BOOK VIII.
War with the Scyths (1091) : Victory at Levunium (29 April 1091)
: Plots against the Emperor
[194]
I THE Emperor was now informed that the Scythians had detached a division and sent it
against Choerobacchi, and that their approach was imminent. As he was a man swift to act
and ever proved himself ready in sudden crises-in spite of not having had a week's rest
yet in his palace nor even taken a bath, nor shaken off the dust of battle - he at once
assembled the troops appointed as garrison of the city and all the recruits there were,
about 500 in number, and after seeing to their equipment all through the night, he marched
out at dawn. On this occasion he made his expedition against the Scythians known, and to
all his connections by blood or marriage and to the men of superior fortune who had
enrolled themselves in the army (it was then Friday in Septuagesima week) he sent the
following orders by his messengers: " I for my part am leaving because I have heard
of the Scythians' rapid movement on Choerobacchi; you others, however, must march and join
us during Quinquagesima week. As I do not wish to appear severe and inconsiderate, I grant
you the days from this Septuagesima Friday to the Monday in Quinquagesima week as a short
breathing-space." Thereupon the Emperor marched straight to Choerobacchi, and on
entrance closed the gates, and took charge of the keys himself. Then he stationed all
those of his servants who were loyal on the battlements of the wall with strict
injunctions not to lie down, but to keep a tireless watch all round the walls to prevent
anybody's coming up there, stooping down and leaning over to communicate with the
Scythians. At sunrise the Scythians, as expected, occupied and took up their stand on the
ridge adjacent to the wall of Choerobacchi. About six thousand of them were afterwards set
apart and dispersed for foraging and went as far as Decatum itself which is only some ten
stades distant from the Queen of Cities ; it is from this fact, I imagine, that it got its
name. The [195] rest of the Scythians had remained where they were. The Emperor mounted by
the wall to the parapets and carefully inspected the plains and hills to see whether
perchance a second force was coming to join the Scythians, or whether they were meditating
the planting of ambuscades to impede anyone who might possibly have the intention of
attacking them. However, he noticed nothing of the kind but saw at the second hour of the
day that they were not prepared for battle but had turned their attention to food and
rest. He did not dare to engage them in a pitched battle, considering the large number
they were, but was indignant at the thought that they might ravage the whole district and
actually approach the very walls of the Queen of Cities, and that too when he had quitted
the city for the purpose of driving them out of the county. Consequently he assembled the
soldiers and wishing to test their feelings, said, "We must not let our courage flag
by contemplating the number of Scythians, but put our trust in God and go to battle with
them, and if only we are all of one mind, I am convinced we shall beat them utterly."
But they all refused absolutely and dissented from his proposal. Then he aroused greater
fear in them and awoke them to a sense of danger by saying: " If the foraging party
returns and rejoins those who are here, our peril is clear and manifest. For they will
either rush this fort and we shall be massacred, or maybe they will hold us of no account
and march up to the walls of the capital and prevent us from re-entering the Queen-City by
bivouacking before its gates. Consequently it behoves us to take the risk and not die like
cowards. So I shall go out at once and whoever likes can follow me for I will lead the way
and dash into the midst of the Scythians. As for you who cannot, or will not, do this, do
not venture even outside the gates." With these words he immediately put on his
armour and sallied out by the gate opposite the marsh. After skirting the walls and
turning aside a little, he mounted the ridge from the back. For he had realized that his
men would not follow him into a regular engagement with the Scythians. He was the first to
seize a spear and push his way into the middle of the Scythians, and then he struck down
the first man he encountered. And the soldiers, too, who were with him shewed themselves
no less keen fighters, and the result was that the greater number of Scythians were killed
and the rest taken prisoners. Then with his usual cunning he clothed his soldiers in the
Scythians' garments and bade them [196] mount the Scythian horses, whilst he entrusted
their own horses and standards, and the heads of the Scythians that had been cut off to a
few of the most reliable men and ordered them to get back inside the fort and await him.
When he had completed these arrangements he marched down with the Scythian standards and
his soldiers clad in the Scythians' dress to the river flowing past Choerobacchi, where he
judged that the Scythians would pass on their return from foraging. And the foragers
seeing the men standing there, and thinking they too were Scythians, lighted upon them
unguardedly and were cut to pieces or taken prisoners.
II When evening had fallen (it was a Saturday) he returned with his captives (to
Choerobacchi) and spent the next day quietly there. At daybreak on Monday he left the fort
and divided his men into two parties, in front he placed the men carrying the standards of
the Scythians, and behind them the Scythian captives each led by a countryman; the heads
which had been cut off he had stuck on spears and carried aloft by yet other countrymen,
and in this order he bade them journey. At a moderate distance behind these he followed
with his soldiers and the usual Roman standards. Now Palaeologus, who was ardent in
military enterprises, had started from Byzantium at dawn on Sexagesima Sunday before the
others. As he was aware of the Scythians' rapidity in movement, he was not free from
anxiety on his journey, so picked out a few of his accompanying retainers and ordered them
to run some distance ahead and inspect the plains, valley and roads, all round, and in
case any Scythians were to be seen, to return quickly and report to him. In this order
then they travelled; when the scouts saw in the plain called Dimylia the men dressed in
Scythian clothing, and the Scythian standards, they ran back and reported that the
Scythians were close at hand. Whereupon he immediately stood to arms. On the heels of the
first messenger came a second who affirmed that, at a good distance behind those who
looked like Scythians, the Roman standards and soldiers advancing at a double could be
seen. These newsbringers guessed a part of the truth indeed, but were also partly wrong.
