city fathers have, therefore, decided that, if you approve,
we shall try to escape at this time from our sufferings. We shall
send envoys in the name of the whole people to the powerful King
who is besieging us and we shall try to secure definite peace
terms to enable us to leave freely with our wives and children,
servants and handmaids, and all our household goods in return
for the surrender to the King - we say it with groans - of our
city, so that we may put an end to such misfortunes."
The speech found favor in the eyes of all and all together they
let out a great shout that matters should be thus arranged. Prudent
and discreet men of venerable age were elected by all the people
to carry the proposals they had decided upon to the King and his
princes. The envoys passed through the gate, after arranging for
a truce and a safe conduct, and they approached the lord King.
After all the princes had assembled, as the envoys asked, they
stated their proposal and explained systematically its details.
The King ordered the envoys to leave for a while and took counsel
with the princes. He diligently sought each man's opinion. The
princes wept for joy and lifted up their eyes and hands to the
sky, giving abundant thanks to the Creator because he had deigned
to grant such abundant treasure to unworthy men. They recalled
the envoys and made their common answer: the conditions would
be accepted if the whole city were evacuated within the next three
days. The envoys agreed, but demanded that oaths be sworn to them
to make the agreement more firm. An oath was solemnly sworn....
After the envoys had first given the hostages who the King named,
the envoys joyfully returned to their people. They took back with
them certain of our knights who, as a sign of victory, placed
the King's banner upon the city's tallest towers. Our army waited
with great anticipation. When the royal banner was spotted on
the highest towers the people broke into shouts of exaltation....
Although the people of Ascalon, according to the conditions of
the treaty, had three full days, they were so terrified by the
presence of our men that within two days they had packed their
baggage and bad left the city with their wives and children, servants
and handmaids, and with all their housebold goods loaded for the
journey. The lord King gave them guides, according to the provisions
of the treaty, as far as al-Arish, an ancient city in the desert.
There they sent them away in peace.
The lord King and the lord Patriarch, together with the princes
of the Kingdom, the prelates of the church, and all of the clergy
and people, with the Lord's cross leading the way, entered the
city singing hymns and spiritual songs. . . . The aforesaid city
was taken in the year of the Lord's incarnation 1154.
Source:
William of Tyre, Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum,
XVII, 22-25, 27-30, Patrologia Latina 201, 696-708, translated
by James Brundage, The Crusades: A Documentary History,
(Milwaukee, WI: Marquette University Press, 1962), 126-136
Copyright note: Professor Brundage informed the Medieval
Sourcebook that copyright was not renewed on this work. Moreover
he gave permission for use of his translations.
7. Egypt in the Twelfth Century
[Adapted from Brundage] The acquisition of Ascalon brought
the monarchs of Jerusalem into more direct contact than hitherto
with Egypt. The following decade, during the last years of Baldwin
III's life, was too hectic within the Kingdom for any further
ex pansion to be possible. Baldwin III was preoccupied with dynastic
quarrels among the members of the royal family and with the pretensions
of the Byzantine Emperor, Manuel, to suzerainty over Antioch.
Baldwin's death, early in 1162, and the accession of his brother
Amalric, signaled a revival of Frankish interest in Egypt and
the beginning of a competition for power there between the Latin
king and his Moslem competitor, Nur-ad-Din. Egypt, fertile and
prosperous, was a prize worth striving for. Archbishop William
of Tyre, a close friend of King Amalric, describes it thus:
The whole territory of Egypt, from its furthermost frontiers,
which are said to border on Ethiopia, lies between two sandy deserts
which are doomed to perpetual sterility. Egypt would neither know
nor produce fruitful harvests of any kind if it were not fertilized
at certain times by the overflowing bounty of the Nile. The river,
however, makes the adjoining areas fit for crops only if the lay
of the land is suitable, for, where it finds a level surface near
it, the river spreads out more freely and where it has spread
out, it renders a wider stretch of land fertile. From Cairo downstream
to the sea, the river finds a wide plain where it has free range.
Here the fertile areas are thus spread out very freely and quite
broadly. This both enriches the kingdom and also enlarges it.