For the army marching in the rear was certainly Roman both in appearance and in reality
and the Emperor was in command of it ; but the one in front equipped in Scythian fashion
were all members of the Roman army, but dressed in Scythian garments. In the first place,
the men dressed up in the way they were by the Emperor's command, [197] managed as
apparent Scythians utterly to deceive the real Scythians, as I have already described ;
and in the second place, the Emperor made use of this Scythian get-up to cheat and trick
our own men, in order that whoever met these our own soldiers first should be
horror-struck, and think they had fallen into the hands of Scythians. This would be a
soldier's joke quite free from danger, yet with a spice of fear in it; for before they
were seriously alarmed, they would be reassured by seeing the Emperor behind. In this way
the Emperor harmlessly scared those they met. All the men with Palaeologus were overcome
with fear at what they saw, but he himself of fax greater experience than they all, and
knowing too how fertile in devices Alexius was, immediately understood that this was such
a device, and therefore regained confidence himself, and urged the others to do so.
By this time, the whole crowd of his kinsmen and connections was rushing out from the
capital, for they were hurrying, as they thought, to overtake the Emperor according to
their agreement with him. For, as mentioned above, they agreed to meet him after
Sexagesima Sunday in Quinquagesima week. However they did not succeed in leaving the city
before the Emperor re-entered it in triumph. When they met him on arrival they would not
have believed that the Emperor alone had gained trophies and achieved a victory so
quickly, had they not seen the heads of the Scythians fixed on the spear-heads and many
others, who had escaped the sword, with their hands bound behind their backs, being
dragged and pushed along, one after the other, as prisoners. People were amazed at the
swiftness of the campaign; but I heard a little tale about George Palaeologus (told me by
some who were present), which was, that he complained bitterly and blamed himself for
having been too late for the battle and not having been with the Emperor who had reaped so
much glory by his unexpected victory over the barbarians. For he would have dearly liked
to have had a share in that meed of fame. But with regard to the Emperor one could say
that the words of the song in Deuteronomy were then visibly accomplished, namely, 'How
should one chase a thousand and two put ten thousand to flight?' For at that juncture the
Emperor faced the overwhelming mass of barbarians practically single-handed, and carried
through that whole weighty war successfully right up to victory. And were one to enquire
'Who or what were his companions?' and then compare the Emperor's stratagems and his [198]
versatility, combined with his valour and daring with the barbarians' numbers and
strength, he would only discover that the Emperor had achieved the victory alone.
III In such manner did God on that occasion grant the ruler an astounding victory. When
the Byzantines saw him enter the city, they shouted with joy for they were astonished at
the swiftness, the boldness and the cleverness of the undertaking and the immediate
victory, they sang paeans, they leapt, and praised God for having given them such a
saviour and benefactor. But Melissenus Nicephorus was annoyed at this and took it ill-such
is human nature-and said, " This victory is a fruitless joy to us and a harmless
grief to them." And indeed the Scythians, who were innumerable and dispersed all over
the West, continued to ravage all the provinces and none of the disasters that had
befallen them checked their unbridled audacity in the slightest. Now and again they would
even seize small towns in the West, nor did they spare the villages in the neighbourhood
of the Queen of Cities, for they even advanced to the one called Bathys Rhyax where stands
the sanctuary sacred to the memory of Theodore, greatest of all martyrs. Every day a good
many people used to go there to make intercession to the saint, and on Sundays the pious
journeyed to the shrine in crowds and spent all day and night there lodging round it, or
in the porch, or in the back chamber of the church. But the onward rush of the Scythians
prevailed to such an extent that the people who wanted to go to the martyr's church did
not even dare to open the gates of Byzantium because of the Scythians' frequent
incursions. These indeed were the troubles which beset the Emperor on land in the West,
and even at sea matters were far from calm for him, but on the contrary very disturbed as
Tzachas had acquired another fleet and was sacking the coast towns. For these reasons, the
Emperor was harassed and distressed, for he was beset by troubles on every side. And then
news was brought to him that Tzachas had now collected a larger fleet from the maritime
districts, and devastated the islands he had previously captured, and that he had further
begun to consider an attack on the western provinces, and was sending envoys to the
Scythians advising them to seize the Chersonese. The mercenary troops which had come to
the Emperor's aid from the East, I mean the Turks, not even these did Tzachas allow to
keep their treaty with the Emperor unbroken, but coaxed them with specious promises to
desert the Emperor, and come over to him, as [199] soon as he had seized the barley-crop.
The Emperor heard this and felt that his affairs on land and sea were in a very parlous
condition. And an exceptionally severe winter was blocking up all the roads to such a
degree that even the doors of houses could not be opened, because of the weight of snow
lying against them (it happened that there had been a very heavy fall, heavier than anyone
had ever seen before). Under these circumstances the Emperor did what he could by letters
to collect a mercenary army from all sides. But when the sun had reached the spring
solstice and the threatening war from the clouds had ceased, and the wrath of the sea was
abated, he decided, as his enemies were pressing him hard on either side, that the best
course would be to go down to the coast; there he could easily resist his seafaring
enemies, and at the same time conveniently fight against those who approached over land.
He immediately sent off the Caesar Melissenus Nicephorus with orders to occupy Enus
with all possible despatch. He had previously signified to him by letters to enlist as
many soldiers as possible, but not from the veterans (for those had already been
distributed throughout the towns in the West to act as garrisons in the more important
strongholds). He was partly to levy recruits from the Bulgarians and from the nomadic
tribes (called Vlachs in popular parlance) and for the rest whatever horse- or
foot-soldiers offered themselves from any country. He himself summoned from Nicomedia the
five hundred Franks whom the Count of Flanders had sent, and leaving Byzantium with his
kinsmen quickly reached Aenus. There he entered into a coracle, and was rowed past the
town whilst he investigated the general lie of the river and its bed on either side and,
when he had decided where it would be best to encamp his army, he returned. During the
night he assembled the officers and explained to them the nature of the river and of the
land on either side and said, " It would be well for you to cross to-morrow and
carefully inspect the whole plain. Andperhaps you will think the place which I will point
out to you not unsuitable for pitching our camp." As they all agreed to this he was
the first to cross the river at dawn, and then the whole army followed him. Then he
inspected the banks of the river again with the officers, and also the surrounding plain,
and shewed them the spot which pleased him. It was quite close to a small town, locally
called Choereni, whose one side was flanked by the river, and the other by a swamp. [200]
Since the unanimous verdict of the soldiers was that this place was sufficiently
protected, a trench was quickly dug and the whole army installed there. The Emperor
returned to Aenus with a goodly body of light-armed troops, in order to repel the attacks
of the Scythians who were advancing from that quarter.
IV When the troops entrenched at Choereni learnt of the advances of incredibly large
Scythian armies, they sent word of this to the Emperor who was still at Aenus. He at once
embarked in a coracle and sailing along the coast, entered the river at its mouth and
effected a junction with his entire army, As he saw that his own forces were infinitely
smaller than the Scythians he fell into great perplexity and fear, for as far as man could
see, he had no one to help him. Yet he did not give way or shew weakness but was lost in a
welter of reflections. Four days later he saw far off in quite a different direction an
army of the Comans approaching, about forty thousand strong. Accordingly he reflected that
if these made common cause with the Scythians, they would begin a terrible war against him
(from which no other result could be expected than utter destruction), so he judged it
wise to conciliate them; for it was he himself who had previously sent for them. Amongst a
crowd of other captains in the Coman army, Togortac, Maniac and a few very valiant men
stood out preeminent. The Emperor was afraid when he saw the multitude of approaching
Comans, for knowing of old their easily-led nature, he feared that his one-time allies
might become his foes and enemies, and inflict grievous harm on him. He thought it would
be safer to take away the whole army and recross the river, but before doing so he
determined to invite the chiefs of the Comans to a conference. They straightway came to
him, Maniac himself too, though later than the others as at first he demurred. So Alexius
ordered the cooks to spread a gorgeous banquet for them. When they had dined well he
received them very graciously and presented them with various gifts, and then, as he was
suspicious of their treacherous character, he asked them to give him an oath and hostages.