From the fortress called Phaeusa, which neighbors Syria, to Alexandria,
the last city of the King dom, which borders on the Lybian sands,
the blessings of cultivation and fertility spread out for a hundred
miles and more. From above Cairo down to Chus, the most distant
of Egypt's cities, which is said to border on the Ethiopian
Kingdom, the country is narrowly confined between sand dunes,
so that the river's inundations rarely extend for seven
or eight miles and frequently spread out for only four
or five miles, sometimes on both sides of the stream and sometimes
only on one side. The river thus expands or contracts the extent
of the Kingdom, for the places which are not irrigated by the
river are doomed, as we have said, to the burning sun and to perpetual
sterility. This upper territory is called Seith in their
language. We have not yet been able to discover the meaning of
this name, except that it is said that in very early times there
was a very ancient city called Sais in upper Egypt. Our Plato
makes mention of it in the Timaeus through the mouth of
his disciple Critias, when he introduces Solon, a man of pre-eminent
authority. We have decided to give his words in order to lend
greater weight to the evidence, lest any authority be lacking:
"There is," he says, "a region of Egypt called
the Delta. At the bead of this region, the Nile's stream is divided.
Nearby there was a great city named Sais, which was ruled by an
ancient custom called the Satyrian Law. The Emperor Amasis was
from this city.". . .
There is also another region which belongs to Egypt. This region
lies one day's journey from Cairo through an uninhabitable country.
This region also benefits by being visited by some branches of
the river and accordingly it has an especially good and fertile
soil and rejoices in a wealth of fields and vineyards. The Egyptians
call this area Phium [Fayum] in their language. According
to an old tradition this area was originally quite useless: it
had never known the plow and had lain uncultivated and uncared
for from the beginning of the world, like the other parts of the
desert in which it is situated. Joseph, that most prudent procurator
of Egypt and that splendid provider of good things, saw that this
region was lower than the surrounding areas and that if some mounds
which lay between the habitable land and this desert were cut
through, this area could readily get the benefits of the river.
He threw up some dykes and leveled off the intervening land and
then conducted the Nile's overflow into the channels which had
been prepared. Thus that land achieved a fertility unknown there
throughout the ages.
Although we do not know its ancient name, we believe that in early
times it was called the Thebiad. The legion of the Holy Thebians,
which was crowned with martyrdom under the Emperors Diocletian
and Maximian and whose leading martyr, we read, was Mauritius,
came from there. Another argument may be added: the best opium
ever discovered originated there and it is called "Theban"
by physicians.
The land of Goshen, which we read that Joseph gave to his brothers,
is in that section of Egypt which borders on Syria, as the diligent
reader may easily discover by reading the book of Genesis."
The Thebiad, however, is on the opposite side of Egypt, beyond
the river's banks, in the region which faces Lybia. It is not
a small area: it is said to include within its boundaries 366
towns and villages.
Source:
William of Tyre, Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum,
XIX, 23, Patrologia Latina 201, 770-71, translated by James
Brundage, The Crusades: A Documentary History, (Milwaukee,
WI: Marquette University Press, 1962), 136-38
Copyright note: Professor Brundage informed the Medieval
Sourcebook that copyright was not renewed on this work. Moreover
he gave permission for use of his translations.
8. Revolution in Egypt
[Adapted from Brundage] Amalric of Jerusalem had set his eye
upon Egypt and in September 1163 he led an expedition there. The
campaign was badly timed, however, for the Nile was in flood and
the Egyptians were able to channel the flood waters so as to force
the Latins to give up the siege of Pelusium which they had begun
.
Nur ad-Din, too, was well aware of the advantages which control
of Egypt would bring to the Latin states. The Moslem leader determined
to secure Egypt for himself before any Latin campaigns there could
succeed. In the spring of 1164, therefore, he sent his trusted
general, Shirkuh, who was accompanied by his twenty-year-old nephew,
Saladin, to intervene in Egypt. Shirkuh's invasion was successful
and by late May 1164 Shirkuh was entrenched in Egypt. The Egyptian
vizier, Shawar, was as anxious to retain his independence of Nur-ad-Din
as be was to keep out of the clutches of the farangi. Accordingly,
the vizier now invited King Amalric to come to his aid against
Shirkuh. Amalric quickly accepted the invitation, joined forces
with Shawar, and besieged Shirkuh's army at Bilbeis. After a three-month
siege an agreement was reached whereby both of the invaders were
to withdraw and Amalric was to be reimbursed by Shawar for his
trouble. The Latin King, accordingly, with drew from Egypt once
again, the more quickly because his own Kingdom bad during his
absence been attacked by Nur-ad-Din."