They fulfilled his demands readily, and requested to be allowed to fight with the
Patzinaks for three days; and if God should give them the victory they promised to divide
all the booty that accrued to them into two parts and assign one half to the Emperor. He
granted them permission to-pursue the Scythians, not only for three days, but for ten
whole days in whatever way [201] they liked, and gave them permission to keep the whole of
the booty they took from them, if within that time God granted them the victory. However
the Scythians and the Coman armies remained where they were for some time, while the Com
ans harassed the Scythian army by skirmishing. Before the expiration of three days Alexius
summoned Antiochus (he was one of the nobles who surpassed most in energy), and ordered
him to build a bridge. The bridge was quickly constructed by binding boats together with
very long planks, then he called for the Protostrator Michael Ducas, his brother-in-law,
and the Great Domestic Adrian, his brother, and commanded them to stand at the river's
edge, and not allow the infantry and cavalry to cross all together in a confused mass, but
first to separate the infantry from the cavalry, and also the baggage waggon and the
sumpter mules. When the infantry had crossed, through fear of the Scythian and Coman
troops and their sly attacks, he had trenches drawn with all speed and lodged all the
infantry within them; afterwards he ordered the horsemen to cross too, and he stood on the
river's brink and watched them cross. Meanwhile Melissenus, acting on the written
instructions he had previously received from the Emperor, collected forces from all sides;
he had also requisitioned foot-soldiers from the neighbourhood and when these had loaded
their own baggage and the necessary commisariat on ox-drawn wagons, he sent them off with
all speed to the Emperor. When they had come within range of the human eye, the majority
of those who saw them thought they were a detachment of Scythians advancing against the
Emperor. One man even had the audacity to point them out with his finger to the Emperor,
and insisted that they were Scythians. The latter believed what he said was true and was
greatly dismayed as he could not prevail against so many. So in this difficulty he sent
for Rodomerus (he was a noble of Bulgarian descent and related to the Empress, our mother,
on his mother's side), and bade him go and spy out these newcomers. He quickly
accomplished the Emperor's bidding, and returning told him they were men sent by
Melissenus. Hereat the Emperor was overjoyed, and when they arrived shortly afterwards, he
crossed the river with them, had the newly made camp slightly enlarged and then united
these men to the rest of the army. The Comans at once took possession of the camp from
which the Emperor had moved to cross the river with his whole army, and took up their
position near there. On [202] the following day the Emperor moved again intending to seize
the ford lower down the river locally called Philocalus; but as he met a large body of
Scythians he promptly attacked them, and a vigorous engagement ensued. Many were killed on
either side during the fight, yet the Emperor gained the victory, and thoroughly worsted
the Scythians. After the battle was concluded in this way, and the armies had retired to
their respective encampments, the Roman army remained near the spot for the whole of the
night. At sunrise on the morrow they moved on and occupied a place called Lebunium, which
is a hill dominating a plain; up this hill the Emperor marched. But as there was not
sufficient room on the hill itself for the whole of the army, he had a trench made at its
foot and a camp, capable of containing the entire army, and lodged them there. At this
moment the deserter Neantzes with a few Scythians approached the Emperor again; when the
Emperor saw him he reproached him with his former ingratitude and several other misdeeds,
and had him and his companions arrested and cast into irons.
V So much then for the Emperor's doings. The Scythians, on their side, kept still in
their position on the banks of the stream called 'Mavropotamos' and made secret overtures
to the Comans, inviting their alliance; they likewise did not cease sending envoys to the
Emperor to treat about peace. The latter had a fair idea of their double-dealings so gave
them appropriate answers, as he wished to keep them in suspense until the arrival of the
mercenary army which he expected from Rome. And as the Comans only received dubious
promises from the Patzinaks, they did not at all go over to them, but sent the following
communication to the Emperor in the evening: "For how long are we to postpone the
battle? know therefore that we shall not wait any longer, but at sunrise we shall eat the
flesh either of wolf or of lamb." On hearing this the Emperor realized the keen
spirit of the Comans, and was no longer for delaying the fight. He felt that the next day
would be the solemn crisis of the war, and therefore promised the Comans to do battle with
the Scythians on the morrow, and then he straightway summoned the generals and '
pentecontarchs ' and other officers and bade them proclaim throughout the whole camp that
the battle was reserved for the morrow. But in spite of all these preparations, he still
dreaded the countless hosts of Patzinaks and Comans, fearing the two armies might
coalesce.
Whilst the Emperor was busy with these reflections, [203] a band of hardy and
war-loving mountaineers, numbering about 5,000 in all, deserted to the Emperor and offered
him their services. Since the moment of battle could now no longer be postponed, the
Emperor invoked the aid of God. At sunset he led the intercessory prayers for help to God,
and conducted a brilliant torch-light procession, and sang appropriate hymns. Nor did he
allow the army to sleep in peace, for he suggested to the more intelligent individuals
that they should follow his example whereas he imposed it as an order upon the more
clownish. And thus at that hour you could have seen the sun setting on the horizon, but
the whole sky lit up, not as it were with the light of one sun, but as if ever so many
more heavenly bodies were contributing their light. For one and all fixed lighted lamps or
wax candles, whichever they had, to the tips of their spears. And verily the cries which
were sent up by this army must have reached the orb of heaven, I think, or to speak quite
truly, they were carried to the ears of our Lord God Himself. From this circumstance, I
fancy, one can deduce the Emperor's piety seeing that he thought it wrong to attack an
enemy without asking God's help. For he did not place his confidence in men or horses, or
military engines, but entrusted all to the Divine decision. These intercessions were
continued till midnight; after which he allowed himself a little bodily rest and then
leapt up from sleep. The light-troops he armed more strongly than usual, and some of them
he supplied with cuirasses and helmets of silken material of an iron-colour, as he had not
a sufficient supply of iron for all. At the first smile of dawn he same out of the gully
in heavy armour, and bade them sound the attack. And beneath the hill called Lebunium
(this place is . . . ) he split up the army and drew up the infantry in troops. The
Emperor himself stood in the fore-front breathing fierce wrath, whilst the right and left
wings were commanded by George Palaeologus and Constantine Dalassenus respectively. On the
extreme right of the Comans stood Monastras with his men under arms. For directly they saw
the Emperor drawing up his lines they too armed themselves and arranged their line of
battle in their own fashion; to the left of them stood Uzas, and looking towards the west
was Hubertopulos with the Franks. When the Emperor had thus fortified the army, so to
speak, with the heavy-armed troops and encircled it with squadrons of horse, he ordered
the trumpets to sound the attack again. The Romans in their dread of the countless [204]
Scythians and their horrible covered wagons which they used as walls, sent up one cry for
mercy to the Lord of All and then, letting their steeds go, dashed at full speed into
battle with the Scythians, the Emperor galloping in front of them all. The Roman line was
crescent-shaped and at the same instant as if at a signal the whole army of the Comans
rushed forward too, so a distinguished chieftain of the Scythians, foreseeing the issue of
events, secured his safety in advance, and taking a few men with him went over to the
Comans as they spoke the same language. For although these too were fighting fiercely
against the Scythians, yet he felt more confidence in them than in the Romans, and
approached them in the hope that they would act as mediators for him with the Emperor. The
Emperor noticed his secession and grew alarmed lest more should go over and persuade the
Comans to make common cause with the Scythians, and to turn their horses as well as their
feelings against the Roman army. Consequently, as he was quick in perceiving what was
expedient at a critical moment, he ordered the royal standard-bearer to carry the standard
and post himself close to the Coman camp. By this time the Scythian array had been
completely broken, and the two armies met in hand to hand fight, and then such slaughter
of men was seen as nobody had ever witnessed before. For the Scythians were being terribly
massacred as if abandoned by the Divine Power, and their opponents who cut them down grew
weary of the incessant, heavy mowing with their swords, and were growing faint and
relaxing the pursuit. Then the Emperor rode right in among the foe, and confounded all the
ranks striking down those who stood in his way, and even overaweing those further off by
his shouting. When he saw that the sun was casting its rays vertically as it was about
noon, he provided for his troops as follows. He sent for some men, and dispatched them to
tell the countrymen to fill their waterskins with water, lade them on their own mules and
drive them along to him. When neighbours and friends saw the countrymen doing this they,
too, without receiving orders, did the same, and one with a pitcher, another with a skin,
and another with whatever vessel he could lay hands on, brought water to refresh the
soldiers who were delivering them from the dread hand of the Scythians; and the soldiers
after drinking a little water resumed the battle. That day a new spectacle was seen, for a
whole nation, not of ten thousand men only, but surpassing all number together with their
wives and children was [205] completely wiped out. It was the third day of the week, the
twenty-ninth of April; hence the Byzantines made a little burlesque song, " just by
one day the Scythians missed seeing the month of May." By the time that the sun was
creeping to the West, and practically all the Scythians had fallen to the sword, and I
repeat the children and the women too, and many also had been taken alive, the Emperor
bade them sound the recall, and returned to his camp.
These doings might well seem a miracle, especially to a mind that reflected bow not so
long ago the men who left Byzantium to fight the Scythians brought ropes and straps with
which to bind the captive Scythians they meant to lead home, and then the tables were
turned and they themselves became the prisoners and captives of the Scythians -this took
place when we fought the Scythians near Dristra; on that occasion God broke the insolent
spirit of the Romans. But later on, at the time I am now relating, when He saw them full
of fear and devoid of all saving hope, as not being strong enough to prevail against such
multitudes, He unexpectedly granted them victory, so that they bound and slew and captured
the Scythians, and not only this (for such things often happen even in minor battles) but
in one single day they wiped off the face of the earth a whole nation of myriads of men.
VI After the Coman and Roman troops had returned to their respective quarters, and in
the early evening the Emperor was thinking of supper, the man called Synesius came in very
angry and said to the Emperor : " What is this nonsense ? and what is this new
arrangement ? Each soldier has thirty or more Scythian prisoners. The Comans in their
masses axe quite close to us. Now if our soldiers fall asleep as most certainly they
should do, dog-tired as they are, and the Scytbians set each other free, take their
daggers and kill them, what then? So give orders for most of them to be put to death at
once!" But the Emperor gave him a severe look and replied, "Even though
Scythians, yet they are men; and even though our foes, yet worthy of pity. And I really do
not know what you are thinking about to talk such nonsense."On the other's insisting
he dismissed him angrily. Then he had a proclamation made to the army that all arms should
be taken from the Scythians and deposited in one place, and that the soldiers should
carefully guard their prisoners. After issuing these orders, he spent the rest of the
night free from anxiety. But during the middle watch of [206] the night, either by Divine
guidance, or for some other unknown reason, certain it is that as if by one accord the
soldiers killed nearly all of them. When the Emperor was told this in the early morning he
at once suspected Synesius, and therefore had him called directly. After blaming him
severely, he threatened him saying, " This is your work." In spite of the
other's protestations that he knew nothing about it, he ordered him to be arrested and
kept in chains, saying, " Thus you will learn what an evil mere chains are, and not
to make decisions of this kind against men again." Perhaps he would have had him
scourged too, had not the highest noblemen, the relations and connections of the Emperor,
united in appealing to him on behalf of Synesius.