Egypt was not thus easily delivered from her enemies. Early
in 1167 Nur ad-Din once again sent Shirkuh and his forces into
Egypt, while Amalric came to the assistance of Shawar, the vizier.
After heavy fighting and a striking defeat of the Latin forces
near Minya, the earlier course of events repeated itself. On this
occasion, however, Amalric's reward included a promise by the
vizier to pay the Latin King an annual tribute of 100,000 gold
pieces.
The vizier's promise to pay tribute and the collection of the
agreed sum, however, were two different matters. In 1168, Amalric
once more invaded Egypt, this time to collect the money due to
him from Shawar. Now the vizier appealed to Shirkuh for help against
the Latins, an appeal to which Shirkuh readily responded. The
intervention of Shirkuh produced the desired withdrawal of the
Latin troops early in 1169." But Shirkuh had no intention
of withdrawing his men this time. In January 1169 there was a
palace revolution.
Shirkuh saw that now was the opportune time to fulfill his vows,
for, with the king gone, there would be no one to block his wishes.
He ordered what he had previously planned to be carried out.
He placed his camp before Cairo and, as if his entry were to be
peaceful, he remained there patiently for a few days. Like a prudent
man, he breathed no harsh words and manifested no hatred. He concealed
his designs with the shrewdness of which be was a master. The
Sultan Shawar came out to him daily in the camps, accompanied
by a very large retinue and with much pomp, and after his dutiful
visit, with an affectionate greeting and the giving of gifts,
the Sultan returned to the city. The complete safety of the successive
visits and returns seemed to promise well and the fact that one
time after another he was honorably received built up the Sultan's
confidence. He felt secure and trusted far too much in the good
faith of the Turks, which gave the murderer his chance. Secretly
Shirkuh gave orders to his men that on the following day when
be went out at dawn as if to walk by the water, they should do
away with the Sultan when he came on his customary visit. Shawar,
at the usual time, went to the camp to make his customary visit
and pay his usual respects. The ministers of death ran up to him
and carried out the execution which had been ordered: they threw
him to the ground, stabbed him with their swords, and cut off
his head. When Shawar's sons saw what was happening, they mounted
their horses and fled to Cairo. Terrified, they went down on their
knees to beg the Caliph for their lives. The Caliph is said to
have replied that they might hope for their lives on condition
that they make no secret agreements with the Turks. They violated
this agreement at once, however, by sending representatives secretly
to arrange a truce with Shirkuh. When the Caliph heard of this,
be ordered them both to be slain by the sword.
Thus, while the King was absent, Shawar was removed from the scene
and Shirkuh carried out his designs. He occupied the Kingdom and
went to the Caliph to pay his respects. He was received with many
honors and granted the dignity and office of sultan. Thus he acquired
power by the sword and seized all of Egypt for himself. . . .
But the joy of his succession did not last long. He had scarcely
held the reins for a year when he was removed from human affairs.
Shirkuh was succeeded by Saladin, the son of his brother, Najm-ad-Din.
Saladin was a man of keen intelligence. He was vigorous in war
and unusually generous. The first sign of the character of his
rule came when he visited his lord, the Caliph, to Pay him the
customary homage. It is said that when he entered he knocked the
Caliph to the ground with a stick that he held in his hand and
killed him. [note: William's account of the Caliph's
death is not supported by other sources and it would appear that
the Caliph Adid died a natural death on September 13, 1171, bringing
the Fatimid caliphate to an end in Egypt.] He then put all
of the Caliph's children to the sword, so that he might be subject
to no superior but might rule as both caliph and sultan. He was
afraid, since the Turks were hated by the people, that sometime
when he went to visit the Caliph, the Caliph might order his throat
to be slit. He therefore anticipated the Caliph's design and inflicted
upon the unsuspecting Caliph the death which, it was said, the
latter intended for him.
When the Caliph was dead, Saladin took possession of the royal
wealth, the treasury, and all the assets of the Caliph's house.
With his excessive generosity, Saladin gave everything away to
his soldiers, so that within a few days all the closets had been
emptied and he was forced to borrow money. He thus placed himself
heavily in debt to others.