Most of the Comans were afraid that the Emperor was meditating some dreadful stroke
against them by night, because they had taken all the booty, so they went away by night,
taking the road leading to the Danube. To escape from the stench of the corpses, the
Emperor marched away from his camp at daybreak, and reached another called 'Kala Dendra'
about eighteen stades distant from Chcereni. On the march thither Melissenus met him. He
had been unable to come in time for the battle, as he had been busy preparing that crowd
of recruits to send to the Emperor. They naturally embraced and congratulated each other,
and for the rest of the journey spoke about the events connected with the defeat of the
Scythians. On arrival at Kala Dendra, the Emperor heard of the Comans' flight: thereupon
he had all the goods which he had assigned to them according to their agreement loaded on
mules, and sent them off after them, bidding the drivers make all speed to overtake them
even beyond the Danube, if they could, and hand over to them what he sent. For throughout
his lif e he considered it a sin not only to tell a falsehood, but even to appear to have
done so, and he frequently would discourse at length to all about falseness. This is
sufficient about the fugitives; as for all the other Comans who followed him, he saw to it
that they feasted royally for the rest of the day. He judged it wiser not to give these
soldiers the reward due to them on that day, but to let them first sleep off the effects
of the wine they had drunk, so that when they had regained their clarity of mind, they
would appreciate the gift. On the following day he assembled them all and gave them not
only as much as he had promised beforehand, but a great deal more. Now when he wanted to
dismiss them to [207] their homes he reflected that they might wander about and turn to
plundering on their way and inflict no little harm on the country-towns along the road, so
he took hostages from them. They in their turn requested him to give them safe conduct, so
he gave them Joannaces (a man of exceptional bravery and prudence) and entrusted him with
the care and safe conveyance of the Comans as far as the Zygum.
Thus the Emperor's affairs prospered, thanks entirely to Divine providence. After he
had fully settled everything he return ed to Byzantium as a ' conquering hero ' in the
course of the month of May.
I must now conclude my narrative of the Scythian wars although I have only related a
few incidents out of a great number, and have only touched the Adriatic sea with the tip
of my finger. But as for the Emperor's brilliant victories, the various defeats he
inflicted on his enemies, his individual acts of bravery, the intervening events, and how
he adapted himself to all circumstances, and by divers expedients resolved the
difficulties that befell him-to relate all this explicitly not even a second Demosthenes
would have had the power, nor the whole band of orators, nor even the whole Academy if it
combined with the Stoa to celebrate the exploits of Alexius as a subject of prime
importance.
VII Only a few days had elapsed since the Emperor's return to the palace when Ariebes
the Armenian and the Frank Hubertopoulos (two noblemen and devotees of Mars) were detected
in a plot against the Emperor, in which they had involved a fair number of others.
Witnesses came forward and the truth was openly stated. When the conspirators stood
condemned, they were punished by confiscation of their property and banishment, as the
Emperor remitted the penalty of death, which was prescribed by law.
The Emperor now heard a rumour of an invasion by the Comans, and learnt from another
quarter that Bodinus and his Dalmatians had broken the truce and were contemplating an
incursion into our territory; he was divided in mind as to which adversary he should turn
his attention first. He decided to proceed against the Dalmatians first, and to anticipate
them in occupying, and, as far as practicable, in protecting the valleys lying between
their confines and our own. Accordingly he convoked his council and imparted his ideas to
them, and as they all approved he left the capital for the purpose of taking charge of
affairs in the West. He soon reached Philippopolis where letters were handed to him from
the [208] archbishop of Bulgaria, who wrote about the Duke of Dyrrachium, John, the
Sebastocrator's son, as he felt convinced the latter was hatching rebellion. For a whole
day and night the Emperor was sunk in despondency, at one minute wanting to adjourn the
investigation of the matter because of John's father, at another fearing lest report spoke
true and that, as John was still a stripling, and at an age when he knew impulses are
uncontrolled, he might start a rebellion and become the source of intolerable grief both
to his father and uncle. Finally, he concluded that he must in some way contrive to
frustrate his design. For he was exceedingly attached to the young man. He accordingly
summoned the man who was then Aeteriarch [*=(or "Heteriarch" = the captain of
the foreign guild) Argyrus Caratzas, who, though a Scythian, combined great prudence with
a love of virtue and truth, and handed him two letters. The one addressed to John was
conceived in the following terms: "Our Majesty being informed of the descent of the
barbarians against us through the mountain passes, has travelled hither from the city of
Constantine to secure the frontiers of the Roman Empire. Hence we naturally desire your
presence that we may give you instructions with regard to the realm over which you rule.
(I am also somewhat suspicious of Bolcanus, for he may be hatching some treacherous scheme
against us.) Further, we wish you to give us a report on the state of Dalmatia and also to
certify whether Bolcanus has observed the terms of the truce (for most unsatisfactory
rumours about him are brought to us daily). We shall be better able to resist his
machinations after we have received reliable information from you; then we intend to send
you to Illyria after giving you the necessary directions in order that by attacking the
enemy on both sides we may, with God's help, gain the victory." This was the tenor of
his letter to John. The other addressed to the leading men in Dyrrachium, ran as follows :
" As we were informed that Bolcanus was once again meditating treachery against us,
we have issued from Byzantium partly to ensure the safety of the valleys, which lie in the
debatable land between our country and the Dalmatians, and partly too to sift this matter
of Bolcanus and the Dalmatians to the bottom. For this purpose we deemed it wise to summon
hither your Duke, Our Majesty's dearly beloved nephew, and in his place we send the man
who will hand you this letter, and whom we have created Duke. Therefore do ye receive him
and yield him[209] obedience in whatsoever he may command." When he handed these
letter to Caratzas he enjoined him to deliver the one to John first. Then if John
willingly obeyed the orders in it, be should send him forth in peace, and undertake the
government of the district himself until such time as John returned. But if John proved
recalcitrant or refused to obey, he was to assemble the leading men of Dyrrachium and read
them the second letter with the object of gaining their help in arresting John.
VIII Directly the Sebastocrator who was in Constanti nople got ear of this, he started
off in great haste and reached Philippopolis in two days and nights. The Emperor was
asleep so he crept noiselessly into the imperial tent and signifying with his hand to the
attendants to keep quiet, he lay down on the second bed in his brother's tent, and fell
asleep himself. When the Emperor woke up and quite unexpectedly beheld his brother, he
kept quiet for some time and bade the persons present do the same. When in his turn the
Sebasto crator awoke and saw his brother, the Emperor, awake, and the latter saw him, they
arose and embraced each other. Afterwards the Emperor began to enquire what had brought
him and why in the world he had come. To this the other replied, "For your
sake," and the Emperor retorted, "You have tired yourself in vain by journeying
such a distance so quickly."To this the Sebastocrator did not reply at the time, for
he was lost in conjectures about the news which would be brought him by the messenger he
had sent on ahead to Dyrrachium. For the instant the rumours about his son had come to his
ears, he scribbled two words to him, and ordered him to resort to the Emperor with all
speed. He told him too that he himself was leaving Byzantium and hurrying to Philippopolis
for the express purpose of confuting the statements made to the Emperor about him by
putting before his brother, the Emperor, all likely considerations ; and concluded by
saying he would await his arrival there. The Sebastocrator took leave of the Emperor and
went to the tent assigned to him. And almost immediately the letter-carrier he had sent to
John came running in saying he had returned and John was on the way. By this news the
Sebastocrator was relieved of his suspicions and regained his former confidence, but was
filled with anger against the persons who had been the first to denounce his son. Thus
disturbed in mind he went to the Emperor and the latter looked at him and at once guessed
the reason of his disturbance, yet asked him [210] how he felt. And his brother answered,
"Badly, and that because of you." For he had not learnt entirely to control his
anger when it howled around his heart, and was easily upset sometimes by a mere word. And
he added a further remark saying, "I am not so much incensed against your Majesty as
against this man " (pointing to Adrian) "who spreads calumnies." To these
words that gentle, sweet-tempered Emperor made no answer at all, for he knew how to
assuage his brother's boiling rage.
So they both sat down together with the Cxsar Melissenus Nicephorus and a few more of
their relations and talked privately to one another concerning the rumours current about
John. But when the Sebastocrator observed that Melissenus and his own brother Adrian were
indirectly calumniating his son, he was unable to restrain his wrath which was bubbling up
again, and darting a fierce look at Adrian he threatened to pull off his beard and to
teach him not to try to rob the Emperor of his relations by openly telling lies about
them.
Upon this John arrived and was immediately conducted into the imperial tent and heard
all the accusations made against him. However, he was not exactly subjected to a
cross-examination, but the defendant stood at liberty while the Emperor said to him,
" Out of consideration for your father who is also my brother, I cannot bear even to
hear mentioned the accusations levelled against you. So go and be free from care as you
were before." All this was said inside the imperial tent, with no stranger present,
only a few relations. Thus the whole affair which had either been falsely reported or
perhaps really planned was hushed up. The Emperor then summoned his own brother, I mean
the Sebastocrator Isaac, and his son John, and after a long conversation with them,
concluded by saying to the Sebastocrator, "You go back in peace to the capital to
give our mother all the news. As for him," he said, pointing to John, "I am
sending him back again to Dyrrachium, as you see, to give his careful attention to the
administration of his province." In this manner they parted, and the next day the one
took the road to Byzantium and the other was sent to Dyrrachium.