Source:
William of Tyre, Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum,
XX, 5-10, Patrologia Latina 201, 788-9, translated by James
Brundage, The Crusades: A Documentary History, (Milwaukee,
WI: Marquette University Press, 1962), 139-40
Copyright note: Professor Brundage informed the Medieval
Sourcebook that copyright was not renewed on this work. Moreover
he gave permission for use of his translations.
9. Baldwin IV Becomes King
of Jerusalem
[Adapted from Brundage] The union of Egypt under Saladin with
Nur ad-Din's empire presented an obvious and immediate peril to
the Latin states of the East. Attempts to convince the magnates
of Western Europe of the urgency of the threat were unsuccessful
and, although an attempt was also made to bind the Latin states
closer to Byzantium, the final outcome of these negotiations is
unknown. The power of Saladin as ruler of Egypt produced tensions,
too, within Nur ad-Din's empire. Relations between Saladin and
his nominal overlord worsened steadily during the first five years
after Saladin's rise to power in Egypt. It seemed, almost, as
if Saladin and Nur-ad-Din would be at one another's throats, thus
saving the Latin states from the peril of imminent attack. Before
an open break between the two Moslem leaders occurred, however,
Nur-ad-Din died in 1174. This event changed the whole situation.
Furthermore it seemed as if the empire which Nur ad-Din had created
would soon disintegrate into a number of warring, bickering, rival
states, Before King Amalric could intervene to take advantage
of this situation, however, he died, leaving his son, Baldwin
IV, to inherit the Latin Kingdom.
The sixth of the Latin kings of Jerusalem was the lord Baldwin
IV, son of the lord King Amalric of illustrious memory and of
the Countess Agnes, daughter of the younger Count Jocelin of Edessa.
. . . While Baldwin was still a boy, about nine years old, and
while I was still Archdeacon of Tyre, King Amalric put him in
my care, after asking me many times and with a promise of his
favor, to teach him and to instruct him in-the liberal arts. [William
probably became Baldwin's tutor in 1170] While he was in my hands,
I took constant care of him, as is fitting with a king's son,
and I both carefully instructed him in literary studies and also
watched over the formation of his character.
It so happened that once when he was playing with some other noble
boys who were with him, they began pinching one another with their
fingernails on the hands and arms, as playful boys will do. The
others evinced their pain with yells, but, although his playmates
did not spare him, Baldwin bore the pain altogether too patiently,
as if be did not feel it. When this had happened several times,
it was reported to me. At first I thought that this happened because
of his endurance, not because of insensitivity. Then I called
him and began to ask what was happening. At last I discovered
that about half of his right hand and arm were numb, so that he
did not feel pinches or even bites there. I began to have doubts,
as I recalled the words of the wise man: "It is certain that
an insensate member is far from healthy and that be who does not
feel sick is in danger." [Hippocrates]
I reported all this to his father. Physicians were consulted and
prescribed repeated formentations, anointings, and even poisonous
drugs to improve his condition, but in vain. For, as we later
understood more fully as time passed, and as we made more comprehensive
observations, this was the beginning of an incurable disease.
I cannot keep my eyes dry while speaking of it. For as he began
to reach the age of puberty it became apparent that he was suffering
from that most terrible disease, leprosy. Each day he grew more
ill. The extremities and the face were most affected, so that
the hearts of his faithful men were touched by compassion when
they looked at him.
Baldwin was adept at literary studies. Daily he grew more promising
and developed a more loving disposition. He was handsome for his
age and he was quick to learn to ride and handle horses-more so
than his ancestors. He had a tenacious memory and loved to talk.
He was economical, but he well remembered both favors and injuries.
He resembled his father, not only in his face, but in his whole
appearance. He was also like his father in his walk and in the
timbre of his voice. He bad a quick mind, but his speech was slow.
He was, like his father, an avid listener to history and he was
very willing to follow good advice.
Baldwin was scarcely thirteen years old when his father died.
He had an elder sister named Sibylla, born of the same mother.
She was raised in the convent of St. Lazarus at Bethany by Lady
Ivetta, the abbess of the convent, who was her father's maternal
aunt.