IX Up to this time the imperial throne was by no means safe. When Theodore Gabras was
living in Constantinople, the Emperor who had remarked his violent and energetic nature,
wished to remove him from the city and therefore [211] appointed him Duke of
Trapezus,[*=Trebizond]. a town he had some time ago recaptured from the Turks. This man
had come originally from Chaldaea and the upper parts, and gained glory as a soldier, for
he surpassed others in wisdom and courage, and had practically never failed in any work he
took in hand, but invariably got the better of his enemies; and finally after he had
captured Trapezus and allotted it to himself, as if it were his special portion, he was
irresistible. This man's son, Gregory, the Sebastocrator, Isaac Comnenus, affianced to one
of his daughters, but as both the children were under marriageable age, matters only
proceeded as far as a betrothal. After handing over his son Gregory to the Sebastocrator
on condition that, when the children reached the legal age, the marriage should be
celebrated, Gabras took leave of the Emperor and returned to his own country. Shortly
afterwards his wife paid the debt we all must pay, and he took to himself a second wife, a
highborn woman of the Alani. Now it happened that the Sebastocrator's wife and the wife
Gabras married, were the daughters of two sisters; when this became known, the betrothal
of the two children was broken off as their marriage was forbidden both by the civil and
the ecclesiastical laws. The Emperor, however, who knew the kind of soldier Gabras was,
and the amount of disturbance he would be capable of creating, did not wish Gabras' son
Gregory to return to his father when the betrothal was broken off, but desired to retain
him in the capital for two reasons. The one was to hold him as a sort of hostage, and the
second was to win Gabras' affection; with the idea that if the latter had been meditating
any evil deed, he would now abstain. He intended to marry Gregory to one of my sisters ;
and for this reason kept postponing the boy's departure. But Gabras came up to the capital
again, and as he had no inkling of the Emperor's intentions, he was planning to take his
son back with him secretly. In the meantime he kept silent about his plans, although the
Emperor did hint at and indirectly signify to him what he had in mind. But Gabras perhaps
did not understand or owing to the late rupture of the other engagement he did not care ;
however it was, he asked the Emperor that his son should be allowed to return with him,
and this demand the Emperor refused. Then Gabras pretended to be quite willing to let him
stay and to leave all plans for the boy to the Emperor. After he had bidden the Emperor
farewell, and was on the point of departure [212] from Byzantium, he was hospitably
entertained by the Sebastocrator close to the chapel built to the memory of the great
martyr Phocas, in the very pretty suburb situated on the Propontis - this was because of
their close connexion through marriage and their resultant intimacy. After a very lavish
banquet there, the Sebastocrator returned to Byzantium and Gabras begged to be allowed to
keep his son with him for the next day at least, and to this the other assented willingly.
But when the next day came, and Gabras (whom I have mentioned so often) ought to have
separated from his son, he asked the tutors to accompany him as far as Sosthenium, where
he intended to pitch his camp. They agreed and went on with him; but when the time came
for moving on from there he again asked the tutors the same thing, whether his son could
not accompany him as far as Pharus; but they refused. Then he pleaded a father's
affection, and his long absence, and by a string of similar pleas, he overcame their
resolutions, and they let themselves be over-persuaded and accompanied him. When he
reached Pharus, he revealed his hidden intention, for he seized the boy, embarked him on a
merchant-vessel and entrusted himself and his son to the waves of the Euxine. On receipt
of this news the Emperor sent off swift ships after him with all possible expedition, and
commanded the captains to hand Gabras the letters he gave them for him and to bring back
the boy without loss of time with his father's consent, or if he refused, to inform him
that the Emperor would thenceforth count him as an enemy. They departed and overtook
Gabras beyond the town of Aeginus, near a town locally called Carambis. They handed him
the Emperor's letter in which the Emperor stated that he hoped to marry the boy to one of
my sisters, and after a long talk with him, they persuaded him to send his son back. On
his return the Emperor only ratified the marriage-contract by the usual legal formalities
and gave him into the charge of one of the Empress' attendants, the eunuch Michael, and as
the lad lived in the palace he bestowed a great deal of care on him, tried to amend his
manners and had him thoroughly trained in all military exercises. But like most young men,
he did not relish having to obey, and was vexed at not being treated, as he thought, with
sufficient respect. In addition to this he disliked his tutor and began to consider how he
could escape to his own father, when he ought rather to have been grateful for all the
attention bestowed on him. He did not stop at merely [213] meditating flight, but tried to
put it into execution. Consequently he revealed his secret to a few; these were George,
the son of Decanus, Eustathius Camytzes and the cupbearer Michael, generally called
'Pincema' by the imperial household. These were all warriors and among the Emperor's close
intimates, one of them, Michael, went to the Emperor and acquainted him with the whole
matter; but the latter could not believe it and refused to listen.
When (Gregory) Gabras began to insist and wanted to hurry on his flight, those loyal to
the Emperor said "Unless you will guarantee your plot to us by an oath, we will not
accompany you." As he assented to this, they showed him where the sacred " nail
" was kept with which the lawless soldiers pierced my Saviour's side, and advised him
to steal it and bring it out so that he could swear by Him who was pierced by it. Gabras
listened to this advice, entered (the church) and secretly abstracted the sacred nail.
Then one of the men who had already notified the Emperor of the conspiracy, came running
in and said, "Look, here is Gabras, and the sacred nail is in his bosom."
Thereupon Gabras was immediately brought in at the Emperor's bidding, and the nail was
taken out of his bosom. On being questioned he admitted everything without hesitation,
also revealed the names of his fellow-conspirators and the whole scheme. The Emperor found
him guilty and sent him to the Duke of Philippopolis, George Mesopotamites, to keep him
prisoner in the citadel. George, the son of Decanus, he dispatched with letters to Leo
Nicerita who was at that time Duke of the districts round the Danube, ostensibly to help
him in guarding the district, but really for Nicerita to keep him prisoner there. As for
Eustathius, son of Camytzes, and the rest, he banished and imprisoned them.