When Baldwin's father died, all the princes of the Kingdom, both
ecclesiastical and secular, assembled. All were in agreement as
to what they wanted and Baldwin was anointed and crowned solemnly
and in the usual fashion in the Church of the Lord's Sepulcher
on the fifteenth of July, four days after his father's death,
by the Lord Amalric of good memory, the Patriarch of Jerusalem,
in the presence of the archbishops, bishops, and other prelates
of the church.
Source:
William of Tyre, Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum,
XXI, 1-2, Patrologia Latina 201, 813-15, translated by
James Brundage, The Crusades: A Documentary History, (Milwaukee,
WI: Marquette University Press, 1962), 141-43
Copyright note: Professor Brundage informed the Medieval
Sourcebook that copyright was not renewed on this work. Moreover
he gave permission for use of his translations.
10. The Estrangement Between Raymond of Tripoli
and Baldwin IV
[Adapted from Brundage] The accession of the young leper king
to the Latin throne came at a time when Saladin was making his
successful bid to take over the lands formerly controlled by Nur
ad-Din. As Saladin tightened his hold upon a large, powerful Moslem
empire, the Latin states showed signs of an increasingly serious
internal cleavage.
Differences between two kinds of Western knights and settlers
in the East had frequently been noted by contemporary observers.
"Everyone who is a fresh emigrant from the Frankish lands,"
wrote a shrewd Syrian memoirist, "is ruder in character than
those who have become acclimatized and have held long association
with the Moslems ." [Usamh inb, Mundikh, trans Hitti, p.
163] This distinction between the Latins who had long been settled
in the East and their newly arrived compatriots permeated the
internal policies, the foreign policy, and the whole atmosphere
of the Latin states. These two divergent groups-called, for convenience,
the natives and the newcomers-were at odds with one another on
a host of important issues. The newcomer faction wanted land,
titles, and positions within the Kingdom for themselves. They
felt thwarted by the vested interests of the other party, whose
forefathers had come to the East with the armies of the First
Crusade or shortly thereafter and who had acquired a hold upon
the most desirable posts and lands of the Latin states. The newcomers,
too, frequently professed alarm at the degree to which the members
of the other faction bad adopted the native dress, customs, food,
and languages of the East-to say nothing of the scandalous (so
they seemed to new arrivals) dealings between the barons of the
Holy Land and the infidel Moslem rulers who were their neighbors.
Dissension between the native and newcomer factions was heightened
during the reign of Baldwin IV. As the young King was both a leper
and a minor, he must of necessity rule with the aid of a regent.
Furthermore, the powers of the regent must necessarily become
more important as the king's disease ran its inevitable course,
as Baldwin became progressively feebler, increasingly disabled
by the effects of his affliction. In this situation the newcomer
element saw a chance to advance its cause. Let one of their number
be named to the regency and the power of the native barons might
be crippled, perhaps broken completely.
During the opening years of the reign of Baldwin IV, however,
the regency was claimed by Count Raymond III of Tripoli, Baldwin's
closest male relative. Raymond was distinctly unacceptable to
the newcomers. To achieve their purposes, some means must be found
to dislodge him.
When Baldwin came officially of age in 1177, Raymond's influence
and that of the party he represented waned perceptibly, for Baldwin
IV was at first determined to rule in his own right. Then in 1180
Baldwin's widowed young sister, Sibylla, at the urging of her
mother, married Guy de Lusignan, a younger son of a prominent
French noble family. Guy was himself new to the East and be rapidly
became the accepted spokesman of the newcomer group in the politics
of the Holy Land . Members of the prominent newcomer families
flocked to the court of the Latin Kingdom and persuaded the King
in 1180 to break openly with Raymond of Tripoli.
Now while the Kingdom, as we have said, was enjoying a certain
tranquillity during the temporary peace which had been agreed
upon between Saladin and the King, there were some Sons of Belial
and foster sons of iniquity who had restless spirits. These men
caused disturbances in the Kingdom and plotted internal strife.
The Count of Tripoli had, for two years in a row, been kept in
Tripoli by various kinds of business and, delayed by this, he
had been unable to visit the Kingdom. It happened, however, that
because he was anxious about the city of Tiberias, which his wife
had inherited, he now planned to return to the Kingdom. When he
had arranged everything for the journey and had come as far as
Jubail, the aforesaid troublemakers got around the King's simplicity
with an evil suggestion: they persuaded him that the count wished
to enter the Kingdom for a sinister purpose - to arrange secretly
to overthrow the King. The too credulous King listened to their
persuasive words and sent a royal envoy to the count and, without
warning, flatly forbade him to enter the Kingdom.
When this happened, the Count, who had done nothing to deserve
such a reproof, was confused and filled with just indignation.
Unwillingly, he abandoned his plans and returned to Tripoli after
making many useless expenditures.
The aforesaid troublemakers intended that while the Count, who
was a vigilant man and circumspect in all things, was absent,
they would be able to deal with the royal business as they pleased
and they hoped to turn the King's infirmities to their own profit.
Among them was the King's mother-a woman hateful to God, a thoroughly
grasping woman-and also her brother, the King's seneschal, and
a few of their followers: impious men who shamelessly forced the
King to make this move.
When what had happened was later made known to the princes, the
more sensible ones were upset and were alarmed at heart, for they
feared that the Kingdom might later regret the loss of the patronage
of such a prince and that, according to the Lord's word, "being
divided against itself, it might not stand. " They were fearful
especially because the King, whose illness daily grew worse, was
becoming weaker and was less and less fit to handle the affairs
of the Kingdom. Indeed he was scarcely able to stand up and he
might collapse altogether.
The great men of the Kingdom saw the danger which was certain
to follow from the aforesaid incident. They set to work to try
to recall the Count and to appease his indignation. At
length, after many meetings and various proposals, the King unwillingly
allowed them to bring the Count into the Kingdom. That illustrious
man prudently overlooked the injuries which had been done to him
and peace was renewed between him and the King.
Source:
William of Tyre, Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum,
XXII, 9, Patrologia Latina 201, 856-57, translated by James
Brundage, The Crusades: A Documentary History, (Milwaukee,
WI: Marquette University Press, 1962), 144-45
Copyright note: Professor Brundage informed the Medieval
Sourcebook that copyright was not renewed on this work. Moreover
he gave permission for use of his translations.
11. Guy Lusignan Becomes Regent
[Adapted from Brundage] Internal quarrels within the Latin
states made it imperative for the Latin settlements in the East
to remain at peace with their Moslem neighbors. At the same time
the anarchy of the internal politics of the Latin states and the
lack of an effective organization for the implementation of policy
within the states made it most unlikely that peace could be long
preserved. The newcomer group for the most part favored war with
the Moslems. War against the infidel was necessary to achieve
the goals of the group. The terms of a treaty concluded in 1180
between Saladin and the Latins guaranteed free commercial communication
between Christian and Moslem territory. The passage of caravans
of Moslem merchants through Latin held country was a constant
invitation to lawless and irresponsible men, whom the government
of the Latin states could not easily check. Rich caravans owned
by infidel merchants passed constantly before the eyes of such
men in the Latin states and they well knew that the King and the
barons of the realm were unlikely to take serious reprisals against
a man who yielded to temptation and plundered a caravan. Although
such an action might bring with it the threat of war, still war
itself would bring opportunity as well as peril to those clever
enough to seize the main chance.
In the summer of 1181, Reginald of Chatillon, a handsome, reckless
member of the newcomer group, gave in to the lure of easy gain
and attacked a caravan en route from Damascus to Mecca. Saladin
complained to the Latin authorities of the violation of the treaty.
The prostrate Latin King could do nothing to secure redress. After
jailing fifteen hundred pilgrims at Damietta as hostages, Saladin
took to war.19 Saladin and his Egyptian forces eluded the army
of the Latin Kingdom by crossing the Sinai Desert to Damascus.
From there the Moslems invaded the Latin states in July 1182.
The campaign, however, was inconclusive. Both sides claimed victory
and retired to prepare for further combat. By 1182 Baldwin IV
bad fallen so grievously ill that to continue his personal direction
of affairs was impossible. A regency once more was necessary.
While the army was waiting in this state of suspense at the spring
of Saffuriyah the King was at Nazareth suffering from a high
fever. His leprosy, which he had had from the beginningof his
reign and, indeed, from early adolescence, had grown worse
than usual. He bad lost his sight and his extremities were covered with ulcerations so that he was unable to use either
his hands or his feet. Although some persons suggested to him
that he resign and provide a decent and tranquil life for himself
from his royal possessions, nevertheless up to this time he had
refused to Jay aside the royal dignity and the administration.
Although his body was feeble and impotent, his mind was still
strong and vigorous. In order to hide his illness and to carry
on the royal duties he had labored beyond his strength.
He was laid low, as I have said, by the fever and now be despaired
of his life. Now he summoned his princes to him and in the presence
of his mother and the lord patriarch he made Guy de Lusignan,
the Count of Jaffa and Ascalon, who was his sister's husband .
. . regent of the Kingdom. He reserved the royal title for himself
and kept only the city of Jerusalem and an annual income of ten
thousand gold pieces. He transferred to Guy the free and general
administration of the rest of the Kingdom and commanded his faithful
men and all of his princes at large to become Guy's vassals and
to swear fealty to him. This was done. It is said that, at the
King's command, Guy first swore that while the King lived he would
not transfer to another any of the castles possessed at present
by the King and that he would alienate nothing from the treasury.
It is believed that this was carefully and very diligently enjoined
on him and that he was obliged to take a solemn oath to observe
these stipulations faithfully in the presence of all the princes.
This was done because Guy had promised nearly every one of the
great princes no small part of the Kingdom in order to gain their
support and their votes for the position he sought. It is also
said that he bad taken a similar oath to the princes that he would
fulfill his promises. I cannot positively affirm this because
I do not have definite evidence. Frequent rumors to this effect,
however, were current among the people.
There were some, indeed, who were not much pleased by this change.
Some of these people were inclined to oppose it because of their
personal affairs and out of secret reasons. Others opposed it
on the grounds of public policy and because they were anxious
and disturbed over the state of the Kingdom. The latter group
asserted publicly that the aforesaid Count was not equal to the
burden of administration and that be was not qualified to conduct
the affairs of the Kingdom. There were others, however, who were
hopeful that his ascendancy would improve their own lot. These
asserted that it was well done. There were murmurs and many dissenting
voices among the people and, as it is proverbially said, "many
men have many minds."
The Count, however, did not rejoice very long in the post which
he had long desired and which had now been conferred upon him,
as will appear later. At first, indeed, he gloried in it rather
rashly.
I have said that the Count took this burden upon himself rashly,
for this reason: that he did not carefully appraise his own strength
in comparison to the obligation that he assumed. His strength
and his prudence were not equal to the intolerable burden which
he placed upon his shoulders He was not familiar enough with the
gospel saying in which it is suggested that the man who wishes
to build a tower should first sit down and count the cost to see
if he has sufficient strength to complete it, lest lie fail and
hear it said, "Here is a man who began to build and could
not finish his building."'
Source:
William of Tyre, Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum,
XXII, 25, Patrologia Latina 201, 879-80, translated by
James Brundage, The Crusades: A Documentary History, (Milwaukee,
WI: Marquette University Press, 1962), 146-48
Copyright note: Professor Brundage informed the Medieval
Sourcebook that copyright was not renewed on this work. Moreover
he gave permission for use of his translations.
12. Raymond II of Tripoli
Replaces Guy de Lusignan as Regent
[Adapted from Brundage] Under Guy's regency, the internal structure
of the Latin states deteriorated still further. This deterioration
was hastened and accentuated by further attacks upon the Kingdom
by Saladin in 1183. Under the pressure of the Moslem attacks and
the evident incompetence of Guy de Lusignan, the King and the
regent quarreled. The government again tottered on the brink of
the abyss and Raymond III was called in to replace Guy as regent.
Meanwhile the hatred which bad arisen between the King and the
Count of Jaffa [Guy de Kusigna, the husband of Baldwin IV's sister,
Sibylla] was increased for secret reasons and grew stronger every
day. The enmity which up to now [late 1183 or early 1184] had
been suppressed burst out and the King was openly trying to collect
reasons to procure a separation of his sister from her husband
and to break up their marriage. He publicly approached the Patriarch
for this purpose and asked that, since he was going to impugn
the marriage, the Patriarch set a day on which the annulment might
be solemnly proclaimed in his presence.
The Count was informed of these matters as he returned from campaign.
Re left the rest of the army and journied by the shortest route
to Ascalon. Meanwhile he sent a warning to his wife, who was then
staying in Jerusalem, that she should leave the city immediately
and journey to Ascalon before the King's return. The Count feared
that if the King got her in his power he would not allow her to
return again to her husband.
The King therefore sent an emissary to the Count to summon him
and to disclose to him the reasons for the summons. The Count,
however, refused the summons, gave reasons for his noncompliance,
and pretended that he was sick. When he bad been summoned many
times and had failed to appear, the King himself determined to
go to Ascalon to call the Count to justice by word of mouth. When
the King arrived there in company with some of his princes be
found that the gates of the city were barred against him. He knocked
on them with his hand three times and ordered that they be opened.
When he discovered that no one would obey his command, lie returned,
properly indignant. All the people of the city were looking on,
for when they beard of the King's arrival they had stationed themselves
on the walls and towers to see how the affair would end.
The King proceeded from Ascalon directly to Jaffa. A great many
of the leading citizens of both classes [i.e. nobility and bourgeoisie]
came out to meet him before be arrived at the city. They opened
the town to him and the King entered without my difficulty. There
he named a provost to take charge of the place and went on to
Acre. In that city he decided to "I a general council. When
the princes of the Kingdom assembled there on the appointed day
the Patriarch and both masters-that is, of the Templars and the
Hospitallers - having agreed on the matter, approached the King
and on bended knee began to intercede for the Count. They asked
that the disagreement be laid aside and that the King restore
him to favor. When they were not attended to at once, they retired
in a dudgeon, not only from the court, but even from the city.
A proposal was made in the presence of the assembled princes that
emissaries be sent to the ultramontaine kings and other princes
to invite them to come to the aid of the Kingdom and of Christianity.
This should have been dealt with first but, as we have said, the
Patriarch got the first word and made his speech first. Then,
as we have said before, he lost his temper and left Acre.
The count of Jaffa, when he learned that the King was not inclined
to make peace, acted worse than before. He took the forces which
he bad with him and set out for a fortress named Daron. He made
a surprise attack on the camp of some Arabs who had put up their
tents in that area in order to pasture their flocks. The Arabs
had done so with the King's permission and they were staying there
on his promise of security. The Count's attack took them unawares
and he drove off their flocks and slaves. After this he returned
to Ascalon.
When the King heard of this he once again summoned the princes
and delegated the care and general administration of the Kingdom
to the Count of Tripoli, since be had faith in his prudence and
generosity. When this was done it seemed to satisfy the wishes
of all the people and princes. It seemed to everyone that the
only way to safety was to place the affairs of the Kingdom in
the hands of the Count of Tripoli.
[Brundage adds]
Baldwin IV was fast failing and in March 1185 the twenty-four
year old monarch died. In accordance with the leper King's wishes,
the barons of the Latin Kingdom passed the crown to his nephew,
Baldwin V, an eight-year-old child. Raymond of Tripoli remained
in power as regent and quickly sought to negotiate a truce with
Saladin. The latter, immersed in his own quarrels within Egypt,
assented to the proposal.
Momentary equilibrium had been reached. The situation was quickly
unbalanced, however, by further developments within the Latin
states. In August 1186 Baldwin V died at Acre. While the regent,
Raymond, was absent, Baldwin IV's sister, Sibylla, the wife of
Guy de Lusignan, was proclaimed queen and, in short order, she
crowned her husband as king. This left the newcomer party in control
of the Kingdom and caused an irreparable rift within the Latin
ranks.
Raymond of Tripoli refused to recognize the new monarchs and
he was joined in his opposition by Bohemund III, the Prince of
Antioch, and a minority of the other long-standing members of
the Latin nobility. At this most unpropitious moment, the irresponsible
Reginald of Chatillon chose once again to break the truce between
the Latins and Saladin. As he had done five years earlier, be
now attacked another Moslem caravan on the road to Cairo. Saladin
demanded redress; Reginald refused; Guy, the Latin King, could
or would do nothing; and Saladin prepared again to attack.
Source:
William of Tyre, Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum,
XXIII, 1, Patrologia Latina 201, 890-92, translated by
James Brundage, The Crusades: A Documentary History, (Milwaukee,
WI: Marquette University Press, 1962), 148-50
Copyright note: Professor Brundage informed the Medieval
Sourcebook that copyright was not renewed on this work. Moreover
he gave permission for use of his translations.
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© Paul Halsall December 1997
halsall@murray.fordham.edu
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